Academic literature on the topic 'Protest movements – Russia (Federation)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Protest movements – Russia (Federation)"
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Ignatovskiy, Yaroslav R., Dmitriy G. Mikhailichenko, Vladimir G. Ivanov, Nikolai A. Evdokimov, and Maria A. Pushkina. "Protestnyye nastroyeniya v Rossii na fone Yevropeyskikh gosudarstv: analiz keysov 2017-2019 godov." Przegląd Europejski, Tom 1 (March 30, 2020): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.31971/1641-2478pe.1.20.12.
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The last two years of development of the Russian political system were characterised by the protest mood increasing. Social discontent and various forms of political protest have become a noticeable element of social and political life. It is symptomatic that the protest mood develops during electoral campaigns (that predetermined the victory of the opposition in the elections in a number of regions), and also as a result of development and implementation of the current governmental processes. Considering that elections have been held in the majority of Russian regions during 2017-2019, the attention to the protest movement from various political actors will increase. The authors analyze the forms, main actors and technologies of protests, worked out their typology based on case studies. The current protest mood in Russia is compared with the situation in several EU countries (primarily in France, as well as in Portugal, Poland, Serbia and Greece). In conclusion of the article will be presented the forecasts of the socio-political situation development in the Russian Federation.
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Sokolov, Aleksandr, and Asya Palagicheva. "FEATURES OF POLITICAL MOBILIZATION OF CITIZENS IN PROTEST IN MODERN RUSSIA." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 2 (2021): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-2-82-95.
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The article deals with the concept of political demobilization of citizens. The weakening of citizen participation in protests is regulated through political demobilization, which divides and reduces the ability of social movements to develop. The processes of demobilization in modern Russia are most clearly reflected in the conflict between the participants of collective actions and the authorities. The applied mechanisms of demobilization have an impact on the political behavior of citizens, the development of civil activity in general, as well as on the further interaction between the government and society.Based on the data of an empirical study conducted by a survey of experts in the subjects of the Russian Federation in the period from 2014-2020, as well as the analysis of a number of protest campaigns by the case study method, the impact of demobilization measures on civil activity, the system of interaction between the authorities and society, and the reaction of citizens to the demobilization actions of the authorities is revealed.The increase in mobilization processes in 2020 indicates the existing imbalance in public relations. The increased intensity of the implementation of measures to counter protest activity leads to radicalization of online activity, the growth of apathy and social tension offline.
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Antoshin, V. A., A. V. Antoshin, and K. I. Kolesnikova. "Protest potential and protest activity of modern Russian youth: value dominants, dynamics and trends." Alma mater. Vestnik Vysshey Shkoly, no. 12 (December 2021): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/am.12-21.093.
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This study analyzed the phenomenon of youth protest activity in modern Russia. The purpose of the work is to identify the specifics of the formation and development of the phenomenon of youth protest in the Russian Federation. Currently, there is an increase in social tension among young people, which is due to a large number of phenomena and factors. By analyzing the cases of protest activity in the Russian Federation over the past 10 years, their causes, mechanisms of organization, actors, stages, resources, and results have been identified in the dynamics. Based on the analysis of the results of sociological studies of protest activity of modern Russian youth and cases of protest activity, the article analyzes value orientations, dynamics and trends in the development of this phenomenon, presents concepts containing an analysis of the specifics of social protest, considers factors associated with the strengthening of various effects of the influence of digital communications on the political interaction of citizens and processes associated with the complexity of the nature and structure of political communication. Two structural levels of the system of social factors of protest behavior are identified: individual protest behavior and protest social movement, the most significant factors of protest social activity of young people are characterized. Based on the analysis of the results of a number of sociological studies devoted to the study of the role of digital communications on the protest social activity of Russian youth, it is concluded that the influence of digital networks on the political activity of citizens is increasing, while at present there is not a decrease in the civic activity of young people, but a change in the models of their participation in political events.
