Relevant bibliographies by topics / Protest movements – France – History

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Academic literature on the topic 'Protest movements – France – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Protest movements – France – History"

1

Stepanov, Mikhail. "Ideas and Values of the "Yellow Vests" Movement in France." Polylogos 6, no. 2 (20) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110018021-5.

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The "yellow vests" movement that stirred up France in November 2018 was a complete surprise not only for its leaders, but also for the whole world. Spontaneously arising in the depths of social networks from a simple petition for refusing to raise taxes on petroleum products, the horizontal, decentralized association of ordinary citizens has become the largest social protest movement since the student unrest of 1968 and the longest in the history of the Fifth Republic. It made it possible to reveal serious problems in the social organism of the country, about which it was not customary to speak publicly before, and to begin to conduct a comprehensive dialogue on them. It also created a new symbol of the struggle of the grassroots of society for social justice - the yellow vest, which has already acquired an international status. This work is devoted to the study of the ideas and values of the "yellow vests" movement in France. Based on the analysis of a wide range of scientific literature, the results of sociological surveys, statistical data and media materials, an attempt is made to identify and describe the ideas and values of the "yellow vests" movement. Achieving this goal allowed us to get an idea of what motivated people who regularly went to protest rallies in 2018 - 2019. The results of the study can be useful both in the study of modern social protest movements and for conducting a general assessment of the French domestic political situation during the current "five-year plan".
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2

Casanellas, Pau. "Joint Efforts in the Fight against Franco: Protest and Repression during the Spanish Long ’68." Contemporary European History 31, no. 2 (January 24, 2022): 271–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000163.

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As in many other countries, Spanish society also underwent its own ’68. In response, the Franco regime increased repression: it became much harsher, and much broader. After that, opposition to state brutality became the anti-Franco movement's main cause and a unifying element for its many different actors. This is the process addressed by this article. Specifically, it aims to explore how repression facilitated the encounters between activists coming from different social movements and political organisations. At the same time, it tries to show the importance of diversifying the analyses on the long ’68 – focusing on different countries, regions and cities – in order to grasp its transnational nature.
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Dekker, Rudolf. "Labour Conflicts and Working-Class Culture in Early Modern Holland." International Review of Social History 35, no. 3 (December 1990): 377–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000010051.

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SUMMARYFrom the 15th to the 18th century Holland, the most urbanized part of the northern Netherlands, had a tradition of labour action. In this article the informal workers' organizations which existed especially within the textile industry are described. In the 17th century the action forms adjusted themselves to the better coordinated activities of the authorities and employers. After about 1750 this protest tradition disappeared, along with the economic recession which especially struck the traditional industries. Because of this the continuity of the transition from the ancien régime to the modern era which may be discerned in the labour movements of countries like France and England, cannot be found in Holland.
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Markoff, John. "Peasants Protest: The Claims of Lord, Church, and State in theCahiers de doléancesof 1789." Comparative Studies in Society and History 32, no. 3 (July 1990): 413–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500016583.

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For all the attention the rural insurrection of 1789 has received, there is still a great deal to learn. Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie has suggested that the revolts provide us with a window into a great transformation of the French countryside. He is struck by the contrast with the great seventeenth-century movements of violent resistance to the fiscal pressures of the growing state. After a long interval in which the defeated peasantry raised no major challenge, the distinctive target of the rural upheavals of the early revolution had switched from the claims of the state to those of the lord. Understanding this shift, Le Roy Ladurie suggests, should illuminate the rural history of France in modern times. Why do peasants rise against one target rather than another? To date there is little scholarly consensus on the forms and significance of the rural insurrection.
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5

Malikov, Yuriy. "The Kenesary Kasymov Rebellion (1837–1847): A National-Liberation Movement or “a Protest of Restoration”?" Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (December 2005): 569–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500354137.

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The history of each nation has some key periods that have drawn the attention of generations of researchers. Historians consider the Great Revolution of France, the rise of Hitler in Germany, and the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia to be among the most important events, hence the events most worth studying, of these countries. Different interpretations of these events, which determined the fates of people for decades and even for centuries, cause heated debates among scholars.
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6

Field, Geoffrey, and Michael Hanagan. "ILWCH: Forty Years On." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000324.

