Academic literature on the topic 'Protest movements – europe'
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Journal articles on the topic "Protest movements – europe"
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Jung, Jai. "Disentangling Protest Cycles: An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 1 (February 1, 2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.
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The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initial phase of social movement mobilization, rather than throughout the movement's lifespan. What explains declining frequencies of protest occurrence during the demobilization phase is the joint effect of two internal factors: the institutionalization of social movements and the growing violence during protests.
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Silva, Célia Taborda. "Democracy and Popular Protest in Europe: The Iberian Case (2011)." European Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (January 15, 2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/643pea84j.
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In recent years, Europe has witnessed social movements that break away from the conventional patterns typical of 19th and 20th century movements. The party-or trade union-organised social movements, very much centred on 19th century political and economic issues, or the New Social Movements centred on more universal values such as peace, environment, gender, ethnicity, of the 20th century seem to be changing their 'repertoire'. At the beginning of the 21st century, parties and trade unions have been losing their leading role in the organisation of demonstrations and strikes and collective actions prepared and led by specific actors have given way to new forms of social action, without leaders, without organisation, without headquarters, and which use social networks as a form of mobilisation. These are social movements that contest not to have more rights but to exercise those that exist, a full citizenship that offers the freedom to express one's opinion and the regalia of participation in political, economic, social, educational areas. In Europe, there are various types of such movements, but we will highlight the "Geração à Rasca (Scratch Generation)" movement in Portugal and that of the "Indignados (Outraged)" or 15 M in Spain, both started in 2011, and which had repercussions in the main European capitals. Using a qualitative methodology, through these protest movements we seek to understand how the complexity of today's social movements and their non-institutionalisation represent a challenge to European democracy.
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Jobs, Richard Ivan. "Youth Movements: Travel, Protest, and Europe in 1968." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (April 2009): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.376.
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Dinev, Ivaylo. "Bulgaria and Slovenia Protest Event Dataset (2009-2017): Protest cycles and protest patterns in Southeast Europe." Intersections 8, no. 1 (April 9, 2022): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17356/ieejsp.v8i1.827.
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This article aims to present findings from an original dataset on collective action in the protest arenas of Bulgaria and Slovenia in the aftermath of the global economic crisis, 2009-2017. Unlike other empirical studies which focus either on particular social movements or individual-level measurements, this dataset consists of all reports of collective action in the form of protests demonstrations, strikes, blockades, occupations, sit-ins, marches, petitions etc., derived from the national Bulgarian and Slovenian press agencies, including information about claims and actors. Along with a description of the data collection, techniques, and coding, the article identifies the phases of protest cycles and explores general protest patterns. The findings depict three distinct periods of activity in Bulgaria and Slovenia: the ascending phase of protest cycle involving immediate protest responses against austerity measures (2009-2011), massive anti-establishment discontent involving the dominant role of new informal protest movements (2012-2013), and the de-mobilization phase of mass protest and the rise of contention about cultural issues (since 2014).
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della Porta, Donatella, and Manuela Caiani. "Europeanization From Below? Social Movements and Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.1.j48p252t414qu05x.
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Although the process of European integration is proceeding speedily and social movements are often interacting transnationally, research on the Europeanization of social movement actors is far from developed. Some scholars, focusing especially on public interest groups active at EU level, expect that civil society actors, due among other reasons to the flexibility of their organizational structures, will be able to adapt quickly to integration. Others, especially scholars looking at protest activities, are skeptical on three accounts: (1) will actors endowed with scarce material resources be able to build transnational organizations; (2) will they be able to stage supranational protest events; and (3) will the European Union be accountable to pressure from below. In this article, we focus on the degree and forms of social movement participation in the public discourse and collective action concerning Europe—that is, their capacity to take part in the debate and mobilization referring to European issues, targets, and actors. On the basis of a comparative dataset that includes content analyses of daily press and interview data from seven European countries, we argue that various forms of Europeanization of the public discourse and mobilization by social movements are indeed on the rise, with a growing presence not only of purely European actors but also of European targets and frames, as well as transnational movement networks. Changes across time emerge, with the development of (conflictual) forms of "Europeanization from below."
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Niesen, Peter. "Reframing civil disobedience: Constituent power as a language of transnational protest." Journal of International Political Theory 15, no. 1 (November 9, 2018): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088218808001.
