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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Protest movements – Germany – History

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Academic literature on the topic 'Protest movements – Germany – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Protest movements – Germany – History"

1

Patton, David F. "Protest Voting in Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.

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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.

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HINZ, UTA. "‘1968’ in Context: Protest Movements in the 1960s." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000087.

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The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.

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3

Karcher, Katharina. "Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.

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AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.

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Hanshew, Karrin. "Daring More Democracy? Internal Security and the Social Democratic Fight against West German Terrorism." Central European History 43, no. 1 (March 2010): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999135x.

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Over the course of the 1970s, West Germans fought one another in an attempt to defend democracy. Frustrated with the seemingly ineffectual speeches and demonstrations of the 1960s protest movements, militant groups such as the Red Army Faction (RAF), June 2ndMovement, and the Red Cells took up arms. They declared war on the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) for its failure to rid itself of the vestiges of fascism, for its hierarchical-authoritarian structure, and for the abuses of western consumer society. Inspired by national liberation movements in the formerly colonized world, the groups aimed both to raise revolutionary consciousness among the West German population and to demonstrate the state's vulnerability through illegal action. The RAF, in particular, stressed the importance of violence as a simultaneous act of emancipation and defense—the latter understood as counterviolence necessitated by state-initiated violence. The repeated violation of norms would, its members argued, undermine Germans' traditional “habit of obedience” and, at the same time, force the state to reveal openly its fascism. These tough-love tactics, in short, aimed to save West Germans from themselves and thereby save German democracy.

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5

Baryshnikov, Vladimir N., Victor N. Borisenko, and Oleg Yu Plenkov. "The Student Riots in Germany and their Aftermath." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 4 (2022): 1212–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.411.

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This article deals with the peculiarities of the student protests of 1968 in Germany and their political and social consequences. Among the many protests in the West that year, they had particularly far-reaching consequences for German society. These consequences were related to the heavy legacy of the Nazis, who committed grave crimes against humanity during World War II. It is for this reason that the article places a special emphasis on overcoming the Nazi past, which played an extremely important role in the emergence and spread of youth protests in the FRG. Placing the German protests in the context of a generally rather homogeneous and synchronous protest movement in all Western countries against the old values of bourgeois society and its morals poses difficulty – it is no accident that one of the symbols of youth protest was John Lennon's single “Yesterday”. The past (“yesterday”) indeed came suddenly into the spotlight and was subjected to unrelenting criticism. But the changes in the political culture of society and its mentality were very significant. The mutation toward the triumph of leftist-liberal discourse in the West German public consciousness was so complete and total that it is possible to state, as German satirists joke, that the situation was similar to the way public opinion was controlled in the GDR. As a result, it can be rightly asserted that 1968 in the FRG was perhaps the most important reason for the triumph of left-liberal political discourse in Germany.

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6

ZIEMANN, BENJAMIN. "The Code of Protest: Images of Peace in the West German Peace Movements, 1945–1990." Contemporary European History 17, no. 2 (May 2008): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004396.

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The article examines posters produced by the peace movements in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War, with an analytical focus on the transformation of the iconography of peace in modernity. Was it possible to develop an independent, positive depiction of peace in the context of protests for peace and disarmament? Despite its name, the pictorial self-representation of the campaign ‘Fight against Nuclear Death’ in the late 1950s did not draw on the theme of pending nuclear mass death. The large-scale protest movement in the 1980s against NATO's 1979 ‘double-track’ decision contrasted female peacefulness with masculine aggression in an emotionally charged pictorial symbolism. At the same time this symbolism marked a break with the pacifist iconographic tradition that had focused on the victims of war. Instead, the movement presented itself with images of demonstrating crowds, as an anticipation of its peaceful ends. Drawing on the concept of asymmetrical communicative ‘codes’ that has been developed in sociological systems theory, the article argues that the iconography of peace in peace movement posters could not develop a genuinely positive vision of peace, since the code of protest can articulate the designation value ‘peace’ only in conjunction with the rejection value ‘war’.

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7

Roth, Gary, and Nick Thomas. "Protest Movements in 1960s West Germany: A Social History of Dissent and Democracy." German Studies Review 27, no. 3 (October 2004): 663. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141031.

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8

Macartney, Alex F. "Hirohitler on the Rhine: Transnational Protest Against the Japanese Emperor’s 1971 West German State Visit." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (April 27, 2020): 622–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420907666.

