Journal articles: 'Protest movements – France – History'

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Stepanov, Mikhail. "Ideas and Values of the "Yellow Vests" Movement in France." Polylogos 6, no. 2 (20) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110018021-5.

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The "yellow vests" movement that stirred up France in November 2018 was a complete surprise not only for its leaders, but also for the whole world. Spontaneously arising in the depths of social networks from a simple petition for refusing to raise taxes on petroleum products, the horizontal, decentralized association of ordinary citizens has become the largest social protest movement since the student unrest of 1968 and the longest in the history of the Fifth Republic. It made it possible to reveal serious problems in the social organism of the country, about which it was not customary to speak publicly before, and to begin to conduct a comprehensive dialogue on them. It also created a new symbol of the struggle of the grassroots of society for social justice - the yellow vest, which has already acquired an international status. This work is devoted to the study of the ideas and values of the "yellow vests" movement in France. Based on the analysis of a wide range of scientific literature, the results of sociological surveys, statistical data and media materials, an attempt is made to identify and describe the ideas and values of the "yellow vests" movement. Achieving this goal allowed us to get an idea of what motivated people who regularly went to protest rallies in 2018 - 2019. The results of the study can be useful both in the study of modern social protest movements and for conducting a general assessment of the French domestic political situation during the current "five-year plan".

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Casanellas, Pau. "Joint Efforts in the Fight against Franco: Protest and Repression during the Spanish Long ’68." Contemporary European History 31, no. 2 (January 24, 2022): 271–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000163.

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As in many other countries, Spanish society also underwent its own ’68. In response, the Franco regime increased repression: it became much harsher, and much broader. After that, opposition to state brutality became the anti-Franco movement's main cause and a unifying element for its many different actors. This is the process addressed by this article. Specifically, it aims to explore how repression facilitated the encounters between activists coming from different social movements and political organisations. At the same time, it tries to show the importance of diversifying the analyses on the long ’68 – focusing on different countries, regions and cities – in order to grasp its transnational nature.

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Dekker, Rudolf. "Labour Conflicts and Working-Class Culture in Early Modern Holland." International Review of Social History 35, no. 3 (December 1990): 377–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000010051.

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SUMMARYFrom the 15th to the 18th century Holland, the most urbanized part of the northern Netherlands, had a tradition of labour action. In this article the informal workers' organizations which existed especially within the textile industry are described. In the 17th century the action forms adjusted themselves to the better coordinated activities of the authorities and employers. After about 1750 this protest tradition disappeared, along with the economic recession which especially struck the traditional industries. Because of this the continuity of the transition from the ancien régime to the modern era which may be discerned in the labour movements of countries like France and England, cannot be found in Holland.

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Markoff, John. "Peasants Protest: The Claims of Lord, Church, and State in theCahiers de doléancesof 1789." Comparative Studies in Society and History 32, no. 3 (July 1990): 413–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500016583.

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For all the attention the rural insurrection of 1789 has received, there is still a great deal to learn. Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie has suggested that the revolts provide us with a window into a great transformation of the French countryside. He is struck by the contrast with the great seventeenth-century movements of violent resistance to the fiscal pressures of the growing state. After a long interval in which the defeated peasantry raised no major challenge, the distinctive target of the rural upheavals of the early revolution had switched from the claims of the state to those of the lord. Understanding this shift, Le Roy Ladurie suggests, should illuminate the rural history of France in modern times. Why do peasants rise against one target rather than another? To date there is little scholarly consensus on the forms and significance of the rural insurrection.

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Malikov, Yuriy. "The Kenesary Kasymov Rebellion (1837–1847): A National-Liberation Movement or “a Protest of Restoration”?" Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (December 2005): 569–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500354137.

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The history of each nation has some key periods that have drawn the attention of generations of researchers. Historians consider the Great Revolution of France, the rise of Hitler in Germany, and the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia to be among the most important events, hence the events most worth studying, of these countries. Different interpretations of these events, which determined the fates of people for decades and even for centuries, cause heated debates among scholars.

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Field, Geoffrey, and Michael Hanagan. "ILWCH: Forty Years On." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000324.