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In 1992, the Frankfurt scholar Ingeborg Maus launched a polemical attack against then current narratives of democratic protest, objecting to the languages of ‘resistance’ or ‘civil disobedience’ as defensive, servile and insufficiently transformative. This article explores in how far the language of constituent power can be adopted as an alternative justificatory strategy for civil disobedience in transnational protests. In contrast to current approaches that look at states as agents of international civil disobedience-as-constituent power, I suggest we look at political movements. I focus on the example of the Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25) which understands itself as a pan-European movement of civil disobedience, at the same time working towards an articulation and exercise of constituent power among the people(s) of Europe. In the final section, I sharpen the criteria for the invocation of constituent power in transnational protest in distinguishing between its articulation, activation and exercise.
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tejerina, benjamín. "Cross-Border Mobilisations: Struggles, Protest and Movements in Europe." European Political Science 13, no. 2 (February 7, 2014): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2014.1.
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Waller, Michael. "The ecology issue in Eastern Europe: Protest and movements." Journal of Communist Studies 5, no. 3 (September 1989): 303–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278908414978.
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Lunev, S. I. "SOCIAL PROTEST IN INDIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-198-207.
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Economic globalization creates unfavorable conditions for some countries and social groups while the situation in other countries and social is becoming worse. That is why social problems are on the rise worldwide. Thus, social protest became the major cause of the Arab spring is. Social wave overwhelmed Western Europe and the USA. The solution of social problems depends not on the political will of the elite, but on the activity of the population, as the ruling circles will not adopt a policy of self-restrictions and concessions to the majority without the hard push from the bottom. The peculiar feature of India is the general satisfaction of the society with the political system and economic situation. At the same time the protests against specific cases and events in the country mobilize hundreds of thousands of people, be it corruption scandals or violence against women. However, cultural- civilizational factors contribute to the non-violent character of almost all mass actions. Another distinctive feature of India is the desire of the organizers of the protest to reject support of the major parties due to the belief that political leaders are interested more in strengthening their social base rather than in solving the concrete problems. There are different categories of social protest in India: peasant movements; scheduled castes' (Dalits, the former untouchables) movements; anti-corruption movements; environmental movements; backward caste movements; women's movements; tribal movements; industrial proletariat movements; students' movements; middle class movements; human rights movements. The first four movements are currently the most noticeable. Social protest has not, so far, led to any serious political instability. However, a certain development of the situation can generate it, as well as the rejection of the mainly peaceful methods. In this respect, Dalit movements, especially in case of further erosion of the caste system, are the subject of the greatest concern.
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Szymańska, Justyna Anna. "Popfeminizm w służbie rewolucji. Ruchy kobiece i praktyki protestu na przykładzie ukraińskiej grupy Femen." Adeptus, no. 4 (November 26, 2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/a.2014.011.
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Pop feminism in the service of revolution. Women’s movements and practices of protest: Ukrainian group Femen case studyIn my paper I take a close look at the protest group, Femen, the circumstances of its creation, development and recent activities - initially in Ukraine, latterly also in Western Europe. I analyse the character of the group which belongs to the category of new social movements, and I present and analyse those indications of the activity of demonstrations of the movement based on what took place at street level. The object of my interest is also the issue of the appearance of the representatives of Femen in the media (new and traditional) and the influence of the pop culture on different aspects of its activity. I also question the issue of the employment of nudity in the public domain, and its connection with the usage of the expression of nationality against the background of other feminist movements. Popfeminizm w służbie rewolucji. Ruchy kobiece i praktyki protestu na przykładzie ukraińskiej grupy FemenW pracy pochylam się nad ukraińskim ruchem protestu Femen, kontekstem jego powstania, rozwoju i działalności – początkowo w Ukrainie, a potem także w Europie Zachodniej. Analizuję charakter grupy jako należącej do kategorii nowych ruchów społecznych, a także przedstawiam i analizuję przejawy działań kontestacyjnych ruchu, opartych o konwencję performance’u i przedstawień ulicznych. Przedmiotem mojego zastanowienia jest także kwestia obecności oraz funkcjonowania przedstawicielek Femenu w mediach (nowych oraz tradycyjnych) oraz wpływów popkultury na różne przejawy jego aktywności. Rozważam także kwestię wykorzystania nagości w sferze publicznej, powiązaną z użyciem idiomu narodowościowego, w kontekście innych ruchów feministycznych.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Protest movements – europe"
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SUBIRATS, Anna. "Opening the urban 'black box' : the role of the local context in the mobilisation of urban movements." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/66669.