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This issue celebrates the fortieth anniversary ofInternational Labor and Working-Class History. A relative youngster, it was a product of the second of two waves that resulted in the foundation of many labor history journals and societies.1The first wave, between roughly 1956 and 1962 included the Dutch-basedInternational Review of Social History;2the Feltrinelli Institute'sAnnaliin Italy; Le mouvement socialin France;Labor Historyin the United States; the BritishBulletin of the Society for the Study of Labour History;3the West GermanArchiv fur Sozialgeschichte;and Australia'sLabour History. These journals developed at a time when organized labor and left-wing politics were strong and confident of their future,4although many who were active in these journals were highly critical of the political strategies of the existing Left and, in Eric Hobsbawm's words, viewed them “as an attempt to find a way forward in Left politics through historical reflection.”5The second wave of journal creation in labor history took place in the 1970s and included not onlyILWCH(1972), butRadical History Review(1975),Labour/Le Travail(1976), andHistory Workshop Journal(1976). These journals were especially shaped by the radicalism of the 1960s—the Vietnam War, the Cuban revolution, and the wave of student, feminist, and left-wing unrest in Europe and the world in 1968 and subsequently.6The new journals were more transnational and more comparative; malleable youths, these journals were more susceptible to the influence of the social movements evolving around them. They were more attentive to the relationship between metropole and colonial territories and more focused on the burgeoning fields of black studies and women's history than was true earlier. Drawing upon the work of sociologists, political scientists, and demographers, they were also animated by the tremendous explosion of social history in the 1960s and 1970s and new research underway on social protest movements, race, and social conditions.7
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7

Mouflard, Claire. "Stages, Streets, and Social Media." French Politics, Culture & Society 40, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2022.400203.

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At the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, intersectional feminists in France turned to social media to denounce the racism, misogyny, and sexual harassment that have plagued the French film industry and society at large for generations. Although their activism had started long before the pandemic with the Me Too and Black Lives Matter movements, the online debates they initiated during the March–May 2020 lockdown (when it became illegal to march, protest, or simply gather in public) reached new and larger audiences beyond their own feminist and artistic spheres. Social media posts and actions by Aïssa Maïga, Rokhaya Diallo, Noémie de Lattre, and comedy duo Camille et Justine elicited strong reactions from opposing parties, notably the “masculinistes” and the “féministes identitaires.” This article highlights these artists’ intersectional discourses, along with the verbal violence they endure online, and ponders the question of equity in terms of digital access and literacy.
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8

Petrovsky, Helen. "Revolution without Revolution (On the Events in France)." South Atlantic Quarterly 119, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 511–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-8601374.

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Petrovsky’s article examines the famous events of May ’68 in France from a specific angle offered by Michel de Certeau, namely, the “taking of speech” (la prise de parole). For de Certeau the taking of speech is no less important than the taking of the Bastille—it asserts the individual’s right to resistance and is a necessary precondition of all the other human rights. However, where de Certeau speaks against the anonymizing forces at work in consumer societies, the author chooses to see (and hear) the tumult of the masses. The taking of speech, therefore, is possible only when the masses are collectively engaged in action; it is the expression of action itself. In a more general sense, May ’68, the first global protest movement in postwar history, teaches us that revolutions (especially so-called color revolutions) are no simple textbook events: they are propelled by a specific kind of sociability that points to the dynamic of noninstitutional democracy itself.
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9

Charmley, John. "Duff Cooper and Western European union, 1944–47." Review of International Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114366.