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Makarenko, Kirill. "Online and Offline Protest Discourse in Modern Russia." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2022): 225–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.1.19.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of the formation and spread of protest discourse in new practices of protest behavior. Online rallies, which appeared in 2020 in the public space of Russia, remained an unobtrusive practice, despite their potential applicability within the framework of a single logic of “competitive politics”. Methods and materials. The research methodology is based on the theory of “relative deprivation” (T. Garr), “competitive politics” (C. Tilly) and the theory of “network society” (M. Castells). As specific research methods, the author used a selective analysis of cases of protests in the period 2018–2021 (42 actions in 26 regions of the Russian Federation), as well as discourse analysis, which made it possible to determine the topic of protest actions. Analysis. The political discourse of protest is a communicative space for the construction of common symbols and identity of the movement. The formation of discourse takes place in the online space, which is due to the development and simplicity of communication between individuals. Results. On the basis of the analysis, some conclusions were drawn about the specifics of the formation of protest discourse in the online environment: 1. Discourse is formed in open online platforms, such as groups in VKontakte, Telegram chats or Internet forums; 2. Protest communities are engaged in information and mobilization functions regardless of the number of participants (at the same time, the effectiveness of audience engagement and, as a result, feedback will differ significantly); 3. The main topic of protest actions is represented by opportunistic problems of a civil nature, where there is an immanent opportunity for the transformation of discourse into a political (anti-political) one; 4. The most popular (the number of likes and comments) are posts in groups on social networks containing a direct call to participate in rallies, as well as short emotional slogans and memes.
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Agapov, Pavel, and Vera Smyslova. "Prosecutor's Supervision over Law Enforcement in Countering Extremism in the Conditions of Radicalization and Growth of the Protest Activity of Population: Issues of Theory and Practice." Russian Journal of Criminology 14, no. 6 (December 30, 2020): 855–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2020.14(6).855-871.
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In spite of the undertaken legislative, organizational, law enforcement and preventive measures, the Russian Federation witnesses a trend towards an increase in extremism crimes. The key methods of destabilizing the socio-political and socio-economic situation in Russia include the dissemination of political, religious, nationalistic ideas that acquire the features of extremist ideology and provoke certain groups of citizens to forcible counteraction to the state; they also provoke the escalation of internal and external extremism threats from «pro-western political forces». It is stated that the most urgent problems currently include radicalization, and the involvement of underage children and young people into protest and extremism activities. The authors use the results of a survey of prosecution bodies’ employees in their analysis of the causes and conditions of the radicalization of Russian young people as well as the assessment of the effectiveness of the work of state bodies to counteract the activities of radical unions and groups using religious and extremist ideology. The authors present a brief analysis of the causes of radicalization, protest activities and manifestations of extremism among young people taking Southern and North Caucasian Federal Districts of the Russian Federation as examples. Using the conducted analysis of the condition of law and order and the practice of law enforcement in the sphere of counteracting extremism, the authors conclude that law enforcers make a number of mistakes in the application of criminal law norms with administrative prejudice (Art. 212.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation), in the interpretation of the concept of «social group» when qualifying crimes of extremism, in the legal assessment of the activities of sub-culture (mainly, youth) movements and unions when prosecutors exercise their right to petition courts with administrative claims to recognize information materials as forbidden for dissemination on the territory of the Russian Federation, as well as on recognizing unions as extremist and banning their activities. In this connection, the authors draw attention to the necessity of changing approaches to the organization of procuratorial supervision over the enforcement of laws on counteracting extremism in the conditions of radicalization and a growing protect activity of the population, they point out deficiencies in the conducted work, and present a number of specific measures aimed at improving the effectiveness of procuratorial supervision in the sphere of counteracting extremism in the conditions of radicalization and a growing protest activity of the population.
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Ross, Wiktor. "Instytucja prezydenta w systemie politycznym Federacji Rosyjskiej." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 1, 2011): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.3.