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Defence date: 25 March 2020 (Online)Examining Board: Donatella Della Porta (EUI/SNS) (Supervisor), Laszlo Bruszt (EUI/CEU), Claire Colomb (UCL), Eduardo Romanos (Madrid Complutense)
This thesis analyses urban protest actions in the context of austerity urbanism in Southern Europe, attempting to better understand the conditions that lead to the mobilisation of urban protestors. To date, the literature on urban movements has tended to analyse the effect of macro-forces in transforming the urban environment, finding in them an explanation for protest. By contrast, local contexts – the political and institutional environments in which urban protest emerge – has been relatively unexplored. This is the case despite the fact that, empirically, we see significant variation in local protest despite similarity in the macro-problems effecting residents’ lives. Barcelona and Turin are examples of two cities that share many similarities in terms of large-scale processes and phenomena but nonetheless differ markedly in terms of the characteristics of their respective urban mobilisation. Both cities have transformed their economic model over recent decades, moving from an industrial base to the promotion of cultural and knowledge-based economic activity. Recently, both cities have been acutely affected by the financial crisis, suffering severe housing crises and being subject to fiscal constraints and austerity cuts. At the same time, both cities have a strong tradition of urban protest. Taking existing urban studies literature as a starting point, all of these factors would lead to an expectation of similar levels and forms of urban protest in Barcelona and Turin, but this thesis shows that urban mobilisation in the two cities differs in significant ways. This thesis explores the ways in which local contexts may be important in shaping expressions of urban protest. In doing so, I use protest event analysis and content analysis methodologies to collect, map and analyse 852 protest actions in Barcelona and Turin between 2011 and 2015. Drawing on the broader literature on social movements, I argue that the nature and structure of local institutionalised power are important and under-studied aspects of the dynamics of urban protest. More broadly, the thesis suggests that in order to understand urban protest, it is necessary to look beyond the particularistic qualities and fragmentation of a highly place-embedded activism and consider it in the deeper context of the local political process.
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Krawatzek, Félix. "Youth and crisis : discourse networks and political mobilisation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:80a45271-f04d-4c1d-abff-6ee6c6478941.
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This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.
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Tompkins, Andrew S. "'Better active today than radioactive tomorrow!' : transnational opposition to nuclear energy in France and West Germany, 1968-1981." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4af6ec03-08ba-4c3f-a8c9-fffc4f26aa34.
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This thesis examines the opposition to civil nuclear energy in France and West Germany during the 1970s, arguing that small-scale interactions among its diverse participants led to broad changes in their personal lives and political environments. Drawing extensively on oral history interviews with former activists as well as police reports, media coverage and protest ephemera, this thesis shows how individuals at the grassroots built up a movement that transcended national (and social) borders. They were able to do so in part because nuclear power was such a multivalent symbol at the time. Residents of towns near planned power stations felt that nuclear technology represented an intervention in their community by state and industry, a potential threat to their health, wealth and way of life. In the decade after 1968, concerns like these coalesced with criticisms of capitalism, the state, militarism and consumer society that were being made by a more politicised constituency. This made the anti-nuclear movement both broad-based and highly fragmented. Activist networks linked people across existing national, political and social boundaries, but the social world of activism was subject to its own divisions (such as between locals and outsiders or between militant and non-violent activists). By analysing both the transnational dimensions and internal divisions of the anti-nuclear movement, this thesis revises the homogenising concepts of social movements that are prevalent in much of the existing sociological and political science literature. At the same time, it situates the anti-nuclear movement historically within the decade of upheaval that was the 1970s, while moving individual activists from the margins to the centre of protest history.
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FitzGibbon, John. "Eurosceptic protest movements : a comparative analysis between Ireland, the UK, Estonia and Denmark." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/39671/.