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This issue celebrates the fortieth anniversary ofInternational Labor and Working-Class History. A relative youngster, it was a product of the second of two waves that resulted in the foundation of many labor history journals and societies.1The first wave, between roughly 1956 and 1962 included the Dutch-basedInternational Review of Social History;2the Feltrinelli Institute'sAnnaliin Italy; Le mouvement socialin France;Labor Historyin the United States; the BritishBulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History;3the West GermanArchiv fur Sozialgeschichte;and Australia'sLabour History. These journals developed at a time when organized labor and left-wing politics were strong and confident of their future,4although many who were active in these journals were highly critical of the political strategies of the existing Left and, in Eric Hobsbawm's words, viewed them “as an attempt to find a way forward in Left politics through historical reflection.”5The second wave of journal creation in labor history took place in the 1970s and included not onlyILWCH(1972), butRadical History Review(1975),Labour/Le Travail(1976), andHistory Workshop Journal(1976). These journals were especially shaped by the radicalism of the 1960s—the Vietnam War, the Cuban revolution, and the wave of student, feminist, and left-wing unrest in Europe and the world in 1968 and subsequently.6The new journals were more transnational and more comparative; malleable youths, these journals were more susceptible to the influence of the social movements evolving around them. They were more attentive to the relationship between metropole and colonial territories and more focused on the burgeoning fields of black studies and women's history than was true earlier. Drawing upon the work of sociologists, political scientists, and demographers, they were also animated by the tremendous explosion of social history in the 1960s and 1970s and new research underway on social protest movements, race, and social conditions.7

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Mouflard, Claire. "Stages, Streets, and Social Media." French Politics, Culture & Society 40, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2022.400203.

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At the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, intersectional feminists in France turned to social media to denounce the racism, misogyny, and sexual harassment that have plagued the French film industry and society at large for generations. Although their activism had started long before the pandemic with the Me Too and Black Lives Matter movements, the online debates they initiated during the March–May 2020 lockdown (when it became illegal to march, protest, or simply gather in public) reached new and larger audiences beyond their own feminist and artistic spheres. Social media posts and actions by Aïssa Maïga, Rokhaya Diallo, Noémie de Lattre, and comedy duo Camille et Justine elicited strong reactions from opposing parties, notably the “masculinistes” and the “féministes identitaires.” This article highlights these artists’ intersectional discourses, along with the verbal violence they endure online, and ponders the question of equity in terms of digital access and literacy.

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Petrovsky, Helen. "Revolution without Revolution (On the Events in France)." South Atlantic Quarterly 119, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 511–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8601374.

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Petrovsky’s article examines the famous events of May ’68 in France from a specific angle offered by Michel de Certeau, namely, the “taking of speech” (la prise de parole). For de Certeau the taking of speech is no less important than the taking of the Bastille—it asserts the individual’s right to resistance and is a necessary precondition of all the other human rights. However, where de Certeau speaks against the anonymizing forces at work in consumer societies, the author chooses to see (and hear) the tumult of the masses. The taking of speech, therefore, is possible only when the masses are collectively engaged in action; it is the expression of action itself. In a more general sense, May ’68, the first global protest movement in postwar history, teaches us that revolutions (especially so-called color revolutions) are no simple textbook events: they are propelled by a specific kind of sociability that points to the dynamic of noninstitutional democracy itself.

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Charmley, John. "Duff Cooper and Western European union, 1944–47." Review of International Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114366.

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Duff Cooper fell in love with France during his first visit to Paris in 1900 and he remained faithful to her for the rest of his life. The fact that Paris in 1900 was deeply Anglophobic, because of the Boer war, had no effect upon Cooper's feelings for the city. His affection for France was no fair-weather plant. It was deepened by the experience of nine months in the trenches in the Great War and was, thereafter, proof against all discouragements. As a young Foreign Office clerk in 1923 he did not join in the fashionable disparagement of France inspired by the French occupation of the Ruhr. As Minister of War from 1935 to 1937 he fought for the creation of a British army which would be large enough to play a continental role and later, as First Lord of the Admiralty, he was a leading advocate of Anglo-French co-operation. After his resignation in protest against the Munich agreement, Cooper spent his time fostering the idea of an Anglo-French alliance as the corner-stone of a European combination against Hitler's Germany. His love for France even survived the fall of France in June 1940 and, at a time when many francophiles were repenting of their former faith. Cooper renewed his pledges of devotion. Speaking on the wireless as Minister of Information on the eve of the Franco-German armistice, he declared his faith that France would rise again: ‘This is not the first time that a great nation has been defeated and has recovered from defeat. They have fought with heroism against superior numbers and superior weapons; their losses have been terrible.’ At the Ministry of Information Cooper was one of the earliest patrons of General de Gaulle and his Free French Movement. Given such a long history of Francophilia what could have been more natural than that he should have been appointed as Britain's first post-war ambassador to France. It was not, however, quite so simple as that.

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Bravo Lozano, Cristina. "Popular Protests, the Public Sphere and Court Catholicism. The Insults to the Chapel of the Spanish Embassy in London, 1685-1688." Culture & History Digital Journal 6, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2017.007.