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Duff Cooper fell in love with France during his first visit to Paris in 1900 and he remained faithful to her for the rest of his life. The fact that Paris in 1900 was deeply Anglophobic, because of the Boer war, had no effect upon Cooper's feelings for the city. His affection for France was no fair-weather plant. It was deepened by the experience of nine months in the trenches in the Great War and was, thereafter, proof against all discouragements. As a young Foreign Office clerk in 1923 he did not join in the fashionable disparagement of France inspired by the French occupation of the Ruhr. As Minister of War from 1935 to 1937 he fought for the creation of a British army which would be large enough to play a continental role and later, as First Lord of the Admiralty, he was a leading advocate of Anglo-French co-operation. After his resignation in protest against the Munich agreement, Cooper spent his time fostering the idea of an Anglo-French alliance as the corner-stone of a European combination against Hitler's Germany. His love for France even survived the fall of France in June 1940 and, at a time when many francophiles were repenting of their former faith. Cooper renewed his pledges of devotion. Speaking on the wireless as Minister of Information on the eve of the Franco-German armistice, he declared his faith that France would rise again: ‘This is not the first time that a great nation has been defeated and has recovered from defeat. They have fought with heroism against superior numbers and superior weapons; their losses have been terrible.’ At the Ministry of Information Cooper was one of the earliest patrons of General de Gaulle and his Free French Movement. Given such a long history of Francophilia what could have been more natural than that he should have been appointed as Britain's first post-war ambassador to France. It was not, however, quite so simple as that.
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Bravo Lozano, Cristina. "Popular Protests, the Public Sphere and Court Catholicism. The Insults to the Chapel of the Spanish Embassy in London, 1685-1688." Culture & History Digital Journal 6, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2017.007.

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The coronation of James II, a Catholic, brought about a profound political change in religious matters in the British Isles. At court, a Catholicizing process was introduced, supported by the monarch and the European diplomats who opened chapels in different parts of the city. However, this missionary effort had an unequal reception and caused a popular rejection against this new religious culture, leading to demonstrations of a markedly confessional nature. The chapel of the Spanish Embassy suffered the insults of the crowd on two occasions: the main consequence of these altercations was its destruction during the revolution of 1688. Although, superficially, this protest movement can be interpreted as anti-Catholic, it must be understood in a political context. With each new royal ruling, the protests gained strength until finally exploding after the flight of the King to France. This paper focuses on the popular protests and the explicit remonstrance of English Protestants against these Catholic altars and places of worship, with particular emphasis on the residence of Pedro Ronquillo. This study looks at popular protests and the reaction of the authorities, perceptions of the English and the use of the public sphere, the reception and dissemination of news and the impact of popular religious violence on foreign affairs in this crucial phase of English and European history.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Protest movements – France – History"

1

Tompkins, Andrew S. "'Better active today than radioactive tomorrow!' : transnational opposition to nuclear energy in France and West Germany, 1968-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4af6ec03-08ba-4c3f-a8c9-fffc4f26aa34.

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This thesis examines the opposition to civil nuclear energy in France and West Germany during the 1970s, arguing that small-scale interactions among its diverse participants led to broad changes in their personal lives and political environments. Drawing extensively on oral history interviews with former activists as well as police reports, media coverage and protest ephemera, this thesis shows how individuals at the grassroots built up a movement that transcended national (and social) borders. They were able to do so in part because nuclear power was such a multivalent symbol at the time. Residents of towns near planned power stations felt that nuclear technology represented an intervention in their community by state and industry, a potential threat to their health, wealth and way of life. In the decade after 1968, concerns like these coalesced with criticisms of capitalism, the state, militarism and consumer society that were being made by a more politicised constituency. This made the anti-nuclear movement both broad-based and highly fragmented. Activist networks linked people across existing national, political and social boundaries, but the social world of activism was subject to its own divisions (such as between locals and outsiders or between militant and non-violent activists). By analysing both the transnational dimensions and internal divisions of the anti-nuclear movement, this thesis revises the homogenising concepts of social movements that are prevalent in much of the existing sociological and political science literature. At the same time, it situates the anti-nuclear movement historically within the decade of upheaval that was the 1970s, while moving individual activists from the margins to the centre of protest history.
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2

Hayes, Graeme. "Environmental protest and the State in France." Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire ; New York : Palgrave MacMillan, 2002. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/hol031/2002022421.html.

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3

Saito, Suzanne. "Student protest in France, 1986-1999 : an interpretation using theories of protest and social movements." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.427069.

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4

Fung, Chi-ming. "History at the grassroots : rickshaw pullers in the pearl river delta of South China, 1874-1992 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B17537058.

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5

au, M. Tanji@murdoch edu, and Miyume Tanji. "The Enduring Myth of an Okinawan Struggle: The History and Trajectory of a Diverse Community of Protest." Murdoch University, 2003. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20040510.152840.