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This article presents the course that passed the political system of USSR going from the old soviet structure to the modern form of the state. Total economic and political crisis forced the last General Secretary of the Communist Party Mikhail Gorbatchev to seek the new political institutions and were helpful in the process of maintaining socialist character of the state and social relations and, simultaneously, to carry out the changes of the political system which became necessary. These efforts were a failure because of strong resistance, on the one hand, communist nomenklatura and the other hand, the new democratic movement in the Russian Federation conducted by Boris Yeltsin and independent movements in Soviet Republics. After the trial to stop the process of reforming of the state undertaken by communist leaders of USSR during coupé d'etat in August 1991 the initiative passed to the democratic forces in Russia. The fall of the USSR and foundation of the CIS as the platform of the reintegration of Post-Soviet area started the new stage of the political conflict in the Russian Federation. The objective needs occurred in the process of reforming of the economic structures, growing of the protest attitudes, necessity to relief the mood of the local authorities in order to attain their support for the course of modernization, pushed President Yeltsin to concentrate enormous power. The old Soviet Constitution was more comfortable for such political conditions than modern solutions based on the power's division in three branches - Parliament, Government and independent jurisdiction. Contradictions of the Post-Soviet period brought to the deep conflict between President Yeltsin and Supreme Soviet in October 1993. The defeat of the conservative forces in this confrontation meant the end of Soviet system in Russia, however political system that was created on such ground had authoritarian features, which was used all Yeltsin's presidential decade bringing, as a result, the system very far to the principles of the democracy.
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Лагутин, О. В. "МОДЕЛИ ОНЛАЙН-МОБИЛИЗАЦИИ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО ПРОТЕСТА СОВРЕМЕННОЙ РОССИЙСКОЙ МОЛОДЕЖИ (РЕЗУЛЬТАТЫ ЭМПИРИЧЕСКОГО ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ)." Konfliktologia 16, no. 1 (April 14, 2021): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2021-16-1-9-20.
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The paper considers the problem of empirical search for models of online mobilization of the youth protest movement in the modern Russian metropolis. In the political practice of many countries, young people have become one of the most important objects of influence of various political actors, both internal and external. Also, in Russian political protest, young people are traditionally the driving force. In the last decade, the online environment has become the most effective and operational communication field for the construction of the political process. The greatest political impact was achieved by the online organization of protest actions, the key element of the strategy of which was the mobilization of the masses. The objectives of the study are to use multidimensional methods of analysis to identify the features that influence the formation of online mobilization models, and to give a descriptive description of each of the models. To study the problem, an online survey of representatives of the younger generation in all megacities of the Russian Federation was conducted, during which latent factors of political action in the online environment, online mechanisms for attracting the attention of users of social networks to political problems that play the role of a protest trigger, and types of political participation were identified. With the help of classification methods, the obtained factors were obtained four models of online mobilization of the political prosthesis of the youth of modern Russia.
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Shabaev, Yuri. "YOUTH CHALLENGE IN THE RUSSIAN PERIPHERY: THE SITUATION OF YOUTH IN KARELIA, KOMI, UDMURTIA, MARI EL AND MORDOVIA." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 3 (2021): 288–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.305.
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The article analyzes the views developed and positions taken by young people from the so-called "Finno-Ugric republics" of the Russian Federation. This analysis is based on a series of surveys conducted in the five republics in 2020, as well as on official statistics and other materials. It is shown that the multilateral crisis that takes place in these republics has a serious impact on the positions and orientations of the young people and it results in an increase of their protest sentiments, a decrease of their trust in regional and federal political institutions as well as other negative phenomena. The mass migration of young people away from their republics represents the main form of their protest. At the same time, a rather high degree of the young people’s readiness for active protest actions has been recorded. The significance of ethnicity for the social and cultural positioning of the young people is minimal. Ethnic conflicts do occur, but they are mostly of a routine and latent nature. Generally, young people support the idea of equality of representatives of all ethnic groups in the political and social life of the republics. The few ethnic prejudices present among the youth are more likely to be a consequence of the lack of an active integration policy in the regions rather than a result of an ethnic nationalist ideology or propaganda spread by ideologists and activists of ethnic movements. The majority of young people are not interested in ethnic organizations, and the influence of the older generation and its values (including the values of traditional culture) is limited, because the cultural environment of young people is formed primarily under the influence of information communication networks and Internet resources. Ethnic ideals and values do not fit into this space, which explains why the ethnic movements of the Finno-Ugric peoples lack a youth audience.