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The aim of this thesis is to add to the growing literature on Euroscepticism by providing an in-depth comparative study of groups in civil society that actively campaign against European integration in Denmark, Estonia, Ireland and the United Kingdom. This study labels these groups as ‘Eurosceptic Protest Movements' (EPMs). Five explanatory factors drawn from the literature on Euroscepticism and social movements are used to ask the research question of why EPMs are formed. These are namely, Euroscepticism in the party system, the number of referendums in each case study, the availability of resources, the openness of the policy making process, and the perceived pro-EU bias of the media. Empirically it proceeds on a case by case basis, providing an in-depth account of each state's relationship with the EU from party system, public opinion, referendums to case specific factors to allow for an appreciation of the environment in which EPMs are formed. Data is gathered primarily from interviews with the founders and both current and former members of EPMs, with additional information coming from EPM documents, referendum manifestos and posters. Contextual information is provided by interviews with academics, journalists and pro-European activists, and secondary literature in EU studies and social movements. The thesis comes to two key conclusions. Firstly, in relation to the literature on social movements, EPMs conform strongly to the political opportunity structure paradigm in that body of work. More specifically is the importance of referendums to EPM formation, an element of the political opportunity structure that has not been researched in relation to social movements. Secondly, with regard to Euroscepticism the thesis concluded that EPMs emerge because of a lack of available space for contestation on the EU issue and the inability of political parties to act as an interlocutor between the electorate and the EU.
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Fucci, Carolina. "La cattiva strada : linguaggi, scenari e rappresentazioni della protesta giovanile tra usa ed europa nel lungo sessantotto." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100059/document.
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Centrée sur le contexte des « longues années 68 », la thèse porte sur les raisons et le déroulement de la protestation juvénile entre les Etats-Unis et l’Europe, à partir du début des années Soixante jusqu’à la moitié de la décennie suivante. Il s’agit d’une période durant laquelle les pays développés connaissent une transformation sans pareil, marquée par l’élargissement de la société de consommation de masse et par le progrès frappant dans le domaine de la communication. La recherche vise surtout à éclairer deux questions principales : définir le rôle joué par la contre-culture dans la vague révolutionnaire et encadrer la dimension internationale du mouvement. Ce travail est donc divisé en deux parties : la première aborde les causes et l’esprit de la contre-culture à partir de ses racines américaines, tandis que la deuxième partie sera centrée sur les agitations étudiantes dans les pays de référence. En ce qui concerne les acteurs de la mobilisation, la recherche porte sur trois sujets principaux : les groupes undergrounds, le mouvement étudiant international et la révolte italienne de Soixante-dix-sept. Il s’agit de trois sujets qui représentent trois phases distinctes dans la chronologie du « cycle de protestation », un cycle qui se déroule dans un récit déchiqueté où on assiste à un changement continu de paradigme. Malgré cette inconstance fondamentale, il subsiste des mots d’ordre qui occupent une place privilégiée dans la mentalité des activistes : anti-autoritarisme, égalitarisme, répression, droit, révolution restent les nœuds théoriques les plus significatifs de la contestation dans le milieu juvénile, étudiant et également ouvrierCentred on the political and cultural context of the “long Sixties”, this work examines the reasons and the dynamics of social movements between USA and Europe, focusing on the period from 1960 to the mid-1970s. It was a period of great transformations where the affluent societies witnessed an explosive growth both in social field and in technological domain. This thesis aims above all to understand two main issues: the role counterculture played in the war protest and civil rights movement and the international dimension of this phenomenon. Thus, this research is divided into two parts: the first section concerns with the underground movement beginning with its American roots while the second part is dedicated to the student movement thought an international perspective. Concerning the social actors involved in the mobilisation, this work is focused on three main subjects: the counterculture groups, the several student movements and the militants of Italian 1977 revolt. It means to analyse three different moments in the “protestation cycle” of long Sixties that remains a tumultuous period of paradigm shifts. In spite of this instability, it is possible to indicate some keywords that characterise the spirit of the age: anti-authoritarianism, egalitarianism, repression, rights, and above all, revolution remain the more significant theoretical questions on which this work revolves
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Kramer, Joshua L. "Grass Roots Urbanism: An Overview of the Squatters Movement in West Berlin during the 1970S and 1980S." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1522764873720766.
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Rammelt, Henry. "La mobilisation sociale en Europe de l'Est depuis la crise financière de 2008 : une analyse comparative de l’évolution des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2168/document.