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This article explores transnational connections between anti-imperialist groups in West Germany and Japan through an examination of the protest around the Japanese Emperor’s state visit to Bonn in 1971. Although anti-imperialist movements in Japan and West Germany had many similarities and moments of contact, there are few treatments of these groups in transnational perspective. The event offers a unique moment of entanglement between New Left groups in the global 1960s and a rare moment of mutual discussion of the Japanese and German wartime past. The Showa Emperor (better known as Hirohito) traveled to Europe as a way to promote a new, peaceful, Japan; however, his role as a wartime leader complicated this image. Hirohito’s presence in West Germany presented major issues of wartime crimes that were filtered through German’s own memory of perpetration and victimhood. Radical students in and West Germany responded to the Emperor’s visit by cooperating with Japanese exchange students to analyze and protest the history of Japanese militarism and fascism – and also its postwar attempts to regain an empire, especially in Southeast Asia and Vietnam. These concepts were seen, therefore, on another level: the US war in Vietnam, and Japanese and West German complicity in this conflict.

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9

Thomas, Nick. ":Protest Politics in Germany: Movements on the Left and Right since the 1960s." American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (December 2008): 1614–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1614a.

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Peal, David. "The Politics of Populism: Germany and the American South in the 1890s." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (April 1989): 340–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015851.

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A Populist newspaper in North Carolina commented in 1890 that agrarian unrest was common just about everywhere, in “high tariff and low tariff” countries as well as in “monarchies, empires, and republics.” Historians of this discontent have neglected the international dimension of protest that was so striking at the time. The countries that produced the most vigorous agrarian movements, Germany and the United States, have been especially well protected from the scrutiny of comparison. One reason for this neglect is that scholars in both countries emphasize their nations' peculiarities and capacity to make their own histories. The most influential study of American Populism, for instance, is still John D. Hicks' The Populist Revolt (1931). Hicks ascribed the movement to the closure of the frontier, the “safety valve” once thought to be the special feature of American history. Most scholars today reject the “Turner thesis,” but continue to see populism as uniquely democratic. Just as American Populists have been celebrated as “good guys,” German agrarian leaders have been demonized. The marked anti-Semitic aspect of agrarian movements in the 1890s has led historians to link them more or less directly to national socialism, the arguably unique “outcome” of German history. Whatever the sources of this exceptionalism, the constrained view has distorted the understanding of a crucial historical conjuncture.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Protest movements – Germany – History"

1

Kramer, Joshua L. "Grass Roots Urbanism: An Overview of the Squatters Movement in West Berlin during the 1970S and 1980S." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1522764873720766.

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Tompkins, Andrew S. "'Better active today than radioactive tomorrow!' : transnational opposition to nuclear energy in France and West Germany, 1968-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4af6ec03-08ba-4c3f-a8c9-fffc4f26aa34.

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This thesis examines the opposition to civil nuclear energy in France and West Germany during the 1970s, arguing that small-scale interactions among its diverse participants led to broad changes in their personal lives and political environments. Drawing extensively on oral history interviews with former activists as well as police reports, media coverage and protest ephemera, this thesis shows how individuals at the grassroots built up a movement that transcended national (and social) borders. They were able to do so in part because nuclear power was such a multivalent symbol at the time. Residents of towns near planned power stations felt that nuclear technology represented an intervention in their community by state and industry, a potential threat to their health, wealth and way of life. In the decade after 1968, concerns like these coalesced with criticisms of capitalism, the state, militarism and consumer society that were being made by a more politicised constituency. This made the anti-nuclear movement both broad-based and highly fragmented. Activist networks linked people across existing national, political and social boundaries, but the social world of activism was subject to its own divisions (such as between locals and outsiders or between militant and non-violent activists). By analysing both the transnational dimensions and internal divisions of the anti-nuclear movement, this thesis revises the homogenising concepts of social movements that are prevalent in much of the existing sociological and political science literature. At the same time, it situates the anti-nuclear movement historically within the decade of upheaval that was the 1970s, while moving individual activists from the margins to the centre of protest history.

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3

Fung, Chi-ming. "History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river delta of South China, 1874-1992 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17537058.

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4

au, M. Tanji@murdoch edu, and Miyume Tanji. "The Enduring Myth of an Okinawan Struggle: The History and Trajectory of a Diverse Community of Protest." Murdoch University, 2003. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040510.152840.

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The islands of Okinawa have a long history of peoples protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawas enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three waves of a post-war Okinawan struggle against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawas annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united Okinawan struggle, and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawas distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers unions and political parties, is consistent with the new social movement theory. This theorys emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an Okinawan struggle has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an Okinawan struggle, which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an Okinawan struggle would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.

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5

Osmond, Jonathan. "The free peasantry : agrarian protest in the Bavarian Palatinate, 1893-1933." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:18ff2c23-f1b2-47a8-99b8-093dce81e7c7.