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The coronation of James II, a Catholic, brought about a profound political change in religious matters in the British Isles. At court, a Catholicizing process was introduced, supported by the monarch and the European diplomats who opened chapels in different parts of the city. However, this missionary effort had an unequal reception and caused a popular rejection against this new religious culture, leading to demonstrations of a markedly confessional nature. The chapel of the Spanish Embassy suffered the insults of the crowd on two occasions: the main consequence of these altercations was its destruction during the revolution of 1688. Although, superficially, this protest movement can be interpreted as anti-Catholic, it must be understood in a political context. With each new royal ruling, the protests gained strength until finally exploding after the flight of the King to France. This paper focuses on the popular protests and the explicit remonstrance of English Protestants against these Catholic altars and places of worship, with particular emphasis on the residence of Pedro Ronquillo. This study looks at popular protests and the reaction of the authorities, perceptions of the English and the use of the public sphere, the reception and dissemination of news and the impact of popular religious violence on foreign affairs in this crucial phase of English and European history.

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Dolgov, Boris V. "The Islamist Challenge in the Greater Mediterranean." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 655–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-655-670.

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The article examines and analyzes the spread of Islamism or Political Islam movements in the Greater Mediterranean and their increasing influence on the socio-political situation in 2011-2021. The historical factors, which contributed to the emergence of the hearths of Islamic culture in the countries which entered the Arab Caliphate in the Greater Mediterranean parallel with the Antique centers of European civilization, are retrospectively exposed. The Islamist ideologues called the Ottoman Imperia the heir of the Arab Caliphate. The main doctrinal conceptions of Political Islam and its more influential movement Muslim Brotherhood (forbidden in Russia) are discovered. The factor of the Arab Spring, which considerably influenced the strengthening of the Islamist movements, as well as its continuation of the protests in the Arab countries in 2018-2021, is examined. The main attention is allotted to analyzing the actions of the Islamic movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and in the Libyan and Syrian conflicts too. The influence of external actors, the most active of which was Turkey, is revealed. The author also analyzes the situation in the Arab-Muslim communities in the European Mediterranean on the example of France, where social-economic problems, aggravated by COVID-19, have contributed to the activation of radical Islamist elements. It is concluded that confronting the Islamist challenge is a complex and controversial task. Its solution depends on both forceful opposition to radical groups and an appropriate foreign policy. An important negative factor is the aggravation of socio-economic problems and crisis phenomena in the institutions of Western democracy, in response to which the ideologues of Islamism preach an alternative world order in the form of an Islamic state. At the moment the Western society and the countries which repeat its liberal model do not give a distinct response to this challenge.

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Tilly, Charles. "S. N. Eisenstadt, L. Roniger and A. Seligman. Centre Formation, Protest Movements, and Class Structure in Europe and the United States. Frances Pinter (Publishers), London1987. iv, 187 pp. £ 21.00." International Review of Social History 34, no. 1 (April 1989): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000009093.

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Gueye, A. "The Colony Strikes Back: African Protest Movements in Postcolonial France." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 26, no. 2 (January 1, 2006): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2006-006.

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14

HINZ, UTA. "‘1968’ in Context: Protest Movements in the 1960s." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 233–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000087.

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The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the ‘sixty-eight’ to the ‘thirty-three’ generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated ‘parallels in German history’, continuities and ‘similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse’. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the ‘year of protest’ (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the ‘long 1960s’.

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Arranz Otaegui, Iker, and Kevin C. Moore. "Visual Art and Propaganda Ecologies in the Basque Country: A Sample of Guernica Motifs from the Benedictine Sticker Archives (1978–1989)." Arts 11, no. 3 (June 8, 2022): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts11030062.

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The Benedictine Archives at Lazkao contain a multitude of propaganda stickers and related visual media that provide a snapshot of the Basque region’s artful political culture in the 1970s and 1980s. Some of the most compelling examples include several items that remix Pablo Picasso’s Guernica, referencing the famous antiwar painting to become a form of mass-circulated pastiche. This move was somewhat unusual amid the strong nationalist bent of public discourse and art in the Basque Country during this period. Almost entirely unknown outside the region, these materials capture political performance during the decade-long period between the instauration of Spanish democracy (1978) and the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989), when separatist sentiment reached a peak in the Basque Country. This artful visual platform, rendered in the small, focused format of stickers, constitutes a useful index of rhetorical currents within the Basque Country and Spain, as well as an interesting analogue prototype of what we might call, in the twenty-first century, meme culture. Circulated in bars and other public places across the Basque region, and frequently worn upon clothing, the stickers demonstrate a propaganda principle described by Jonathan Auerbach and Russ Castronovo, whereby participants in movements of mass persuasion actively partake in the dissemination and consumption of propaganda. The stickers normally refer to very concrete events (for instance, a one-day celebration, a protest for a concrete situation, etc.). When organized on topics and themes, they create a nonlinear visual account of post-Franco Basque history, providing propaganda narratives that invite performative acts from the audience. This account documents the significance of the vast Benedictine collection for future scholars, analyzing, in detail, four stickers that employ Guernica in their design. It also considers several other representative items from the collections that play on other art forms, as well as pop culture, in their attempt to influence public opinion, politics, and media consumption.

