Journal articles: 'Protest movements – Minnesota – History'

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Bernhard, Michael. "Maryjane Osa. Solidarity and Contention. Social Movements, Protest, and Contestation, vol. 18. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 3 (July 2005): 669–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505230293.

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Osa's study is part of a larger literature that looks at the decomposition of communism and postcommunist politics through the prism of the literature on social movements. The book stands out, along with Grzegorz Ekiert and Jan Kubik's Rebellious Civil Society and John Glenn's Framing Democracy, as among the best in this school of research. Osa concentrates on the creation of networks of resistance in communist Poland from early 1950s to the period of Solidarity's formation and suppression in 1980–1982.

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Silber, Irina Carlota. "Paul Almeida. Waves of Protest. Popular Struggle in El Salvador, 1925–2005. [Social Movements, Protest, and Contention, Vol. 29.]University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis [etc.] 2008. xxii, 298 pp. $25.00." International Review of Social History 55, no. 1 (April 2010): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000131.

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Dokhanchi, Khalil. "A Century of Revolution: Social Movements in Iran, Social Movements, Protest, and Contention Series, vol. 2, John Foran, ed., Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994, 263 pp., incl. Select Bibliography, Index, $19.95 (paper)." Iranian Studies 29, no. 3-4 (1996): 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021086200010823.

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Brown, Cliff. "Roscigno, Vincent J. and William F. Danaher, The Voice of Southern Labor. Radio, Music, and Textile Strikes, 1929–1934. [Social Movements, Protest, and Contention, vol. 19.] University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis [etc.] 2004. xxviii, 177 pp. $59.95." International Review of Social History 51, no. 1 (March 30, 2006): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006102357.

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HINZ, UTA. "‘1968’ in Context: Protest Movements in the 1960s." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000087.

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The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.

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Benford, Robert D., and T. K. Oommen. "Protest and Change: Studies in Social Movements." Social Forces 70, no. 3 (March 1992): 835. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579762.

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Jobs, Richard Ivan. "Youth Movements: Travel, Protest, and Europe in 1968." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (April 2009): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.376.

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Jung, Jai. "Disentangling Protest Cycles: An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.

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The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initial phase of social movement mobilization, rather than throughout the movement's lifespan. What explains declining frequencies of protest occurrence during the demobilization phase is the joint effect of two internal factors: the institutionalization of social movements and the growing violence during protests.

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Lai, Daniela. "Practicing Solidarity: ‘Reconciliation’ and Bosnian Protest Movements." Ethnopolitics 19, no. 2 (August 23, 2019): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1653016.

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Laajalahti, Anne. "A Historical Analysis of Media Practices and Technologies in Protest Movements: A Review of Crisis and Critique by Anne Kaun." Media and Communication 5, no. 2 (May 10, 2017): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i2.976.

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Dr. Anne Kaun’s book, <em>Crisis and Critique: A Brief History of Media Participation in Times of Crisis</em> (London: Zed Books, 2016, 131 pp., ISBN: 978-1-78360-736-5), is a concise but comprehensive analysis of the changing media practices and technologies in protest movements. The book overviews the topic within the context of major economic crises and scrutinises three richly detailed case studies in the United States: (a) the unemployed workers’ movement during the Great Depression in the 1930s, (b) the tenants’ rent strike movement of the early 1970s, and (c) the Occupy Wall Street movement following the Great Recession of 2008. Kaun begins her book with an introduction to economic crises and protest movements and highlights the relationship of crisis and critique to media practices. She goes on to investigate historical forms of media participation in protest movements from three different perspectives: (a) protest time, (b) protest space, and (c) protest speed. The book contributes to the recent discussion on the emerging role of social media in protest by providing a historically nuanced analysis of the media participation in times of crisis. As a whole, the book is valuable to anyone interested in media and social activism.

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Gahr, Joshua, and Michael Young. "Evangelicals and Emergent Moral Protest." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.19.2.r51v21rj4527m450.