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La crise financière a démystifié le système capitaliste aux yeux de larges segments de la population d’Europe de l'Est, exacerbant le décalage entre les attentes suscitées par le processus de démocratisation et la situation, souvent difficile, d’un nombre important de citoyens. Dans ce contexte, l'indignation que certains d’entre eux expriment s'est dirigée contre la classe politique, donnant naissance à de nouvelles formes de mobilisation. Cette thèse analyse ces mobilisations dans un cadre comparatif incluant des réseaux militants en Hongrie et en Roumanie, sur la période 2008 - 2014. Quelles sont les caractéristiques des récentes vagues de protestations ? Ces protestations s’inscrivent-elles dans la continuité de répertoires d’action plus anciens ? Si la Roumanie et la Hongrie sont « en transition », quelles sont les mutations qui affectent les conditions de mobilisation ? Comment expliquer les différences de dynamiques que l’on observe dans les deux pays ? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons essayé de bâtir des passerelles entre deux champs de recherche, celui de la transition démocratique et celui des mouvements sociaux. En Roumanie comme en Hongrie, la prise en compte des transformations systémiques induites par la transition semble en effet essentielle à la compréhension des phénomènes de mobilisation récents. L'analyse détaillée des processus d'accumulation de capital social relationnel et cognitif qui en résulte - à l’origine de l’émergence de nouvelles générations d’activistes – constitue l’apport principal de notre travail. La démarche diachronique que nous avons adoptée nous a par ailleurs permis d’identifier et de caractériser les influences qu’un réseau militant peut avoir sur un autre et l’impact d’une protestation sur la suivante. Soucieux de produire des informations précises et circonstanciées sur l’environnement politique, économique et culturel dans lequel naissent les mobilisations étudiées, nous avons interrogé, à partir d’un sondage en ligne, des spécialistes de la société civile, des médias et de la vie politique des deux pays. Parallèlement, nous avons réalisé 26 entretiens approfondis avec des activistes en Hongrie et en Roumanie pour parvenir à définir les processus de mobilisation des ressources, les canaux de mobilisation utilisées, les caractéristiques des réseaux et des organisations en présence, mais aussi l’identité des activistes et, subséquemment, leur perception du contexte d’action dans lequel ils s’inscrivent. En prenant en compte l’ensemble de ces éléments, nous avons pu montrer comment l'accumulation d’expériences de mobilisations nourrissait les mouvements suivants, plus nombreux et plus visibles au fil du temps. Dans cette dynamique, les réseaux sociaux en ligne jouent un rôle essentiel. La socialisation politique sur Facebook a notamment contribué au développement d’une identité commune et à la transformation de l'indignation personnelle en engagement collectif. La multiplication des interactions sociales, une certaine similitude de goûts et de visions du monde, ainsi qu’un effort de réseautage ont permis à l'activisme en ligne de se transformer en activisme de rue. La nature et l’intensité de cet engagement diffèrent selon les deux pays. En Roumanie, « un militantisme récréationnel » puisant ses racines dans la simultanéité de la consommation culturelle et de l'implication civique est observable. A l’inverse, en Hongrie l’enthousiasme civique semble s’essouffler. Confrontés à un pouvoir politique stable, soutenu par la majorité de la population et capable de s'opposer fermement aux initiatives de la société civile, les mouvements de contestation hongrois n’ont pas réussi à déstabiliser le pouvoir en place. Cet exemple montre qu’une culture de protestation relativement vivace ne débouche pas automatiquement sur un fort niveau de mobilisation citoyenne. Par contraste, le cas de la RoumanieIn Eastern Europe the financial crisis of 2008 highlighted the gap between expectations concerning the new configuration of liberal and capitalist states on the one hand, and the social realities on the other. Waves of contention followed, which were provoked especially by austerity measures implemented by the respective governments. These were in their majority directed against the post-communist elites, which were held responsible for the perceived slow progress regarding economic performance and the democratization process in the years before. With the purpose of analyzing new forms of collective action and protests that appeared following this crisis, this dissertation is dedicated to study, in a comparative manner, activist networks in Hungary and Romania between 2008 and 2014.The following questions are in the center of the study: Are those recent waves of mobilization different from forms of protests prior to the crisis or can we observe a continuation of repertoires of contention? If Romania and Hungary are considered to be countries still located in the transition process, without having reached the “goal” of consolidated democracies, are the conditions and forms of collective action also undergoing profound transformations? If so, how can we explain the different dynamics in those two countries?Given the fact, that the analysis of social movements is becoming a multicentric subfield of social sciences, the present study draws on a diversity of analytical angles, not only stemming from approaches to investigate social movements and regime change, but also including additional theoretical avenues, in order to answer these main questions. Taking into account the transformation background of Romania and Hungary seems the appropriate perspective