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Benford, Robert D., and T. K. Oommen. "Protest and Change: Studies in Social Movements." Social Forces 70, no. 3 (March 1992): 835. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2579762.

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Jobs, Richard Ivan. "Youth Movements: Travel, Protest, and Europe in 1968." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (April 2009): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.376.

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Pickard, Sarah, and Judith Bessant. "France’s #Nuit Debout Social Movement: Young People Rising up and Moral Emotions." Societies 8, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8040100.

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Set against a backdrop of austerity and neoliberal policies affecting many young people adversely, the Nuit Debout protest movement in France began in March 2016 when people gathered in public spaces to oppose the Socialist government’s plan to introduce neoliberal labour legislation. Like other post-2008 movements, Nuit Debout was leaderless, non-hierarchical, and relied on social media for political communication and to mobilise participants. The Nuit Debout was also a movement inspired by powerful moral-political emotions such as righteous anger and hope. In this article, the authors address two questions. First, what features of Nuit Debout distinguished it from earlier social movements in France? Second, what role did moral emotions play in mobilising people to act as they did? Drawing on interviews with young protestors and their own testimonies, we argue that Nuit Debout was a distinctive form of protest for France. One distinguishing feature was the way young people—the “precarious generation”—were motivated by a strong sense of situated injustice, much of which related to what they saw as the unfairness of austerity policies, being deprived of a decent future and the feeling they had been betrayed by governments.

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Lai, Daniela. "Practicing Solidarity: ‘Reconciliation’ and Bosnian Protest Movements." Ethnopolitics 19, no. 2 (August 23, 2019): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1653016.

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Jung, Jai. "Disentangling Protest Cycles: An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.

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The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initial phase of social movement mobilization, rather than throughout the movement's lifespan. What explains declining frequencies of protest occurrence during the demobilization phase is the joint effect of two internal factors: the institutionalization of social movements and the growing violence during protests.

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Markoff, John. "Overflowing Channels: How Democracy Didn’t Work as Planned (and Perhaps a Good Thing It Didn’t)." Sociological Theory 37, no. 2 (June 2019): 184–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0735275119850866.

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When eighteenth-century revolutionary elites set about designing new political orders, they drew on commonplace theoretical understandings of “democracy” as highly undesirable. They therefore designed government institutions in which popular participation was to be extremely limited. The new political constructions, in both France and the United States, never worked as planned. The mobilizations of the revolutionary era did not vanish as the constitutional designers hoped. More profoundly, challenging social movements were unintentionally woven into the fabric of modern democracy due to the confluence of three processes: The legitimacy claims of democratic powerholders also legitimate protest; the institutional architecture of modern democracy, especially the allocation of office through elections, provides structural support for social movements as well; and the practices of democracy recurrently trigger politically powerful emotions that energize protest. Understanding democracy therefore demands a theory of the interplay of social movements and governing institutions from the foundational moment.

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Brock, Peter, and April Carter. "Peace Movements: International Protest and World Politics since 1945." American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (April 1993): 474. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166860.

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Hall, Simon. "Protest Movements in the 1970s: The Long 1960s." Journal of Contemporary History 43, no. 4 (October 2008): 655–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009408095421.

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Danbom, David B., Patrick H. Mooney, and Theo J. Majka. "Farmers' and Farm Workers' Movements: Social Protest in American Agriculture." Journal of American History 82, no. 4 (March 1996): 1546. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945323.

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Gahr, Joshua, and Michael Young. "Evangelicals and Emergent Moral Protest." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.19.2.r51v21rj4527m450.

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This article provides a comparative analysis of two religiously inspired protests that fed broader social movements: the "rebellion" of immediate abolitionists at Lane Seminary in Cincinnati in 1834 and the new-left "breakthrough" at the Christian Faith-and-Life Community in Austin in 1960. The two cases are examples of moral protests breaking out of Protestant institutions and shaping social movements. From the comparison, we draw general lessons about the meso- and micro-level processes of activist conversions. We show how processes of "rationalization" and "subjectivation" combined in the emergence of new contentious moral orders. We apply these lessons to help explain the creative interactions of evangelical Protestants in the history of American moral protest. Our approach accords with pragmatist and new social movement theories of emergent moral orders.