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This article provides a comparative analysis of two religiously inspired protests that fed broader social movements: the "rebellion" of immediate abolitionists at Lane Seminary in Cincinnati in 1834 and the new-left "breakthrough" at the Christian Faith-and-Life Community in Austin in 1960. The two cases are examples of moral protests breaking out of Protestant institutions and shaping social movements. From the comparison, we draw general lessons about the meso- and micro-level processes of activist conversions. We show how processes of "rationalization" and "subjectivation" combined in the emergence of new contentious moral orders. We apply these lessons to help explain the creative interactions of evangelical Protestants in the history of American moral protest. Our approach accords with pragmatist and new social movement theories of emergent moral orders.

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Brock, Peter, and April Carter. "Peace Movements: International Protest and World Politics since 1945." American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166860.

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CHANG, SHENGPING, and STEVE HESS. "The Diffusion of Contention in Contemporary China: An investigation of the 2014–15 wave of teacher strikes." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 4 (April 2, 2018): 1172–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000615.

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AbstractThe article examines a wave of teachers’ strikes that spread across China during the autumn, winter, and spring of 2014–15. Looking at event data and social media coverage of the wave, it discusses how social media enabled protesters to carry out media-savvy campaigns that involved both online and offline tactics, draw inspiration from claimants in faraway protest sites, and emulate tactics, slogans, and symbols from other locations. The episode indicates that claimants in contemporary China are utilizing social media to break the geographic bounds of localized protests and, while falling short of nationally coordinated protest movements, are able to generate widespread, cross-regional protest waves that place greater pressure on subnational authorities to give in to protester demands. These cross-regional protest waves present a third category of ‘widespread’ protests in China that are distinct from parochial/localized protests and national protest movements.

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BAUSHOV, R. B. "PROTEST MOVEMENT IN THEOLOGICAL EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS OF THE TOWN OF KURSK AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 12, no. 1 (2023): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2022-12-1-133-143.

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The purpose of the article is to determine the participation degree of students of theological educational institutions of the town of Kursk in protest movements in the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century. The analysis of the history of the protest movement in theological educational institu-tions in Kursk is based on archival materials. The author emphasizes that in general, the protest movement in seminaries at the begin-ning of the 20th century is studied quite exten-sively nationwide and regionally, but the local participation of theological educational institu-tions in Kursk remains unexplored. As a result, the author reveals the participation degree of the students of Kursk Theo-logical Seminary and Kursk Women's Diocesan School in the protest movements in theo-logical educational institutions at the beginning of the 20th century.

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Hall, Simon. "Protest Movements in the 1970s: The Long 1960s." Journal of Contemporary History 43, no. 4 (October 2008): 655–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009408095421.

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HÄBERLEN, JOACHIM C., and RUSSELL A. SPINNEY. "Introduction." Contemporary European History 23, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000289.

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It might seem trivial and mere common sense to note that revolts and revolutions are deeply emotional moments. In history books and newspapers, we read about the tense and emotionally charged atmosphere that leads to violence when protestors confront police forces, or about furious and passionate crowds acting in defiance of the ideal of rational and coldblooded politics. But rage and anger are not the only emotions involved in the politics of protest. Consider the iconic photographs of the summer strikes during the French Popular Front in 1936, depicting smiling workers occupying their factories and construction sites, or the cheering crowds storming the Berlin Wall in November 1989. Or consider the genre of protest songs, telling stories of solidarity and hope as well as deep sorrow. At times, social and political movements even made feelings their central concern, such as the hippy movement with its calls for free love. On the other side of the political spectrum, conservative as well as social democratic observers often denounced protests and riots as politically irrelevant outbreaks of hatred, or mocked the ‘hysterical’ fear of the peace movement during the 1980s. Somehow, these examples suggest, feelings mattered, yet how precisely they mattered is rarely investigated. The essays in this special issue will address this question in order to enrich our understanding of protest movements, revolts and revolutions. Collectively, they intend to open a theoretical and methodological debate on the role of emotions in the politics of protest and resistance.

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Kadhem, Fouad. "The New Shi’a Mahdawi Movements in Iraq: Religious Discontent or Political Protest?" Protest 4, no. 1 (February 28, 2024): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-bja10060.