to understand recent mobilizations. For this purpose, this study analyzes processes of the accumulation of cognitive and relational social capital, shaping a new generation of activists. By doing so, the emphasis could be put on observing the effects of protests on subsequent mobilizations and the spillover/ interaction between activist networks over time. In a first step, I gathered comparable data on the political, economic and social environment, in which these networks arose, by carrying out expert on-line surveys in both countries. For a better understanding of mechanisms of resource mobilization, mobilization channels, network characteristics and organizational features, I conducted 26 in-depth interviews with activists from both countries. As a result, I was able to highlight the significance of protest-specific experiences for future mobilizations. Online social networks appear to play a key role in this dynamic in contemporary social movements, mainly through their capacity of generating a collective identity and transforming personal indignation into collective action. The nature and the intensity of this dynamic vary in the two countries. While I observed a growth of, what I called “recreational activism” in Romania, resulting from the concomitance of patterns of cultural consumption and civic involvement, a certain protest fatigue can be attested for the first years after the crisis in Hungary. Confronted with stable political configurations and a government that is widely supported by the electorate, movements contesting the power of Fidesz were not able to destabilize existing power structures in Hungary. Hence, this study shows that a longstanding culture of protest and of civic engagement does not necessarily lead, in different circumstances, to high levels of political activism of challengers to political power. Furthermore, the Romanian case suggests that rather the absence of such a culture, combined with a lack of precedent and experiences for both, engaged citizens and authorities can open spaces for renegotiating rules and provoke (lasting) political and cultural changes
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XANTHOPOULOU, DIMITRIADOU Parthena. "Discursive movement politics of the crisis : frames, 'subjects' and cultures of sociopolitical contestation : a comparative analysis of the anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of Greece and Spain." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/54664.
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Defence date: 17 May 2018Examining Board: Prof. Donatella della Porta, SNS Florence (former EUI) | Supervisor; Prof. Olivier Roy, EUI; Prof. Maria Kousis, University of Crete; Prof. Cristina Flesher Fominaya, Loughborough University
The financial crisis of 2008, which plunged the global economy into unprecedented recession caused a dramatic downturn in economic activity and exceptionally increased political instability. In the years of the crisis civil unrest became part of the daily routine of afflicted countries around the world, reaching its peak in the global wave of anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of late 2010-2011. Protesting the politics of austerity and the diminished solvency of the political system, the mobilizations rose above the business-as-usual type of protesting and summoned an exceptionally heterogenous population raising strong demands for democratization and the political empowerment of the people. The characteristically heterogeneous constituency of the mobilizations, the characteristically broad demand for democratization and the fact that in many instances this demand was raised in sociopolitical contexts of consolidated democracies highlighted a central puzzle with three angles: What does the demand for democratization mean, when it is raised in already democratic contexts? What does the mobilizations’ demand for democracy practically imply? Who constitute the ‘subject’ of the mobilizations and through what processes have they been ‘constructed’ as a collective demanding democracy? Narrowing down the focus on the European wave of mobilizations, this research seeks to find answers to these questions by examining comparatively the antiausterity mobilizations of Greece and Spain. The hypothesis of this comparative examination is that the mobilizations’ commonly raised demands for democratization and their similar advocacies -for ‘Direct Democracy’ in Greece and ‘Real Democracy’ in Spain- are effectively filtered through the lens of nation-specific cultures of contestation. Relying on qualitative methods of analysis, this research examines patterns of contestation and relationships in the Greek and Spanish anti-austerity mobilizations and demonstrates that the Greek and Spanish movement politics of the crisis represent distinct examples of contemporary sociopolitical contestation that cannot be comprehensively understood on the basis of some sort of European -or for that matter Southern European- sameness, despite their firm embeddedness in the European wave of anti-austerity and pro-democracy mobilizations of late 2010-2011.
Books on the topic "Protest movements – europe"
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Shipley, Peter. Patterns of protest in Western Europe. London: Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1986.
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Shipley, Peter. Patterns of protest in Western Europe. London: Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1986.
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Tarrow, Sidney G. Contentious politics in Western Europe and the United States. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 2000.