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Kosevich, E. "Multiple Sources of Protest Movements in Latin America." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 2 (2020): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.2.61.5.

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Social outbreaks which have been characteristic of the political landscape of Latin America throughout the course of history of this region , reached their peak in the late 90s of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. It can be argued without exaggeration that a special culture of mass protests has already formed in this part of the world. It functions as an independent “pressure mechanism” aimed at expanding rights and reducing historical injustice. In the fall of 2019 Latin America became the epicenter of social protests. Residents of the highest income inequality region of the world ceased restraining their discontent. It turned out to be impossible for the state authorities to react to such indignation by the usual repressive methods, thus they were forced to listen to society demands. In just a few months, Haiti, Ecuador, Chile, Bolivia were caught in a massive political crisis which was marked by massive street demonstrations. Gradually, a wave of public discontent swept over countries such as Colombia and Argentina. Although the root causes of these events in each country were different, several general trends stand out in all the chaos that is happening in Latin America. These trends can be traced in all foci of instability that broke out almost simultaneously in several countries of the region. This paper attempts to analyze the main factors that led to such widespread unrest. The goal of this analysis is to reveal the unresolved problems of the region. The author identifies the main reasons that together caused social explosions, and presents them in the form of a hierarchical pyramid: from the underlying economic instability, the crisis of the neoliberal development model, social inequality; the weakening of the political system and corruption, that are situated in the middle; until the very top of the pyramid – the “democracy deficit” and the influence of social networks. In this context, I divided the article into 4 thematic blocks, which will allow a systematic review of the most important causes that set a chain reaction in motion of protest activities, as well as an assessment of the further development of the socio-political situation in Latin America. A combination of regional and country approaches were applied in this paper to the phenomenon under study.

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Laajalahti, Anne. "A Historical Analysis of Media Practices and Technologies in Protest Movements: A Review of Crisis and Critique by Anne Kaun." Media and Communication 5, no. 2 (May 10, 2017): 64–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i2.976.

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Dr. Anne Kaun’s book, <em>Crisis and Critique: A Brief History of Media Participation in Times of Crisis</em> (London: Zed Books, 2016, 131 pp., ISBN: 978-1-78360-736-5), is a concise but comprehensive analysis of the changing media practices and technologies in protest movements. The book overviews the topic within the context of major economic crises and scrutinises three richly detailed case studies in the United States: (a) the unemployed workers’ movement during the Great Depression in the 1930s, (b) the tenants’ rent strike movement of the early 1970s, and (c) the Occupy Wall Street movement following the Great Recession of 2008. Kaun begins her book with an introduction to economic crises and protest movements and highlights the relationship of crisis and critique to media practices. She goes on to investigate historical forms of media participation in protest movements from three different perspectives: (a) protest time, (b) protest space, and (c) protest speed. The book contributes to the recent discussion on the emerging role of social media in protest by providing a historically nuanced analysis of the media participation in times of crisis. As a whole, the book is valuable to anyone interested in media and social activism.

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CHANG, SHENGPING, and STEVE HESS. "The Diffusion of Contention in Contemporary China: An investigation of the 2014–15 wave of teacher strikes." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 4 (April 2, 2018): 1172–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000615.

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AbstractThe article examines a wave of teachers’ strikes that spread across China during the autumn, winter, and spring of 2014–15. Looking at event data and social media coverage of the wave, it discusses how social media enabled protesters to carry out media-savvy campaigns that involved both online and offline tactics, draw inspiration from claimants in faraway protest sites, and emulate tactics, slogans, and symbols from other locations. The episode indicates that claimants in contemporary China are utilizing social media to break the geographic bounds of localized protests and, while falling short of nationally coordinated protest movements, are able to generate widespread, cross-regional protest waves that place greater pressure on subnational authorities to give in to protester demands. These cross-regional protest waves present a third category of ‘widespread’ protests in China that are distinct from parochial/localized protests and national protest movements.

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Nicholas, D. "Popular Protest in Late Medieval Europe: Italy, France, and Flanders." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 494 (December 1, 2006): 1528–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel334.

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Strasser, Bruno J. "The Shapes of Dissent: Protest, Masculinities, and Nuclear Expertise." Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 8, no. 1 (May 30, 2022): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17351/ests2022.939.