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Abstract Mahdawi ‘protest’ movements have played a significant role throughout Islamic history. As salvation movements, they often incorporated religious principles with social and economic demands to protest against authorities in order to bring about political change. Historically, Iraq has always been, and still is, the centre of Mahdawi movements in the Islamic world. Immediately after 2003, a host of new Shi’a Mahdawi movements emerged. These movements nonetheless were active underground since the late 1980s. They demonstrated an evident negative stance towards both Baghdad’s government and Shi’a religious authorities. I will pose the following questions that I intend to answer using primary source data from selected political actors: How did these movements emerge? What are the religious and social factors behind their existence? What are the political ideas and views advocated by these movements? What are the reasons that render these Shi’a movements at conflict with the Iraqi state on the one hand, and the authority of Shi’a ‘ulama in Najaf on the other hand?

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Danbom, David B., Patrick H. Mooney, and Theo J. Majka. "Farmers' and Farm Workers' Movements: Social Protest in American Agriculture." Journal of American History 82, no. 4 (March 1996): 1546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945323.

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Kosevich, E. "Multiple Sources of Protest Movements in Latin America." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 2 (2020): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.2.61.5.

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Social outbreaks which have been characteristic of the political landscape of Latin America throughout the course of history of this region , reached their peak in the late 90s of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. It can be argued without exaggeration that a special culture of mass protests has already formed in this part of the world. It functions as an independent “pressure mechanism” aimed at expanding rights and reducing historical injustice. In the fall of 2019 Latin America became the epicenter of social protests. Residents of the highest income inequality region of the world ceased restraining their discontent. It turned out to be impossible for the state authorities to react to such indignation by the usual repressive methods, thus they were forced to listen to society demands. In just a few months, Haiti, Ecuador, Chile, Bolivia were caught in a massive political crisis which was marked by massive street demonstrations. Gradually, a wave of public discontent swept over countries such as Colombia and Argentina. Although the root causes of these events in each country were different, several general trends stand out in all the chaos that is happening in Latin America. These trends can be traced in all foci of instability that broke out almost simultaneously in several countries of the region. This paper attempts to analyze the main factors that led to such widespread unrest. The goal of this analysis is to reveal the unresolved problems of the region. The author identifies the main reasons that together caused social explosions, and presents them in the form of a hierarchical pyramid: from the underlying economic instability, the crisis of the neoliberal development model, social inequality; the weakening of the political system and corruption, that are situated in the middle; until the very top of the pyramid – the “democracy deficit” and the influence of social networks. In this context, I divided the article into 4 thematic blocks, which will allow a systematic review of the most important causes that set a chain reaction in motion of protest activities, as well as an assessment of the further development of the socio-political situation in Latin America. A combination of regional and country approaches were applied in this paper to the phenomenon under study.

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Patton, David F. "Protest Voting in Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.

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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.

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Wilson, Constance M. "The Holy Man in the History of Thailand and Laos." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1997): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400014491.

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Holy men were respected leaders in early Thai and Lao society. As Thai society became more complex, traditional holy men disappeared, to be replaced by modern charismatic monks. But, in Southern Laos and the Khorat Plateau, holy men found a new role as leaders of protest movements.

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Shefner, Jon, Aaron Rowland, and George Pasdirtz. "Austerity and Anti-Systemic Protest: Bringing Hardships Back In." Journal of World-Systems Research 21, no. 2 (August 31, 2015): 460–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2015.15.

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This article explores the relationship between hardships and protest in the world-system. Despite the history of discussion of anti-systemic protest, there has been little work that differentiates world-systems contributions to social movement research from others who examine social movements. We contribute to a theory of anti-systemic protest by re-introducing hardships as a crucial element that defines inequalities in the world-system; one consistent source of those hardships are austerity policies imposed in response to debt negotiations. In addition to our path analyses which demonstrate the clear link of hardships and protest, our case studies provide further historical analysis on when globalization, political openings, and long-term hardships also help explain the occasion of protest.

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Karcher, Katharina. "Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.

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AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.

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McDonnell, Terence E., and Katherine Everhart. "CULTURAL FORM AND PROTEST: ACT UP NEW YORK’S TACTICS OF IRONY AND CAMP." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 29, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-29-1-59.