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DMITRIEV, S. S. "DIGITAL MOBILIZATION OF THE PARTY ELECTORATE (USING THE EXAMPLE OF THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN TO THE STATE DUMA OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN 2021)." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 16, no. 3 (2021): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2021-16-3-69-80.
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The purpose of the work is to determine the mechanisms of digital mobilization of the party electorate in the Internet. This problem is being updated due to the increasing popularity of the protest agenda among the population of the country, the pandemic of coronavirus infection and, as a result, the popularization of Internet resources, the change in the ways of obtaining new information among Russians in the 20s of the XXI century. As part of the study, the author conducted an expert interview of party workers, SMM-specialists, representatives of the scientific community. Also, the groups of United Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were monitored in VKontakte for the tonality of information and the mechanisms of citizen mobilization presented, using content analysis. As a result of the analysis, the author came to the opinion that the feature of modern digital mobilization in 2021 is the pedaling of «covid» issues. The author identifies two modes of the tonality of mobilization: creative, based on party projects and volunteer movement, and protest, which is based on collective actions against the policies of the party in power. The paper draws conclusions according to which in 2021 the role of social media has changed, if earlier they acted more for the dissemination of information, then in modern realities within the framework of this topic they are used as tools for uniting people and motivating them to collective actions, whether it is voting or taking to the streets (rallies, marches, demonstrations).
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Boltivets, Sergij, and Olga Okhremenko. "Psychology of Terrorism: Intimidation by Destroying One’s Own Life in the Donetsk Basin." Internal Security 13, no. 1 (September 27, 2021): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.2900.
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The article presents the psychological genesis of terrorism in eastern Ukraine, referred to as the Donetsk Basin, during the Soviet era, which resulted from prioritising coal over the lives of Ukrainians affected by famine, executions, evictions and repression imposed by Russians. The replacement of the ethnic composition of the population by people from Russia led to the formation of a group of colonisers of Ukraine. This required creating an atmosphere of constant tension, fear and criminalised violence. As a consequence, the Donetsk Basin has become a favourable environment for Russians and their supporters, who were potentially prone to terrorist acts, and the most dangerous category of such persons — suicide bombers. The paper describes the emergence of a wave theory concerning terrorism in Europe, radical movements in Ireland, Macedonia, Serbia, Italy and Spain, as well as the current state of terrorism in Italy, Germany, Japan and many other countries. It covers the first terrorist act of Russia’s hybrid war against Ukraine near the village of Kamyanka, in the Donetsk region, where a checkpoint of the Armed Forces of Ukraine was attacked by a suicide bomber using a minibus loaded with explosives. It was also a place where other similar terrorist acts took place and the manifesto of Australian terrorist Brenton Tarrant was distributed in the centre of Ukraine by a terrorist group from the Russian Federation in order to involve prone persons in subversive activities on racial and religious grounds. The study was created using a nonparametric typology, based on the analysis of at least two parameters: the nuclei of vulnerabilities (targets of influence) and the features of intrapsychic formations arising under their influence. This allowed identifying five psychotypes of potential suicide bombers: of a person who has lost emotional connection with the outside world; of a fanatic of faith, associated with the activation of ‘mortido’ — the desire for death; of a fanatic of an idea, which considers the cessation of life as a spiritual transformation, and martyrdom as an integral element of the spiritual path; of a potential suicide bomber associated with extreme manifestations of protest behaviour; persons with psychopathic changes in personality structure. The paper establishes the prevalence of these psychotypes and comparative possibilities of influencing each of them.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Protest movements – Russia (Federation)"
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FitzGibbon, John. "Eurosceptic protest movements : a comparative analysis between Ireland, the UK, Estonia and Denmark." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39671/.