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Martin, Klimke, and Scharloth Joachim, eds. 1968 in Europe: A history of protest and activism, 1956-77. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.
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Eisenstadt, S. N. Centre formation, protest movements, and class structure in Europe and the United States. London: Pinter, 1987.
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Eisenstadt, S. N. Centre formation, protest movements, and class structure in Europe and the United States. New York: New York University Press, 1987.
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1956-, Della Porta Donatella, and Reiter Herbert, eds. Policing protest: The control of mass demonstrations in Western democracies. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998.
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Robert, Brier. Entangled protest: Transnational approaches to the history of dissent in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Osnabrück: Fibre, 2013.
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Horst, Brocke Rudolf, ed. Krise und Protest: Ursprünge und Elemente der Friedensbewegung in Westeuropa. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1987.
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Prokhasʹko, Taras, and I͡Uriĭ Andrukhovych. I︠E︡vromaĭdan: Khronika vidchuttiv. Brusturiv: Discursus, 2014.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Protest movements – europe"
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van der Steen, Bart. "Action Without Contention? Contextualizing Social Movements in 1980s Sweden." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 219–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-27370-4_9.
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AbstractThe early 1980s in Western Europe were characterized by a massive wave of, at times militant, protest. In this context, Sweden looked like the odd one out because confrontations remained a marginal phenomenon. Could this be explained by the Swedish political system, which was characterized by moderation, dialogue and negotiation? This paper argues that asking what made Sweden different risks disconnecting Swedish protest experiences from the rest of Europe. Instead, researchers should ask how and why the image of mass contention and militancy, became a norm that informed the expectations of 1980s activists, authorities and the media. The argument is not that researchers should discard the norm of mass contentious action and instead focus on ‘what really happened’. Rather, the norm itself should be approached as a historical category, one that deeply influenced (views of) the 1980s protest wave—both then and now. Asking such questions can help clarify the relation between contention, subversion and social movement power.
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Sevelsted, Anders, and Jonas Toubøl. "Paradigm Lost? Three Dimensions of Morality and Social Movements." In Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies, 15–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98798-5_2.
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AbstractIn this chapter, focusing on the position of the concept of morality, we briefly review the evolution of the field of social movements from the first formulations of the phenomena of protest, mass, and collective action in classical sociology, through the formation of social movement studies as proper field of research in the 1970s, to its contemporary state. We argue that while morality was central to the classical tradition’s understanding of movements, it lost prominence when the field was established, and still today, morality does not receive much attention. There are, of course, notable exceptions like the work of Jeffrey Alexander, Hans Joas, and the new social movement tradition in Europe. Relatively recently, morality has received increasing attention from scholars studying movements from the perspective of culture. We discuss the role of morality in three of the most prominent theories in this tradition, namely, collective identity, frame alignment, and emotion theory. We argue that they all present promising avenues for developing our understanding of morality and movements while we also point to limitations and inadequacies in each theory or the way they have been applied. We then turn to the constructive work of reorganizing the concept of morality’s relationship with civic action and social movement by developing three dimensions of morality that we argue which are of particular relevance to social movements: selves in interaction, rationalization and justification, and culture and tradition. We trace each dimension from its origin in moral philosophy through its formulation in classical sociology and finally into contemporary theories of civic action. Before closing, we reflect on how the different dimensions intersect and can be applied to the analysis of contemporary empirical cases of social movements and political protest.
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Moll, Nicolas. "Spain, Munich, Auschwitz: The Role of Historical Analogies in the Protest Movements in Europe Against the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1992–1995." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 251–68. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-52819-4_12.
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Anton, Lorena, Yoshie Mitobe, and Kristina Schulz. "Politics of Reproduction in a Divided Europe: Abortion, Protest Movements, and State Intervention after World War II." In The Establishment Responds, 103–20. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119833_8.
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Claire Barillé, Kevin Lenk, Colin Reid, and Erika Szívós. "3.5.2 Protest and Social Movements in Modern History (ca. 1800–1900)." In The European Experience, 405–14. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0323.38.
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Claire Barillé, Kostis Kornetis, Erika Szívós, and Andrew Tompkins. "3.5.3 Protest and Social Movements in Contemporary History (ca. 1900–2000)." In The European Experience, 415–26. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0323.39.
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Laurent Brassart and Maarten Prak. "3.5.1 Protest and Social Movements in Early Modern History (ca. 1500–1800)." In The European Experience, 395–404. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0323.37.