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The strategic use of irony and camp in protest movements presents a complex interplay between cultural expression and social action. We examine the deployment of these cultural forms in AIDS activism, proposing a social theory of irony and camp in protest. Through an analysis of 188 interviews from the ACT UP Oral History project, we identify three primary effects of irony and camp: diffusion of tension and critique engagement, solidarity building and recruitment facilitation, and invitation across symbolic boundaries to undermine legitimacy. These outcomes stem from the unique cultural forms of irony and camp, which accentuate the incongruities in protest situations and draw attention to symbolic boundaries between discursive communities. Our findings challenge the predominant focus on frame analysis in the cultural analysis of protests, advocating for a deeper examination of how ideas are communicated within social movements.

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NEHRING, HOLGER. "National Internationalists: British and West German Protests against Nuclear Weapons, the Politics of Transnational Communications and the Social History of the Cold War, 1957–1964." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 559–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002766.

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This article examines the politics of communication between British and West German protesters against nuclear weapons in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The interpretation suggested here historicises the assumptions of ‘transnational history’ and shows the nationalist and internationalist dimensions of the protest movements' histories to be inextricably connected. Both movements related their own aims to global and international problems. Yet they continued to observe the world from their individual perspectives: national, regional and local forms thus remained important. By illuminating the interaction between political traditions, social developments and international relations in shaping important political movements within two European societies, this article can provide one element of a new connective social history of the cold war.

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Paladin, Nicola. "Modes and Moves of Protest." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7376.

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The role of mass protest has been recurrently central yet controversial in the American culture. Central because American history presents a constellation of significant collective protest movements, very different among them but generally symptomatic of a contrast between the people and the state: from the 1775 Boston Massacre and the 1787 Shays’s Rebellion, to the 1863 Draft Riots, but also considering the 1917 Houston Riot or anti-Vietnam war pacifist protests. Controversial, since despite—or because of—its historical persistence, American mass protest has generated a media bias which labelled mobs and crowds as a disruptive popular expression, thus constructing an opposition—practical and rhetorical—between popular subversive tensions, and the so-called middle class “conservative” and self-preserving struggle. During the 20th century, this scenario was significantly influenced by 1968. “The sixties [we]re not fictional”, Stephen King claims in Hearts of Atlantis (1999), in fact “they actually happened”, and had a strong impact on the American culture of protest to the point that their legacy has spread into the post 9/11 era manifestations of dissent. Yet, in the light of this evolution, I believe the very perception of protesting crowds has transformed, producing a narrative in which collectivity functions both as “perpetrator” and “victim”, unlike in the traditional dichotomy. Hence, my purpose is to demonstrate the emergence of this new and historically peculiar connotation of crowds and mobs in America as a result of recent reinterpretations of the history and practice of protest in the 1960s, namely re-thinking the tropes of protest movements of those years, and relocating them in contemporary forms of protest. For this reason, I will concentrate on Nathan Hill’s recent novel, The Nix (2016), and focus on the constant dialogue it establishes between the 1968 modes of protest and the Occupy movement.

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Flora, Cornelia Butler, Patrick H. Mooney, and Theo J. Majka. "Farmers' and Farm Workers Movements: Social Protest in American Agriculture." Social Forces 75, no. 2 (December 1996): 753. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580429.

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Martineau, Maureen, and Catherine Graham. "The Théâtre Parminou: Thirty Years of History." Canadian Theatre Review 117 (January 2004): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ctr.117.001.

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Born in the effervescence of the social and protest movements of the 1970s, the Théâtre Parminou quickly defined its identity around a desire to move beyond the closed world of mainstream institutional theatre. From its foundation in May 1973 by the graduates of the Conservatories of Dramatic Art of Quebec and Montreal, the troupe’s mandate has been to create and tour works, in a popular theatre format, that take up the social problems of its era.

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Sharpe, Kenan Behzat. "Poetry, Rock ’n’ Roll, and Cinema in Turkey’s 1960s." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (December 27, 2021): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10028.

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Abstract Using developments in poetry, music, and cinema as case studies, this article examines the relationship between left-wing politics and cultural production during the long 1960s in Turkey. Intellectual and artistic pursuits flourished alongside trade unionism, student activism, peasant organizing, guerrilla movements. This article explores the convergences between militants and artists, arguing for the centrality of culture in the social movements of the period. It focuses on three revealing debates: between the modernist İkinci Yeni poets and young socialist poets, between left-wing protest rockers and supporters of folk music, and between proponents of radical art film and those of cinematic “social realism”.