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The aim of this thesis is to add to the growing literature on Euroscepticism by providing an in-depth comparative study of groups in civil society that actively campaign against European integration in Denmark, Estonia, Ireland and the United Kingdom. This study labels these groups as ‘Eurosceptic Protest Movements' (EPMs). Five explanatory factors drawn from the literature on Euroscepticism and social movements are used to ask the research question of why EPMs are formed. These are namely, Euroscepticism in the party system, the number of referendums in each case study, the availability of resources, the openness of the policy making process, and the perceived pro-EU bias of the media. Empirically it proceeds on a case by case basis, providing an in-depth account of each state's relationship with the EU from party system, public opinion, referendums to case specific factors to allow for an appreciation of the environment in which EPMs are formed. Data is gathered primarily from interviews with the founders and both current and former members of EPMs, with additional information coming from EPM documents, referendum manifestos and posters. Contextual information is provided by interviews with academics, journalists and pro-European activists, and secondary literature in EU studies and social movements. The thesis comes to two key conclusions. Firstly, in relation to the literature on social movements, EPMs conform strongly to the political opportunity structure paradigm in that body of work. More specifically is the importance of referendums to EPM formation, an element of the political opportunity structure that has not been researched in relation to social movements. Secondly, with regard to Euroscepticism the thesis concluded that EPMs emerge because of a lack of available space for contestation on the EU issue and the inability of political parties to act as an interlocutor between the electorate and the EU.
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Niyazbekov, Nurseit. "Protest mobilisation and democratisation in Kazakhstan (1992-2009)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:494a3742-e7d6-4adf-8728-e644a3f7f249.
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This thesis consists of two objectives which divide it into two parts. Thus, part one explores the cyclicity of protest mobilisation in post-Soviet Kazakhstan in the 1992–2009 period and part two investigates the relationship between protest mobilisation and democratisation in the 1990s, a decade marked by early progress in democratisation followed by an abrupt reversal to authoritarianism. Acknowledging the existence of numerous competing explanations of protest cyclicity, the first part of this study utilises four major social movement perspectives – relative deprivation (RD), resource mobilisation (RMT), political opportunity structures (POS) and collective action frames (CAF) – to explain variances in protest mobilisation in Kazakhstan over time and four issue areas. Adopting a small-N case study and process-tracing technique, the thesis’s first research question enquires into which of these four theoretical perspectives has the best fit when seeking to explain protest cyclicity over time. It is hypothesised that the ‘waxing and waning’ of protest activity can best be attributed to the difficulties surrounding the identification and construction of resonant CAFs. However, the study’s findings lead to a rejection of the first hypothesis by deemphasising the role of CAFs in predicting protest cyclicity, and instead support the theoretical predictions of the POS perspective, suggesting the prevalence of structural factors such as the regime’s capacity for repression and shifts in elite alignments. The second research question revolves around variations in protest mobilisation across four issue areas and explores the reasons why socioeconomic grievances mobilised more people to protest than environmental, political and interethnic ones. According to the second hypothesis, people more readily protest around socioeconomic rather than political and other types of grievances due to the lower costs of participation in socioeconomic protests. While the regime’s propensity for repressing political protests could explain the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the 2000s, the POS perspective’s key explanatory variable failed to account for the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the early 1990s, resulting in the rejection of the second hypothesis. The second part of the thesis attempts to answer the third research question: How does protest mobilisation account for the stalled transition to democracy in Kazakhstan in the 1990s? Based on the theoretical assumption that instances of extensive protest mobilisation foster democratic transitions, the study’s third research hypothesis posits that transition to democracy in Kazakhstan stalled in the mid-1990s due to the failure of social movement organisations to effectively mobilise the masses for various acts of protest. This assumption receives strong empirical support, suggesting that protest mobilisation is an important facilitative factor in the democratisation process. The thesis is the first to attempt to employ classical social movement theories in the context of post-communist Central Asian societies. Additionally, the study aims to contribute to the large pool of democratisation literature which, until recently (following the colour revolutions), seemed to underplay the role of popular protest mobilisation in advancing transitions to democracy. Finally, the research is based on the author’s primary elite-interview data and content analysis of five weekly independent newspapers.
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ZHURAVLEV, Oleg. "Microsociology of big events : the dynamics of eventful solidarities in "for fair elections" and Euromaidan protest movements." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/59572.
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Defence date: 22 October 2018Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore, supervisor; Professor László Bruszt, Central European University; Professor Nina Eliasoph, University of Southern California; Professor Laurent Thévenot, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales.