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The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people’s protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa’s enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three ‘waves’ of a post-war ‘Okinawan struggle’ against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa’s annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united ‘Okinawan struggle’, and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa’s distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers’ unions and political parties, is consistent with the ‘new social movement’ theory. This theory’s emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an ‘Okinawan struggle’ has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an ‘Okinawan struggle’, which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an ‘Okinawan struggle’ would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
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6

Malamidis, Theocharis. "From protest to production: enlarging the boundaries of social movements in crisis-ridden Greece." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/86218.

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The recent economic crisis had severe consequences for the countries of the European South; at its epicenter, Greece experienced tremendous economic, social and political transformations. The imposition of harsh austerity measures resulted in the sharp increase of unemployment, the dissolution of labor rights, budget reductions in health and education and the broader deconstruction of the former welfare state. At the same time, these measures were welcomed by a polymorphous movement against austerity. The square movement, continuous national strikes as well as large scale protests and demonstrations have carved out a contentious environment in Greece’s crisis-ridden landscape. These protest events brought new activists in the streets and transformed the criticism against austerity to a broader distaste for the neoliberal representative democracy. Confronted with the impoverishment of large segments of the Greek population, the anti-austerity mobilizations gave birth to new grassroots solidarity structures. Barter clubs, markets without middlemen, collective kitchens, social clinics, workers’ collectives and social cooperatives constitute only a few examples. Together with the eruption of these new initiatives, traditional social movement organizations (SMOs) shift their focus towards the provision of service-oriented repertoires. This process witnesses the enlargement of previously stable practical and conceptual boundaries. In line with post-modern accounts, this thesis argues that previously clear-cut boundaries, which used to distinguish the different roles within the social movement communities, become fluid, while the relationship between social movements and institutional actors gets blurred. The process of boundary enlargement in Greece is represented by the incorporation of service-oriented practices within the SMOs’ repertoires of action, something which is further accelerated due to the conditions of crisis and austerity. By focusing on the social movement scenes of health, food and labor, this inquiry explores the contentious dynamics and mechanisms that contributed to the enlargement of the SMOs’ boundaries. Through qualitative field research in SMOs in Athens and Thessaloniki, we analyze the changes in terms of their organizational structure, resources and identities. Additionally, by emphasizing the similarities and differences in their trajectories, we shed light on the new dilemmas that SMOs are faced with, providing a substantial explanation of how the crisis has affected the passage from the politics of protest to the politics of production.
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7

Tanji, Miyume. "The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest." Thesis, Tanji, Miyume (2003) The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2003. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/334/.

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Abstract:
The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people's protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa's enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three 'waves' of a post-war 'Okinawan struggle' against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa's annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united 'Okinawan struggle', and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa's distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers' unions and political parties, is consistent with the 'new social movement' theory. This theory's emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an 'Okinawan struggle', which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an 'Okinawan struggle' would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
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8

Tanji, Miyume. "The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle : the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest /." Tanji, Miyume (2003) The enduring myth of an Okinawan struggle: the history and trajectory of a diverse community of protest. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2003. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/334/.

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Abstract:
The islands of Okinawa have a long history of people's protest. Much of this has been a manifestation in one way or another of Okinawa's enforced assimilation into Japan and their differential treatment thereafter. However, it is only in the contemporary period that we find interpretations among academic and popular writers of a collective political movement opposing marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans. This is most powerfully expressed in the idea of the three 'waves' of a post-war 'Okinawan struggle' against the US military bases. Yet, since Okinawa's annexation to Japan in 1879, differences have constantly existed among protest groups over the reasons for and the means by which to protest, and these have only intensified after the reversion to Japanese administration in 1972. This dissertation examines the trajectory of Okinawan protest actors, focusing on the development and nature of internal differences, the origin and survival of the idea of a united 'Okinawan struggle', and the implications of these factors for political reform agendas in Okinawa. It explains the internal differences in organisation, strategies and collective identities among the groups in terms of three major priorities in their protest. There are those protesters principally preoccupied with opposing the US-Japan security treaty and for whom the preservation of pacifist clauses of the Constitution and the utilisation of formal legal and political processes are paramount as a modus operandi. There are also those primarily concerned to protect Okinawa's distinctive lifestyle and natural environment, as well as an assortment of feminist groups fundamentally opposed to the presence of US bases due to concerns about patriarchy and exploitation of women, fostered by militarism. In these last two perspectives, protest tends to be conducted much more via informal, network-oriented processes, and includes engagement with international civil society groups. The increasing range of protest groups derived from the expansion of these last two perspectives, diversifying beyond the traditional workers' unions and political parties, is consistent with the 'new social movement' theory. This theory's emphasis on the importance of socio economic change for the emergence of groups with post-materialist reform agendas and a stronger predisposition towards informal political processes resonates with the Okinawan experiences. However, the impact of this has been, especially after the reversion in 1972, to hinder effective coalition building among the Okinawan protest groups and organisations, weakening their power to bring about political reforms, particularly towards the removal of the US military bases from the island. Crucially, though, the idea of an 'Okinawan struggle' has endured in the community of protest throughout the post-war period. Ideas about marginalisation of, and discrimination against, Okinawans constitute a powerful myth of an 'Okinawan struggle', which has a long history of being redefined, used and exploited differently by a wide range of protest actors, adjusted to their particular and historically specific struggles. Indeed, in the event that the US military bases were withdrawn from Okinawa, the ability and appeal of the myth of an 'Okinawan struggle' would therefore not necessarily expire, even if it will increasingly be joined by other protest perspectives as a result of the flowering of new social movements.
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9