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Bulbeck, Chilla, and Verity Burgmann. "Power and Protest: Movements for Change in Australian Society." Labour History, no. 66 (1994): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509250.

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Griffiths, Phil, and Verity Burgmann. "Power, Profit and Protest: Australian Social Movements and Globalisation." Labour History, no. 86 (2004): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27515983.

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Bendl, Christian. "Protest als diskursive Raum-Zeit-Aneignung. Das Beispiel der Identitären Bewegung Österreich." Zeitschrift für Angewandte Linguistik 68, no. 1 (March 29, 2018): 73–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfal-2018-0004.

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AbstractThis paper deals with the Identitarian Movement, a presently highly salient Europe-wide right-wing youth movement, and its appropriation of the concepts of ‘space’ and ‘time’ in acts of protest. This appropriation is crucial for the movement, as ‘space’ and ‘time’ refer to specific ideologies which allow a positioning towards events, actors and discourses. In this study interdisciplinary approaches are adapted that lead to a descriptive linguistic discourse analysis of a single protest event. In order to enable an extensive and in-depth analysis, this single protest event is split up in three parts: 1. The announcement of the protest, 2. its performance in a place and 3. the continuation of the protest in/through social media. The findings argue to take the ideologization of history, places and actors into account when discussing the identity-building concepts and, especially, when undertaking critical and political follow-up studies of such movements.

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ZIEMANN, BENJAMIN. "The Code of Protest: Images of Peace in the West German Peace Movements, 1945–1990." Contemporary European History 17, no. 2 (May 2008): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004396.

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The article examines posters produced by the peace movements in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War, with an analytical focus on the transformation of the iconography of peace in modernity. Was it possible to develop an independent, positive depiction of peace in the context of protests for peace and disarmament? Despite its name, the pictorial self-representation of the campaign ‘Fight against Nuclear Death’ in the late 1950s did not draw on the theme of pending nuclear mass death. The large-scale protest movement in the 1980s against NATO's 1979 ‘double-track’ decision contrasted female peacefulness with masculine aggression in an emotionally charged pictorial symbolism. At the same time this symbolism marked a break with the pacifist iconographic tradition that had focused on the victims of war. Instead, the movement presented itself with images of demonstrating crowds, as an anticipation of its peaceful ends. Drawing on the concept of asymmetrical communicative ‘codes’ that has been developed in sociological systems theory, the article argues that the iconography of peace in peace movement posters could not develop a genuinely positive vision of peace, since the code of protest can articulate the designation value ‘peace’ only in conjunction with the rejection value ‘war’.

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Makarenko, Kirill, and Liliia Pankratova. "Contemporary State and Prospects of Female Protest Development: from Deprivation to Mobilization." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 182–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.3.16.

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Introduction. The article presents the analysis of the сontemporary state and prospects for the development of women’s protest in a global perspective. The research focuses on the study of the causes and nature of mass women’s protest in the context of the formation of a new system of relations between the authorities and society represented by certain social groups. The relevance of the problem is determined by the need for a political science analysis of modern practices, causes and forms of women’s protest, making a forecast of the prospects for the development of women’s social movements. Methods and methodology. The methodological basis of the research is the synthesis of the relative deprivation theory by T.R. Gurr and the resource mobilization theory by Ch. Tilly, which makes it possible to present women’s protest through the prism of both psychological (deprivation) and institutional determinants. The empirical basis of the work is the data (338 cases) of the quantitative study “The Women in Resistance (WiRe)”, that is available for secondary analysis in the Harvard Dataverse Repository. Analysis. Women’s protests represent an institutional and non-institutional form of changing the “political field”. A common peripheral role of women in the political space serves as a basis for the formation of a common identity among them. A high degree of consolidation, as well as an active role of women in protest, correlates with the success of collective action. Protests in which women play an active role are more peaceful in nature. This is due to the mediating role of women, which prevents the growth of tension in the conflict. Results. Based on the analysis of statistical information and case-study, it was revealed that the economic and legal structural similarity of states does not determine the nature of women’s protest participation in politics, which is more dependent on historical practices, previously achieved results of women’s protest, the presence of institutional structures that organize protests, as well as on the specific problems of women in the state. The prospects for the development of women’s protest and women’s social movements are determined by the level of success achieved. While in Western Europe and the USA, women’s social movements are fighting for the achievement of postmaterial values, due to the solution of the economic differentiation problems, in Latin America, women are fighting for their natural right to life and their own bodies. A vector of women’s protest is aimed at combating all types of discrimination, but the nature of specific problems is fundamentally different.