The thesis is devoted to a micro-sociological analysis of "big" protests. Comparing Russian "For fair elections" movement with Ukrainian Euromaidan, I study how eventful identities, solidarities, and cultural representations that emerged in the course of the protests then developed and changed contributing to either socio-political change, or reproduction. I analyze dynamics of both the uprisings themselves and the dynamics of post-protest collective action. The first part of the text analyzes a phenomenon new to Russia: the politicized local activism that has emerged in the wake of the "For fair elections" protests. Urban activism in Russian has been rarely politicized; rather, it addressed "familiar", "close to home" problems and that kept distance from "politics". Anti-Putin rallies of 2011-2012 changed the landscape of Russian civic activism. Inspired by the experience of collective actions, protesters resolved to keep it going in their own neighborhoods, establishing local activist groups and tackling smaller-scale problems typical of apolitical activism, e.g., defending parks from deforestation and buildings from demolition, and working for improvements. However, activists attributed oppositional and "political" meanings to practices that had been rather apolitical before the protests of 2011-2012. Thus, my study revealed the significant eventful change in the political culture of Russian urban activism. At the same time, in many cases mass events lead to the intensifying of pre-existing political and cultural structures, cultures, identities and discourses. In the second part of the text I show that Euromaidan consecutively first weakened and then enforced the ethno-cultural and political split between Western and Eastern Ukranian citizens. While “Euromaidan” initially succeeded at creating a new civic identity that united the protesters, this identity failed to spread beyond the event. Paradoxically, the initial push for civic unity and inclusivity, when intensified, transformed into a tool of promoting exclusivity. The text is based on the analysis of in-depths interviews and focus-groups. The conclusions address the theoretical discussions within the eventful approach in social science, pragmatic and cultural sociology.
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ZAVADSKAYA, Margarita. "When elections subvert authoritarianism : failed cooptation and Russian post-electoral protests of 2011-12." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/48004.
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Defence date: 15 September 2017Examining Board: Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel, University of Lucerne (EUI Supervisor); Prof. Grigorii V. Golosov, European University at Saint Petersburg (External Supervisor); Prof. Jennifer Gandhi, Emory University; Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute
One of the widely shared features of modern autocracies is the presence of democratically-designed institutions. Elections, referendums, legislatures, and parties are the essential institutions 'bydefault'. Political regimes that have introduced nation wide elections have become the predominant type of political regimes in the contemporary world.
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Santos, Julia Andreevna Batrak dos. "Comportement électoral et mouvements protestataires en Russie lors des élections législatives de 2011 et présidentielles de 2012." Master's thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/8439.
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Cette étude porte sur le thème du comportement électoral et les mouvements protestataires en Russie lors des dernières élections législatives de 2011 et présidentielles de 2012.
Elle a pour objectifs de déterminer, dans une approche d’abord quantitative, les préférences électorales des Russes lors des campagnes électorales de 2011-2012, ainsi que les principaux facteurs explicatifs du vote lors de ces élections ; puis, d’analyser, dans une perspective quantitative et qualitative, les raisons du surgissement des mouvements de protestation dans les principales villes du pays, à la suite des élections législatives de 2011, ainsi que leur éventuel impact sur le comportement électoral des élections présidentielles de mars 2012.
Cette investigation a pour finalité d’apporter une connaissance nouvelle au domaine scientifique de l’étude du comportement électoral russe ainsi que d’éclairer le lecteur sur le développement des mouvements de protestation en Russie.This study deals with the electoral behavior and protest movements in Russia during the last 2011 legislative and 2012 presidential elections. First of all, its main purposes are to determine, in a quantitative approach, the electoral preferences of Russians during the electoral campaigns of 2011-2012, as well as the principal explanatory voting factors during these elections; secondly, using a quantitative and qualitative approaches, to analyze the reasons behind the appearance of those protest movements in the main cities of the country, as a consequence of 2011 legislative elections, and also to study their eventual impact on the 2012 presidential elections electoral behavior. This investigation intends to bring a new knowledge to Russian electoral behavior scientific area, and, in addition, to enlighten the reader about the development of protest movements in Russia. Keywords: , , , , , , , .