Chapman, Ron. "Fighting for the forests: a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001." Thesis, Chapman, Ron (2008) Fighting for the forests: a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/724/.

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As the first comprehensive study of Western Australian forest protest the thesis analyses the protest movement's organisation, campaigns and strategies. Its central argument is that the contemporary Western Australian forest protest movement established a network of urban and south-west activist groups which encouraged broad public support, and that a diversity of protest strategies focused public attention on forest issues and pressured the state government to change its forest policies. The forest protest movement was characterised by its ability to continually adapt its organisation and strategies to changing social and political conditions. This flexible approach to protest not only led to victories in the Shannon River Basin, Lane-Poole Reserve and old growth forest campaigns, but also transformed forest protest into an influential social movement which contributed to the downfall of the Court Liberal Government in 2001.
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Chapman, Ron. "Fighting for the forests : a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001 /." Chapman, Ron (2008) Fighting for the forests: a history of the Western Australian forest protest movement 1895-2001. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/724/.

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As the first comprehensive study of Western Australian forest protest the thesis analyses the protest movement's organisation, campaigns and strategies. Its central argument is that the contemporary Western Australian forest protest movement established a network of urban and south-west activist groups which encouraged broad public support, and that a diversity of protest strategies focused public attention on forest issues and pressured the state government to change its forest policies. The forest protest movement was characterised by its ability to continually adapt its organisation and strategies to changing social and political conditions. This flexible approach to protest not only led to victories in the Shannon River Basin, Lane-Poole Reserve and old growth forest campaigns, but also transformed forest protest into an influential social movement which contributed to the downfall of the Court Liberal Government in 2001.
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Books on the topic "Protest movements – France – History"

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Tartakowsky, Danielle. Le pouvoir est dans la rue: Crises politiques et manifestations en France. Paris: Aubier, 1997.

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Kline, Cohn Samuel, ed. Popular protest in late medieval Europe: Italy, France, and Flanders. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004.

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La France en révolte-mouvements: Luttes sociales et cycles politiques. Paris: Textuel, 2007.

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Échec au roi: Irrespect, contestations et révoltes dans la France des Lumières. Paris: Belin, 2015.

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Beik, William. Urban protest in seventeenth-century France: The culture of retribution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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Urban protest in seventeenth-century France: The culture of retribution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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Taylor, Lynne. Between resistance and collaboration: Popular protest in Northern France, 1940-45. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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Il '68 in Italia e in Francia: Sguardi incrociati = 1968 en France et en Italie : regards croisés. Canterano (RM): Aracne editrice, 2019.

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Frederick, Krantz, ed. History from below: Studies in popular protest and popular ideology. Oxford, UK: B. Blackwell, 1988.

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Giat͡sintov, Ėrast. Zapiski belogo ofit͡sera. Sankt-Peterburg: "Interpoligraft͡sentr" SPbFK, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Protest movements – France – History"

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Waters, Sarah. "Social Protest in France Today." In Social Movements in France, 11–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403948229_2.

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van der Linden, Marcel. "European Social Protest, 1000–2000." In The History of Social Movements in Global Perspective, 175–209. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-30427-8_7.