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Smith, Geoffrey S., Madeleine Adams, and Seth Borgos. "This Mighty Dream: Social Protest Movements in the United States." Labour / Le Travail 20 (1987): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142882.

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Bianchi, Raffaella. "Istanbul sounding like revolution: the role of music in the Gezi Park Occupy movement." Popular Music 37, no. 2 (April 13, 2018): 212–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143018000016.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the role of protest music in the biggest social movement of recent Turkish history. It is the result of three years of fieldwork triangulating musical and cultural analysis with ethnographic methods. Motives of the protest, strategies of the movement, agency of musicians and participatory performances are investigated and contextualised in an analysis of Turkey's cultural changes. The function of music shifted from framing the protest to encouraging political action and fostering a sense of belonging to the collective identity of the Gezi Park movement. Music even became political activism. By underlining different functions played by music in the case of the Gezi Park movement, this article problematises the relevance of music for social movements.

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Troutt Powell, Eve M. "History, Slavery, and Liberation." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 2 (April 16, 2012): 330–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000104.

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Last spring, while Tunisians and Egyptians erupted in the most determined and optimistic political protest movements seen in two generations, southern Sudanese prepared to secede. And in July, after months of watching dramatic images from the demonstrators in Tahrir Square, the world was presented with pictures of a new country with a beautiful, colorful new flag, of thousands of people who had voted into existence the Republic of South Sudan. On Al-Jazeera, CNN, and BBC, interviews with southern Sudanese revealed the profound relief and freedom that these new citizens felt as they repeated the word “liberation” to describe their feelings in this heady moment of independence.

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Kulaev, Maksim. "Lifestyle Media and Changing Political Perceptions Among Russian Protesters in the Second Half of the 2000s." Russian Politics 6, no. 3 (July 29, 2021): 377–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00603005.

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Abstract Protests in today’s Russia are still influenced by trends emerged in the 2000s. According to Graeme B. Robertson, in the second half of the 2000s, the repertoire of the Russian protest changed and direct actions were replaced by symbolic actions. The article argues that protest trends and changes in the repertoire of actions were accompanied by the formation of widespread political perceptions among protesters. These perceptions reflected and influenced transformations of Russian protest movements. The article analyzes political discourses of three lifestyle media outlets, namely Afisha, Bol’shoi Gorod, Esquire, GQ and Epic Hero. All of them drew attention to protests and elaborated their own vision of preferable protest methods. This vision denounced direct actions and advocated constructive and non-antagonistic relations between protesters and the authorities.

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Kunene, Phindile. "The Crisis Committee, post apartheid protest and political mobilisation in Phomolong Township, Free State." New Contree 67 (December 30, 2013): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v67i0.290.

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Often depicted in images of violence, burning tyres, destruction of property and looting of private businesses, service delivery protests have captured the imagination of many scholars interested in South Africa’s post apartheid politics. There are two main approaches to the study of service delivery protests. On the one hand are studies that argue that service delivery protests directly spring from an economic reality that privileges the market as a provider of services. The strength of this analysis is that it draws an important link between neoliberal capitulation and the rise of protest and mobilisation in post apartheid South Africa. The limitation in this analysis is that it pays scant attention to local associational politics. On the other hand is an approach that locates its analysis in the institutional design of post apartheid local government. Although offering a competent analysis of the grievances in service delivery protests, this analysis lacks a historical approach in studying local protest. Furthermore, this approach seldom illuminates the social composition and organisational character of the movements at the centre of these protests. Based on extensive life history interviews, this study examines the 2005 service delivery protests in Phomolong - a township in the northern Free State. With a grounded analysis on the Crisis Committee, which was the coordinating centre of the protests, the study reveals interesting complexities about the articulation between service delivery protests and the historical evolution of political mobilization and protest in Phomolong. In the paper it is argued that, despite some promising aspects and potential to effect thoroughgoing transformation on the local state, post apartheid protest movements present a hybrid and fluid political character, which can be understood by looking at the interface between the internal dynamics of protest movements and the structural factors that influence their formation.