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This is a study of a German peasant pressure group of the 1920s. It is intended as a contribution to the debate about the role of the agrarian interest in the development of modern German politics. Its geographical scope is primarily the Bavarian Palatinate, but attention is also given to broader areas of the Rhineland and Bavaria. It is hoped too that light is cast upon issues common to large parts of Germany. The Free Peasantry (Freie Bauernschaft) developed a new concept of peasant trade unionism, which it hoped would assert peasant interests against those of industrial labour. Taking hold in small-farm areas of western and southern Germany, it lasted only from its foundation on the Lower Rhine in 1919 to its dissolution in the Saar territory in 1934, and for the even shorter period of 1920-29 in the Palatinate itself. In the Palatinate, however, it had a huge impact, launching agricultural delivery strikes against the postwar controlled economy and in 1923 providing the leader of most successful of the Rhenish separatist Putsche. The thesis places the Free Peasantry in the context of agrarian organisation and protest from the foundation of the Agrarian League (Bund der Landwirte) to the first year of National Socialist rule. These years saw the growth and then the disintegration of the freely organised peasant interest. Emphasis is placed on the agricultural economy, particularly during the inflation and the depression, and the central question posed is how the peasantry tried to find a satisfactory representation of its interests during these years of economic turmoil. The main sources were official papers in the Bavarian and Rhineland archives, the newspapers of the peasant associations, and the author's interview with the former chairman of the Free Peasantry.

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6

Morton, Gracie M. "The Long March of the German 68ers: Their Protest, Their Exhibition, and Their Administration." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2007. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2141.

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The postwar children coming of age in the late 1960s in West Germany mounted a widesweeping socio-political protest against what they saw as the strangling silence of their parents, the Nazi generation. These protesters, referred to as the 68ers for their pivotal year, continued their struggle in following decades, incorporating an important and controversial exhibition, and finally culminating in their own administration thirty years from their defining moment. Using such diverse kinds of information as parliamentary debates, interviews, and contemporary criticism, this thesis explores the impact of the 68ers' initial protest and the influence they ultimately had on their nation and society. The 68ers changed the face of German society by forcing a dialogue with the past that made a full exploration of the Nazi generation possible in Germany. They also incorporated gender politics into their protest and forced a social revolution that allowed a woman to be elected Chancellor.

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7

Hawkins, Michael Creed. "Compulsory Death: A Historiographic Study of the Eugenics and Euthanasia Movements in Nazi Germany." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2010. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1707.

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This thesis is a historiographical study of the eugenics and euthanasia programs of Nazi Germany. It traces there development from the end of World War One to the fall of Hitler's Third Reich. There are three stages in this study. First, I examine eugenics after World War One and the effect the era had on society. Then I study the Nazi transition from eugenics measures to "euthanasia", and last I analyze the transferring of the killing methods from the "euthanasia" centers to the concentration camps. The questions of how did the idea for eugenics develop in Germany society, what role did World War One play in its development, why did the Nazis move from eugenics to "euthanasia", was the children's euthanasia program and Aktion T-4 the same or different programs, did doctors willingly participate in the programs, was there a resistance to "euthanasia", and what role did the T-4 program play in the "Final Solution" are examined. This study uses a wide range of secondary sources. It examines the authors of those sources arguments and if their work plays a role in out better understanding of the event. Many of these authors are the leading scholars in their field. This study concludes that these sources have lead to our better understand the Holocaust, and the argument as to wither or not the mass murder of European Jewry was a well planned event or a trial and error process that lead to mass murder.

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8

Malamidis, Theocharis. "From protest to production: enlarging the boundaries of social movements in crisis-ridden Greece." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86218.

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The recent economic crisis had severe consequences for the countries of the European South; at its epicenter, Greece experienced tremendous economic, social and political transformations. The imposition of harsh austerity measures resulted in the sharp increase of unemployment, the dissolution of labor rights, budget reductions in health and education and the broader deconstruction of the former welfare state. At the same time, these measures were welcomed by a polymorphous movement against austerity. The square movement, continuous national strikes as well as large scale protests and demonstrations have carved out a contentious environment in Greece’s crisis-ridden landscape. These protest events brought new activists in the streets and transformed the criticism against austerity to a broader distaste for the neoliberal representative democracy. Confronted with the impoverishment of large segments of the Greek population, the anti-austerity mobilizations gave birth to new grassroots solidarity structures. Barter clubs, markets without middlemen, collective kitchens, social clinics, workers’ collectives and social cooperatives constitute only a few examples. Together with the eruption of these new initiatives, traditional social movement organizations (SMOs) shift their focus towards the provision of service-oriented repertoires. This process witnesses the enlargement of previously stable practical and conceptual boundaries. In line with post-modern accounts, this thesis argues that previously clear-cut boundaries, which used to distinguish the different roles within the social movement communities, become fluid, while the relationship between social movements and institutional actors gets blurred. The process of boundary enlargement in Greece is represented by the incorporation of service-oriented practices within the SMOs’ repertoires of action, something which is further accelerated due to the conditions of crisis and austerity. By focusing on the social movement scenes of health, food and labor, this inquiry explores the contentious dynamics and mechanisms that contributed to the enlargement of the SMOs’ boundaries. Through qualitative field research in SMOs in Athens and Thessaloniki, we analyze the changes in terms of their organizational structure, resources and identities. Additionally, by emphasizing the similarities and differences in their trajectories, we shed light on the new dilemmas that SMOs are faced with, providing a substantial explanation of how the crisis has affected the passage from the politics of protest to the politics of production.