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Scholars have paid significant attention to the role of gender in social movements, especially in the women’s health and other feminist protest organizations. Gender issues have been less studied in other social movements, such as the anti-nuclear movement, and when they have, then almost always with a focus on the role of women. This paper explores the role of men and the performance of masculinities in protests against civilian nuclear energy. During the 1970s–1990s, activists performed three distinct forms of protest (sabotage, counter-information, and counter-expertise) in dissent against Superphénix, an experimental nuclear reactor built in Creys-Malville, France. This paper looks at how these different forms of protest were grounded in traditional Western views of masculinity, especially virility and paternalism. By comparing and contrasting counter-expertise in the anti-nuclear and the women’s health movement, the paper argues that anti-nuclear counter-expertise was less about providing an alternative view of nature, than personally discrediting official experts in a fight of “man against man” (Lewontin 1968, 2). Finally, it reflects on the consequences of these types of confrontational masculinity on the possibility of science-based dissent.

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HÄBERLEN, JOACHIM C., and RUSSELL A. SPINNEY. "Introduction." Contemporary European History 23, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000289.

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It might seem trivial and mere common sense to note that revolts and revolutions are deeply emotional moments. In history books and newspapers, we read about the tense and emotionally charged atmosphere that leads to violence when protestors confront police forces, or about furious and passionate crowds acting in defiance of the ideal of rational and coldblooded politics. But rage and anger are not the only emotions involved in the politics of protest. Consider the iconic photographs of the summer strikes during the French Popular Front in 1936, depicting smiling workers occupying their factories and construction sites, or the cheering crowds storming the Berlin Wall in November 1989. Or consider the genre of protest songs, telling stories of solidarity and hope as well as deep sorrow. At times, social and political movements even made feelings their central concern, such as the hippy movement with its calls for free love. On the other side of the political spectrum, conservative as well as social democratic observers often denounced protests and riots as politically irrelevant outbreaks of hatred, or mocked the ‘hysterical’ fear of the peace movement during the 1980s. Somehow, these examples suggest, feelings mattered, yet how precisely they mattered is rarely investigated. The essays in this special issue will address this question in order to enrich our understanding of protest movements, revolts and revolutions. Collectively, they intend to open a theoretical and methodological debate on the role of emotions in the politics of protest and resistance.

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Béliveau, Denis. "Les grains de la colère. Géographie de l’émotion populaire en France au sujet de la cherté des céréales (1816-1817)." Criminologie 27, no. 1 (August 16, 2005): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/017350ar.

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By examining protests over the high price of wheat, this article attemps to re-evaluate the true impact of the variable «price » on protest movements. Over and above the pressure exerted by the increase in the price of produce, other factors figured in increases in popular unrest. Oversimplification and a mechanistic analysis linking these protests with the high price of grain fail to explain the nature of these movements. It is necessary, therefore, to consider not only structural elements, but also the interplay of local unions, the impact of descriptions of self and other, and the influence of rumours and expectations.

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Patton, David F. "Protest Voting in Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 72–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370306.

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In 1989-1990, peaceful protests shook the German Democratic Republic (GDR), ushered in unification, and provided a powerful narrative of people power that would shape protest movements for decades to come. This article surveys eastern German protest across three decades, exploring the interplay of protest voting, demonstrations, and protest parties since the Wende. It finds that protest voting in the east has had a significant political impact, benefiting and shaping parties on both the left and the right of the party spectrum. To understand this potential, it examines how economic and political factors, although changing, have continued to provide favorable conditions for political protest in the east. At particular junctures, waves of protest occurred in each of the three decades after unification, shaping the party landscape in Germany.

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Wilson, Constance M. "The Holy Man in the History of Thailand and Laos." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1997): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400014491.

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Holy men were respected leaders in early Thai and Lao society. As Thai society became more complex, traditional holy men disappeared, to be replaced by modern charismatic monks. But, in Southern Laos and the Khorat Plateau, holy men found a new role as leaders of protest movements.

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TOMPKINS, ANDREW. "Grassroots Transnationalism(s): Franco-German Opposition to Nuclear Energy in the 1970s." Contemporary European History 25, no. 1 (January 13, 2016): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777315000508.

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AbstractDuring the 1970s opposition to nuclear energy was present in countries around the world and thus eminently ‘transnational’. But what did it mean to participate at the grassroots of such a transnational movement and (how) did cross-border connections change protest? This article answers these questions by differentiating three categories of transnational engagement that were accessible to grassroots activists. ‘Thinking transnationally’ involved extrapolating from, decontextualising and recontextualising limited information in order to rethink one's own situation. ‘Acting transnationally’ entailed accessing transnational spaces; it therefore required more mobility, but could be useful as a means of challenging and deconstructing state power. Intermediaries at the grassroots engaged in ‘being transnational’, which affected their personal and political identities as well as life histories. These examples of transnational agency illustrate how grassroots activists, including some without vast wealth or institutional resources, participated in transnational processes in ways that enriched, but also complicated protest.