Books on the topic "Protest movements – Russia (Federation)"
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The lost opportunity: Attempts at unification of the anti-Bolsheviks, 1917-1919 : Moscow, Kiev, Jassy, Odessa. Lanham: University Press of America, 2008.
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The politics of protest in hybrid regimes: Managing dissent in post-communist Russia. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011.
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The White Russian Army in exile, 1920-1941. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002.
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Performing political opposition in Russia: The case of the youth group Oborona. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate, 2016.
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Rutȳch, N. N. Biograficheskiĭ spravochnik vȳsshikh chinov Dobrovol'cheskoĭ armii i Vooruzhennȳkh Sil Yuga Rossii: Materialȳ k istorii Belogo dvizheniya. Moskva: Regnum Rossiĭskiĭ arkhiv, 1997.
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Meshcherov, A. V. Finansovyĭ kapital: Mekhanizm dvizhenii︠a︡ : sbornik nauchnykh trudov. Moskva: "Logos", 2000.
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Bulatov, A. S. Vyvoz kapitala iz Rossii i kont͡s︡ept͡s︡ii͡a︡ ego regulirovanii͡a︡. Moskva: Moskovskiĭ obshchestvennyĭ nauchnyĭ fond, 1997.
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Basudeb, Chattopadhyay, Vasudevan Hari S, and Ray Rajat Kanta, eds. Dissent and consensus: Protest in pre-industrial societies : India, Burma, and Russia. Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi & Co., 1989.
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Diktator Odessy: Zigzagi sudʹby belogo generala. Moskva: Veche, 2013.
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La flotte des Russes blancs: Contribution de l'escadre française à l'évacuation des Russes blancs de Crimée, novembre 1920. Rennes: Marines, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Protest movements – Russia (Federation)"
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Zhuravlev, Oleg. "The New Protest Movements and the Left in Russia: To Overcome the Crisis of Hegemony." In International Political Economy Series, 205–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78915-2_12.
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Moroz, Oxana. "‘We Will Not Forget, We Will Not Forgive!’: Alexei Navalny, Youth Protest and the Art of Curating Digital Activism and Memory in Russia." In Social Movements, Cultural Memory and Digital Media, 249–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32827-6_10.
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"The Protest Movement in Russia 2011–2013: Sources, Dynamics and Structures." In Systemic and Non-Systemic Opposition in the Russian Federation, 45–60. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315611709-6.
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"The Protest Movement in Yekaterinburg." In Systemic and Non-Systemic Opposition in the Russian Federation, 209–26. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315611709-14.
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"Beyond Alienation: Social Movements and Protest In Russia in the 2000s." In Russia and Development. Zed Books Ltd, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350222441.ch-007.
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"From ‘Local’ to ‘Political’: The Kaliningrad Mass Protest Movement of 2009–2010 in Russia." In Urban Grassroots Movements in Central and Eastern Europe, 175–206. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315548845-12.
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Komissarenko, Arkadij I. ""They attacked and fired from guns and bows": Cocial movement in Vjatka-region in the first half 18th century." In Traditional and innovative ways to explore social history of Russia 12th–20th centuries: Collection of articles in honor of Elena Nikolaevna Shveikovskaya, 121–28. Novyj hronograf, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/94881-516-9.09.
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In article features of cocial movements and protest in peasants and differential. Reveal of factors in the amongst of peasants Vjatka region and function of province office and Russian Senat in the 20–40 years XVIII century.
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van der Zweerde, Evert. "Political Philosophy for a New Russia – New Wine in Old Bottles?" In Russian Political Philosophy, 185–201. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474460378.003.0011.