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Roth, Gary, and Nick Thomas. "Protest Movements in 1960s West Germany: A Social History of Dissent and Democracy." German Studies Review 27, no. 3 (October 2004): 663. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141031.

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Maclean, Malcolm. "Football as social critique: protest movements, rugby and history in aotearoa, New Zealand." International Journal of the History of Sport 17, no. 2-3 (June 2000): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523360008714136.

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Akingbe, Niyi. "Assessing the Dilemma of a Nation at the Crossroads Protest as Landscape in Chinua Achebe's." Matatu 40, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-040001007.

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This essay interrogates the mediation of protest and literature in Chinua Achebe's . It further evaluates the preoccupation of the novel as a veritable record of various forms of protest. Protest and literature are seen to be closely related in the way in which human beings perceive of their society and the actions that they take as a result of those perceptions. Social protest can be said to refer to those mass movements, private initiatives, demonstrations, and other activities which support or oppose specific developments or situations in a given society, with a view to changing it for the better. Literature, for its part, refers to that body of written, verbal, or performed work which exercises the imagination and seeks to offer insights into the nature of the world and the place of humans in it.

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Lacouture, Matthew. "Privatizing the Commons: Protest and the Moral Economy of National Resources in Jordan." International Review of Social History 66, S29 (March 12, 2021): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085902100016x.

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AbstractThis article interrogates the social impact of one aspect of structural adjustment in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan: privatization. In the mid-2000s, King Abdullah II privatized Jordan's minerals industry as part of the regime's accelerated neoliberal project. While many of these privatizations elicited responses ranging from general approval to ambivalence, the opaque and seemingly corrupt sale of the Jordan Phosphate Mines Company (JPMC) in 2006 was understood differently, as an illegitimate appropriation of Jordan's national resources and, by extension, an abrogation of the state's (re-) distributive obligations. Based on interviews with activists, I argue that a diverse cross-section of social movement constituencies – spanning labour and non-labour movements (and factions within and across those movements) – perceived such illegitimate privatizations as a moral violation, which, in turn, informed transgressive activist practices and discourses targeting the neoliberal state. This moral violation shaped the rise and interaction of labour and non-labour social movements in Jordan's “Arab uprisings”, peaking in 2011–2013. While Jordan's uprisings were largely demobilized after 2013, protests in 2018 and 2019 demonstrate the continued relevance of this discourse. In this way, the 2011–2013 wave of protests – and their current reverberations – differ qualitatively from Jordan's earlier wave of “food riots” in 1989 (and throughout the 1990s), which I characterize as primarily restorative in nature.

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Herrada, Julie. "Collecting Anarchy: Continuing the Legacy of the Joseph A. Labadie Collection." RBM: A Journal of Rare Books, Manuscripts, and Cultural Heritage 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2007): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rbm.8.2.287.

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The Joseph A. Labadie Collection at the University of Michigan is one of the oldest and most comprehensive collections of radical history in the United States, bringing together unique materials that document past as well as contemporary social protest movements. In addition to anarchism and labor movements, topics that were its original focus, the Collection today is particularly strong in civil liberties (with an emphasis on racial minorities), socialism, communism, colonialism and imperialism, American labor history through the 1930s, the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW or the Wobblies), the Spanish Civil War, sexual freedom, women’s liberation, gay liberation, the . . .

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Crozier-De Rosa, Sharon. "Anger, Resentment and the Limits of Historical Narratives in Protest Politics: The Case of Early Twentieth-Century Irish Women’s Intersectional Movements." Emotions: History, Culture, Society 5, no. 1 (July 13, 2021): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2208522x-02010114.

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Abstract This essay analyses the emotions of intersectional protest. It uses the case study of early twentieth-century Irish women who subscribed to a multitude of ideological beliefs – including feminism, nationalism, socialism and pacifism – to attempt to understand the different place of emotions like hope and pride and anger and resentment in sustaining political activism. In doing so, it examines the nexus between emotions, ideology and history. Adopting both an interconnecting and comparative approach, it investigates the relative efficacy of historical narratives in sustaining the emotional and moral dimensions of intersecting and competing ideological movements. The essay concludes by exposing the limits of the emotions–ideology–history nexus, especially when it comes to feminist protest.