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Broqua, Christophe, and Olivier Fillieule. "The Making of State Homosexuality: How AIDS Funding Shaped Same-Sex Politics in France." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 13 (November 2017): 1623–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217744136.

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The article traces the way AIDS activism, and more largely the homosexual movement, have been progressively supported and funded by the State in France. If the State is most often viewed as a target of protest movements, some research focuses on how state interventions may contribute not only to the development and success of voluntary groups but also constrain their room to maneuver, pushing them to soften their claims, their identities and their repertoires of action. The authors also address a less often explored dimension of the effect of State funding, that is, how, in the case under study, it has contributed to shaping the social and legal forms of same-sex politics and coproduced social norms of contemporary homosexuality. State funding is viewed less as a factor of transformation of movements, in its effects of acting as a brake on or a facilitator of action by mobilized groups, and more in the way it has become involved in a process of coproduction of social norms along with social movements.

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Bossenga, Gail, and William Beik. "Urban Protest in Seventeenth-Century France: The Culture of Retribution." American Historical Review 104, no. 1 (February 1999): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650304.

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Le Queux, Stéphane. "New protest movements and the revival of labour politics - A critical examination." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 11, no. 4 (November 2005): 569–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890501100407.

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This article considers the extent to which the anti-globalisation movement might contribute to a revival of labour politics. The starting point is an awareness that the trade unions and the anti-globalists do not necessarily see eye to eye so that any assumption that they can readily join forces becomes problematical. Four fault lines are identified in relation to key areas of concern: i) political alternatives; ii) participatory democracy; iii) organic cohesion and inclusion; and iv) the renewal of activism. The article focuses on the case of France - regarded as something of an archetype of social movement unionism - and on its interface with the ETUC in the process of European integration. It is pointed out that while - in the view of the author - the anti-globalisation movement does indeed offer a potential source and impetus for a revitalisation of labour politics, this is no tame option but one requiring a carefully thought out strategy on the part of the trade unions and the social movements. The article concludes, accordingly, on a note of scepticism about the way in which the international trade union bodies have so far approached these issues, stressing the risk that the trade unions could find themselves between a rock and a hard place.

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Lapina, Natalia. "France in the era of global transformations." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 3 (2021): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.03.01.

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Since joining the current stage of globalization, France has changed considerably. Shifts occurred in all spheres of society, but they were not synchronous. The most dynamic area – the economy-was the fastest to «react» to France's entry into the global economy. In the social sphere, the changes were slower than in the economy, but they were very profound: they affected the working class, employees, and the middle classes, which were numerically reduced and fragmented. In the mid-1990 s, France's foreign policy began to adapt to the new world order that emerged as a result of the collapse of the USSR. This forced the French political class to reconsider its foreign policy attitudes and «to make lower its ambitions». By the second decade of the twenty-first century, the political landscape of the country had changed: traditional parties had collapsed, and radical populist parties and movements («Unconquered France» of J.-L. Melenchon and «National Union» of M. Le Pen) had become stronger on the left and right flanks. Against the background of these large-scale changes, social protest movements have emerged and intensified in France; the split between society and the elites has acquired unprecedented proportions. To these trends and phenomena, the coronavirus pandemic has been added, which poses a huge number of problems for the country's authorities to solve.

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NEHRING, HOLGER. "National Internationalists: British and West German Protests against Nuclear Weapons, the Politics of Transnational Communications and the Social History of the Cold War, 1957–1964." Contemporary European History 14, no. 4 (November 2005): 559–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002766.

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This article examines the politics of communication between British and West German protesters against nuclear weapons in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The interpretation suggested here historicises the assumptions of ‘transnational history’ and shows the nationalist and internationalist dimensions of the protest movements' histories to be inextricably connected. Both movements related their own aims to global and international problems. Yet they continued to observe the world from their individual perspectives: national, regional and local forms thus remained important. By illuminating the interaction between political traditions, social developments and international relations in shaping important political movements within two European societies, this article can provide one element of a new connective social history of the cold war.

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Flora, Cornelia Butler, Patrick H. Mooney, and Theo J. Majka. "Farmers' and Farm Workers Movements: Social Protest in American Agriculture." Social Forces 75, no. 2 (December 1996): 753. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580429.

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Karcher, Katharina. "Violence for a Good Cause? The Role of Violent Tactics in West German Solidarity Campaigns for Better Working and Living Conditions in the Global South in the 1980s." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 566–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000237.