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9

Tanji, Miyume. "The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest." Thesis, Tanji, Miyume (2003) The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2003. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/334/.

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The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people's protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa's enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three 'waves' of a post-war 'Okinawan struggle' against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa's annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united 'Okinawan struggle', and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa's distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers' unions and political parties, is consistent with the 'new social movement' theory. This theory's emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an 'Okinawan struggle', which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an 'Okinawan struggle' would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.

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10

Tanji, Miyume. "The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle : the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest /." Tanji, Miyume (2003) The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2003. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/334/.

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Abstract:

The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people's protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa's enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three 'waves' of a post-war 'Okinawan struggle' against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa's annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united 'Okinawan struggle', and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa's distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers' unions and political parties, is consistent with the 'new social movement' theory. This theory's emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an 'Okinawan struggle', which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an 'Okinawan struggle' would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.

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Books on the topic "Protest movements – Germany – History"

1

Nicholas, Thomas. Protest movements in 1960s West Germany: A social history of dissent and democracy. Oxford: Berg, 2003.

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Dale, Gareth. Popular protest in East Germany. London: Frank Cass ; New York : Routledge, 2005.

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Protest movements in 1960s West Germany: A social history of dissent and democracy. Oxford: Berg, 2003.

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Das waren Wintermonate voller Arbeit, Hoffen und Glück--: Die Novemberrevolution 1918 in Grundzügen. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2010.

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Frankland, E. Gene. Between protest and power: The GreenParty in Germany. Boulder, Colo: Westview, 1992.

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Snodgrass, Warren. Swords to plowshares: The fall of communist Germany. Huntington, N.Y: Nova Science Publishers, 2000.

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Klimke, Martin. The other alliance: Student protest in West Germany and the United States in the global sixties. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009.

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Klimke, Martin. The other alliance: Student protest in West Germany and the United States in the global sixties. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009.

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Donald, Schoonmaker, ed. Between protest and power: The Green Party in Germany. Boulder: Westview Press, 1992.

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Frankland, E. Gene. Between protest and power: The Green Party in Germany. Boulder: Westview Press, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Protest movements – Germany – History"

1

Anders, Freia, and Alexander Sedlmaier. "Vietnam War Protest and Solidarity in West Germany." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 173–205. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_7.

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van der Linden, Marcel. "European Social Protest, 1000–2000." In The History of Social Movements in Global Perspective, 175–209. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-30427-8_7.

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Cortright, David. "Protest and Politics: How Peace Movements Shape History." In The Handbook of Global Security Policy, 482–504. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118442975.ch27.

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Behre, Silja. "France’s Two Vietnams: Intellectual Protest Politics in Perspective." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 207–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_8.

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Kwak, Tae Yang. "The Vietnam War, Protest, and Democratization in South Korea." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 293–323. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_11.

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Kirchhelle, Claas. "From Protest to ‘Holy Writ’: The Mainstreaming of Welfare Politics." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 205–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-62792-8_11.

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Abstract:

AbstractThis chapter examines the evolution of British farm animal welfare politics during the last two decades of Harrison’s campaigning. In 1979, the RSPCA boycotted the Thatcher government’s new Farm Animal Welfare Council (FAWC). The short-lived protest triggered a membership revolt and moderation of RSPCA policies. It also coincided with a weakening of agricultural corporatism in Westminster. FAWC was granted relative independence from the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, and Food and explicitly acknowledged an updated version of the five freedoms. Ensuing British welfare reforms were also driven by the increasing involvement of European bodies in animal welfare. Now in her 60s, Ruth Harrison joined FAWC as a welfare member. Her increasing public recognition as a senior welfare campaigner enabled her to proactively push for reforms, expand her fundraising activities, and sponsor additional welfare research. By the late 1990s, most of her welfare positions had become part of mainstream politics.

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Macartney, Alex Finn. "The Japanese New Left, the Vietnam War, and Anti-Imperial Protest." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 235–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_9.

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Sedlmaier, Alexander. "Protest in the Era of the Indochina Wars: Upending Centre and Periphery." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 1–10. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_1.

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Hermosilla, Matías. "Singing in Solidarity: The Latin American Protest Song Movement and the Vietnam War." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 391–422. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_14.

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Claire Barillé, Kevin Lenk, Colin Reid, and Erika Szívós. "3.5.2 Protest and Social Movements in Modern History (ca. 1800–1900)." In The European Experience, 405–14. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0323.38.

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