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Cortright, David. "Protest and Politics: How Peace Movements Shape History." In The Handbook of Global Security Policy, 482–504. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118442975.ch27.

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Anders, Freia, and Alexander Sedlmaier. "Vietnam War Protest and Solidarity in West Germany." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 173–205. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_7.

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Behre, Silja. "France’s Two Vietnams: Intellectual Protest Politics in Perspective." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 207–34. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_8.

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Kwak, Tae Yang. "The Vietnam War, Protest, and Democratization in South Korea." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 293–323. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_11.

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Kirchhelle, Claas. "From Protest to ‘Holy Writ’: The Mainstreaming of Welfare Politics." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 205–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-62792-8_11.

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AbstractThis chapter examines the evolution of British farm animal welfare politics during the last two decades of Harrison’s campaigning. In 1979, the RSPCA boycotted the Thatcher government’s new Farm Animal Welfare Council (FAWC). The short-lived protest triggered a membership revolt and moderation of RSPCA policies. It also coincided with a weakening of agricultural corporatism in Westminster. FAWC was granted relative independence from the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, and Food and explicitly acknowledged an updated version of the five freedoms. Ensuing British welfare reforms were also driven by the increasing involvement of European bodies in animal welfare. Now in her 60s, Ruth Harrison joined FAWC as a welfare member. Her increasing public recognition as a senior welfare campaigner enabled her to proactively push for reforms, expand her fundraising activities, and sponsor additional welfare research. By the late 1990s, most of her welfare positions had become part of mainstream politics.
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Macartney, Alex Finn. "The Japanese New Left, the Vietnam War, and Anti-Imperial Protest." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 235–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_9.

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Sedlmaier, Alexander. "Protest in the Era of the Indochina Wars: Upending Centre and Periphery." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 1–10. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_1.

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Hermosilla, Matías. "Singing in Solidarity: The Latin American Protest Song Movement and the Vietnam War." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 391–422. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81050-4_14.

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Conference papers on the topic "Protest movements – France – History"

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Wang, Zijian, Shanfang Huang, Xiaoyu Guo, and Kan Wang. "Public Acceptance of Spent Fuel Reprocessing Project." In 2017 25th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone25-67082.

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At present, there are hundreds of nuclear power plants in operation around the world. Anti-nuclear movements continue in many places, although the nuclear power plants have good operating records. It has some factors, and the first factor that the public knows little about nuclear industry, results in regarding the nuclear power plant mysterious. This condition relates to destructive scene by nuclear weapon with nuclear industry, deeming it unacceptable to take this risk. Secondly, construction of nuclear power plant and off site emergency may occupy large land. The public hopes to be rewarded more to offset the risk by their imagination. Last, it relates to the political environment of one country. Every country has its own situation, so the strategies of developing nuclear power plant are widely different. The public is not familiar with other nuclear engineering projects except nuclear power plants, and hence the boycott happens more frequently. Sino-French cooperation on nuclear fuel cycle project is the first large-scale commercial spent fuel reprocessing plant, which is the biggest cooperative project between China and France until now. AREVA is responsible for technology, and CNNC is responsible for building. Spent fuel reprocessing is the most important part of nuclear fuel cycle back end, which separates uranium and plutonium from spent fuel, and manufactures MOX fuel with recycled resources for using in nuclear reactor again. This will make the best use of the uranium resources. After that process, the fission products needed to be disposed reduce significantly. And it is good for environmental protection. The public protest happened in one of the candidate sites, when CNNC carried out the preliminary work of site selection. For meeting the enormous energy demands, the fossil energy may be exhausted in the future due to the greenhouse gases emission. Chinese government speeds up the development of new energy. Nuclear energy is the only technology with no emission of greenhouse gases and will be rapidly developed. Along with the nuclear power units continuing to increase, they become the critical factors in restricting the sustainable development of nuclear energy. That is efficient utilization of uranium resources, spent fuel intermediate storage, reprocessing, and geologic disposal of high level radioactive waste. To this project, it not only has a great current demand, but also closely relates to transition of energy structure. The public has different views in the project progressing, which results in wide concern and discussion. The article took this event for example, and analyzed the reason from all directions. Besides, the author put forward own views for the public acceptance events about nuclear engineering projects except nuclear power plant.
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