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AbstractTaking up Frank Trentmann's suggestion of ‘widening the historical frame’ in which we analyse the fair trade movement, this article explores the entangled history of violent and peaceful tactics in two transnational solidarity campaigns in West Germany the 1980s: the German anti-Apartheid movement and a campaign for women workers in a South Korean garment factory. Both campaigns had the aim to improve the living and working conditions of producers in the Global South and were characterised by a complex interplay of peaceful and militant tactics ranging from boycott calls to arson attacks and bombings. Although more research into the impact of violent protest is needed, the two case studies suggest that the use of violent protest tactics can contribute towards the success of protest movements if it attracts considerable media attention, the targeted companies face significant social and political pressure and the cumulative disruption costs clearly exceed the concession costs.

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Shefner, Jon, Aaron Rowland, and George Pasdirtz. "Austerity and Anti-Systemic Protest: Bringing Hardships Back In." Journal of World-Systems Research 21, no. 2 (August 31, 2015): 460–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2015.15.

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This article explores the relationship between hardships and protest in the world-system. Despite the history of discussion of anti-systemic protest, there has been little work that differentiates world-systems contributions to social movement research from others who examine social movements. We contribute to a theory of anti-systemic protest by re-introducing hardships as a crucial element that defines inequalities in the world-system; one consistent source of those hardships are austerity policies imposed in response to debt negotiations. In addition to our path analyses which demonstrate the clear link of hardships and protest, our case studies provide further historical analysis on when globalization, political openings, and long-term hardships also help explain the occasion of protest.

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Zirakzadeh, Cyrus Ernesto. "Traditions of protest and the high‐school student movements in Spain and France in 1986–87." West European Politics 12, no. 3 (July 1989): 220–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388908424750.

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Hawkins, P. "Protest Music in France: Production, Identity and Audiences." French Studies 64, no. 1 (December 17, 2009): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knp238.

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Bulbeck, Chilla, and Verity Burgmann. "Power and Protest: Movements for Change in Australian Society." Labour History, no. 66 (1994): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509250.

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Griffiths, Phil, and Verity Burgmann. "Power, Profit and Protest: Australian Social Movements and Globalisation." Labour History, no. 86 (2004): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27515983.

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Paladin, Nicola. "Modes and Moves of Protest." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7376.

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The role of mass protest has been recurrently central yet controversial in the American culture. Central because American history presents a constellation of significant collective protest movements, very different among them but generally symptomatic of a contrast between the people and the state: from the 1775 Boston Massacre and the 1787 Shays’s Rebellion, to the 1863 Draft Riots, but also considering the 1917 Houston Riot or anti-Vietnam war pacifist protests. Controversial, since despite—or because of—its historical persistence, American mass protest has generated a media bias which labelled mobs and crowds as a disruptive popular expression, thus constructing an opposition—practical and rhetorical—between popular subversive tensions, and the so-called middle class “conservative” and self-preserving struggle. During the 20th century, this scenario was significantly influenced by 1968. “The sixties [we]re not fictional”, Stephen King claims in Hearts of Atlantis (1999), in fact “they actually happened”, and had a strong impact on the American culture of protest to the point that their legacy has spread into the post 9/11 era manifestations of dissent. Yet, in the light of this evolution, I believe the very perception of protesting crowds has transformed, producing a narrative in which collectivity functions both as “perpetrator” and “victim”, unlike in the traditional dichotomy. Hence, my purpose is to demonstrate the emergence of this new and historically peculiar connotation of crowds and mobs in America as a result of recent reinterpretations of the history and practice of protest in the 1960s, namely re-thinking the tropes of protest movements of those years, and relocating them in contemporary forms of protest. For this reason, I will concentrate on Nathan Hill’s recent novel, The Nix (2016), and focus on the constant dialogue it establishes between the 1968 modes of protest and the Occupy movement.

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Uggla, Fredrik. "Between Globalism and Pragmatism: ATTAC in France, Germany, and Sweden." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.1.q017g82p477p1837.

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This article tests two conflicting theoretical views on the extent to which economic and political globalization makes contentious groups and social movements more globally oriented in their strategies. It focuses on a critical case in the globalization of activism: the Attac group, which forms part of the movement for global justice. By analyzing the demands, actions, and targets present in the group's communiqués in France, Germany and Sweden, the analysis yields mixed conclusions about the globalization of protest. Although the global orientation of Attac is evident in the demands contained in such statements, the group appears highly centered at the national level through its choice of targets and alliances. Furthermore, in France and Germany there is a clear trend towards a more national focus among the demands made by the group.

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Smith, Geoffrey S., Madeleine Adams, and Seth Borgos. "This Mighty Dream: Social Protest Movements in the United States." Labour / Le Travail 20 (1987): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142882.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Protest movements – France – History'

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