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Did Russia restore its Soviet past? Arguably it did in terms of political oppression and exclusion of serious opposition, but certainly not in socio-economic terms. Covering roughly the first two decades of the 20th C, this chapter shows how the Russian Federation has, seemingly inescapably, moved in the direction of an authoritarian, but not totalitarian regime. New grand historiosophical schemes concerning Russia’s place and role in the world have emerged, but also less grand, but philosophically more interesting critical voices that, sometimes, base themselves on the same philosophical positions, such as Heidegger. New forms of protest culture, partly reaching back to late Medieval iurodstvo [chapter 1], partly aiming to outsmart the powers that be, have emerged. Most relevant, in the long term, is the fact that during thirty years of academic and press freedom, a highly diverse political-philosophical landscape has developed that includes most of the new disciplines that emerged in global academia, such as gender studies, philosophy of environment and animal world, and decolonial theory. Even if the label “political philosophy” remains rare, Russian philosophers have again become part of a globalising philosophical culture.
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Gedeon, Magdolna, and Iván Halász. "European and Regional Integration Concepts in Poland (1789–2004)." In The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries, 197–224. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_10.
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The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was one of the largest states in early Modern Europe. Its internal public law structure was complex and had several federal features. The existence of different levels of autonomy was no stranger to him. Many nations and denominations (churches) were mixed in this state, which ceased to exist at the end of the 18th century, but the ideal of independent Polish statehood lived on. In the 19th century, several Polish independence uprisings broke out, mostly against the Russians, but none of them were successful. Various concepts were born among Polish politicians; these often dealt with a Central and Eastern European federation with Polish leadership. In the first half of the 19th century, the Poles held Slavic solidarity concepts that sought to reconcile Slavic Poles and Russians. These concepts were popular mainly among the conservative and romantic intellectuals. In time, however, Slavic solidarity took a back seat. In the second half of the 19th century, the Polish socialist movement was born, which sought more moderate national politics toward the Belarus, Ukrainian, and Lithuanian national movements and wanted to unite some nations of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in a fairer federation. These ideas were also close to Józef Piłsudski, under whose leadership Poland again became an independent state at the end of 1918. He arrived from the Polish Socialist Party, and during the First World War, he organized the Polish legions. At a similar time in tsarist Russia, the Polish National Democratic Party was the second important political movement in the early 20th century. This nationalist movement was born in tsarist Russia and propagated the rebirth of Poland in the form of a smaller but more Polish national state. Roman Dmowski, a leader of the NDP, had a conflict with Piłsudski that was an important conceptional problem of the second Polish Republic in the interwar period. The new Poland was big state with regional ambitions, but it had two dangerous neighbors—Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. The Polish leaders therefore had to think about various federal alternatives, most of which revolved around solidarity in Central and Eastern Europe. Such were the Intermarium or Jagellonian plans. The Polish tragedy during the Second World War and Soviet dominance after 1945 only reinforced these ideas. Many Polish intellectuals began to see the future in European unity, although such ideas existed as early as the 19th century. Some of the Polish emigration to Paris worked to reconcile them with the peoples of Eastern Europe (Ukrainians, Lithuanians, and Belarusians). The journal Kultura played the crucial role in this process. Poland after 1989 again plays an important European role in three regional contexts: Central Europe, the Baltic Sea, and North-Eastern Europe.
Conference papers on the topic "Protest movements – Russia (Federation)"
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Мистрюгов, П. А. "SOURCES FOR STUDYING PEASANT PROTEST IN SAMARA PROVINCE IN 1918–1922." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.34.97.029.
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В статье рассмотрены документальные материалы по истории протестной активности кре-стьянства в Самарской губернии. Выявленные документы относятся к деятельности чрезвычайных структур советской власти, задействованных в деле ограничения протестов, принимавших различ-ные формы. Автор обращается к опубликованным сборникам документов и источникам, извле-ченным из центральных (Государственный архив Российской Федерации, Российский государст-венный военный архив, Российский государственный архив социально-политической истории, Центральный архив ФСБ России) и региональных (Центральный государственный архив Самар-ской области и Самарский областной государственный архив социально-политической истории) архивов. The article examines documentary materials on the history of peasant protests in the Samara prov-ince, which relate to the activities of the extraordinary structures of the Soviet government, involved in the suppression of the peasantry. The author refers to published collections of documents and sources ex-tracted from the central (State Archives of the Russian Federation, Russian State Archives of Social and Political History, Central Archives of the FSB of Russia) and regional archives (Central State Archives of the Samara Region and Samara Regional Archives of Social and Political History).