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Anderson, Leslie. "Managing the Commanding Heights: Nicaragua’s State EnterprisesPower and Protest: Latin American Social Movements." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 1 (February 1, 1992): 135–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-72.1.135.

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Thomas, Nick. ":Protest Politics in Germany: Movements on the Left and Right since the 1960s." American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (December 2008): 1614–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1614a.

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DOMBROVSKIY, PAVEL, and OLEG KHAZANO. "THE J.R.R. TOLKIEN’S MYTH IN THE COUNTERCULTURE OUTLOOKS IN THE WEST SOCIETY OF 1960-1970S YEARS." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-3-124-133.

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The article is devoted to the researching of the J.R.R. Tolkien’s (British writer and linguist) influence on the outlook of counterculture movements in 1960-1970s years. The west countries’ history of that period describes a developing of the youth protest activity and the promoting of the trilogy «The Lords of the Rings», which became the most important embodiment of J.R.R. Tolkien’s mythology. As the result, the creativity of British writer became as the fantastic allusion to the modern and recent historical problems of society, such as the USA campaign in Vietnam, world wars, consumption cult, the harm to the environment, the fight for civil rights, etc. The purpose of that article is to identify the role of J.R.R. Tolkien’s myth in the ideological forming of youth movements of the mentioned time period in the USA and West Europe of 1960-1970s years. Through the prism of that interaction authors reconstruct a layer of counterculture mythology with the merging of Tolkinism’s (the writer’s creativity and outlook) and protest ideas inside the original awareness. The result of this process is in the appearance of the new youth movements’ ideological aspects, reflected in slogans, sings and street art of the pointed time period. The embodiment of the young generation’s protest activity with fictional heroes and events in Tolkien’s Middle-Earth has the main role in such aspects. However, today there is lack of the researching of that problem. Authors of the article suggest to look at the counterculture’s history in west countries through the prism of the pointed synthesis as the one of basically elements in the formation of modern mass culture and subculture layer.

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Useem, Bert, and Jack A. Goldstone. "The paradox of victory: social movement fields, adverse outcomes, and social movement success." Theory and Society 51, no. 1 (October 2, 2021): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-021-09460-2.

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AbstractRecent work on social movement fields has expanded our view of the dynamics of social movements; it should also expand our thinking about social movement success. Such a broader view reveals a paradox: social movements often snatch defeat from the jaws of victory by narrowly targeting authorities with their actions instead of targeting the broader social movement field. Negative impacts from the wider social movement field can then reverse or overshadow initial victories. We distinguish between a social movement’s victory over the immediate target, and more lasting success that arises from shifting alignments in the broader social movement field. To test the predictive value of the distinction, we compare two very similar student-led social movements, both of which targeted university policies regarding sensitivity to race issues and changes in university personnel. One built a broad coalition of support that extended across its social movement field and was thereby able to institute durable change. The other did not, and despite its clear initial success, this protest movement produced consequences mainly adverse to its preferred outcomes. We demonstrate how pervasive this paradox is with examples from other U.S. protest outcomes and studies of revolutions. The paradox is resolved by focusing on changes in the entire social movement field. We thus argue that achieving, and understanding, lasting social movement success requires attention to the entire social movement field.

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Levsen, Sonja. "Sexualität und Politik um 1968: Eine transnationale Geschichte?" Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 1 (February 2019): 98–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894418820269.

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Zusammenfassung Recent historiography stresses the ‘fundamentally transnational’ character of ‘1968’. The revolt against traditional sexual mores in this vein appears to be one aspect of a transnational or even global ‘youth revolt’. However, when looking beyond slogans such as ‘Make love, not war’ and the iconic images of Berlin’s ‘Kommune 1’, we discover fundamental differences in the ways in which protest movements dealt with sexuality. While ‘liberating’ sexuality in the early 1960s became a core concern of the German New Left, the respective French and British movements paid the topic only scant attention. The article discusses causes and consequences of these divergent paths. It shows that in 1968, the prominence, strategic use and political concept of sexuality in the protests differed widely – a fact that should prompt us to reconsider accepted assumptions about the ‘transnational’ 1960s.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Protest movements – Minnesota – History'

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