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Holm, Andrej. "From Protest to Program Berlin’s Anti-gentrification-Movement Since Reunification." In Social Movements and Public Policies in Southern European Cities, 33–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52754-9_3.
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Kirchhelle, Claas. "From Protest to ‘Holy Writ’: The Mainstreaming of Welfare Politics." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 205–22. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-62792-8_11.
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AbstractThis chapter examines the evolution of British farm animal welfare politics during the last two decades of Harrison’s campaigning. In 1979, the RSPCA boycotted the Thatcher government’s new Farm Animal Welfare Council (FAWC). The short-lived protest triggered a membership revolt and moderation of RSPCA policies. It also coincided with a weakening of agricultural corporatism in Westminster. FAWC was granted relative independence from the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries, and Food and explicitly acknowledged an updated version of the five freedoms. Ensuing British welfare reforms were also driven by the increasing involvement of European bodies in animal welfare. Now in her 60s, Ruth Harrison joined FAWC as a welfare member. Her increasing public recognition as a senior welfare campaigner enabled her to proactively push for reforms, expand her fundraising activities, and sponsor additional welfare research. By the late 1990s, most of her welfare positions had become part of mainstream politics.
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Slobodian, Quinn. "Dissident Guests: Afro-Asian Students and Transnational Activism in the West German Protest Movement." In Migration and Activism in Europe Since 1945, 33–55. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230615540_3.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Protest movements – europe"
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Gurbuz, Mustafa. "PERFORMING MORAL OPPOSITION: MUSINGS ON THE STRATEGY AND IDENTITY IN THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/hzit2119.
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This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.
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Genew-Puhalewa, Iliana. "Redefining the Concept of Language - On the Example of the Women's Strike "Language" in Poland (2020)." In GLOCAL Conference on Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/comela22.6-3.
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The paper examines the linguistic and discursive image of the protests that broke out in Poland in late 2020 in reaction to a ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal tightening the law on abortion. Verbal and non-verbal expression of the movement was conceived of in terms of ‘language’ (the language of protest) in the debate which surrounded it. Therefore, this paper aims at redefining the term language and the concept behind the term with the use of a cognitive definition within the methodological paradigm of cultural (ethno)linguistics. A set of features attributed to the language of protest is reconstructed on the basis of metalinguistic data, and presented as a specific ‘text of culture,’ emphasizing the close relation mong the notion of language, a given context, experience, and set of values and ideas.
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Duić, Dunja, and Veronika Sudar. "THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON THE FREE MOVEMENT OF PERSONS IN THE EU." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18298.
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The impact of the COVID-19 outbreak is being endured throughout the world, and the European Union (EU) is no exception. The rapid spreading of the virus effected, among other things, restriction on the freedom of movement. The EU member states introduced national response measures to contain the pandemic and protect public health. While broadly similar, the measures differ with regard to strictness and the manner of introduction, reflecting the political legitimacy of the respective country. With the ‘Guidelines concerning the exercise of the free movement of workers during COVID-19 outbreak’ – its first COVID-19-related Communication – the European Commission (EC) attempted to curb differing practices of the EU member states and ensure a coordinated approach. Ultimately, this action was aimed at upholding of fundamental rights as guaranteed to EU citizens, one such being the freedom of movement. Thus, from the very start of the pandemic, the coordinated actions of EU institutions sought to contain the spread of COVID-19 infections with the support and cooperation of EU member states. This is confirmed by the most recent Council of the EU (Council) recommendation on a coordinated approach to restrictions to freedom of movement within the EU of October 2020. While they did prevent the spread of infection and save countless lives, the movement restriction measures and the resulting uncertainty have greatly affected the people, the society, and the economy, thereby demonstrating that they cannot remain in force for an extended period. This paper examines the measures introduced by EU member states and analyses the legal basis for introducing therewith limitations on human rights and market freedoms. To what extent are the EU and member states authorized to introduce restrictions on the freedom of movement in the interest of public health? Have the EU and member states breached their obligations regarding market freedoms and fundamental rights under the Treaty? And most importantly: have they endangered the fundamental rights of the citizens of the EU?
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Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.
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The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.
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Yolova, Galina. "FOR ELECTRONIC HEALTH RECORDS IN CONTEXT FOR PROTECTION ON PERSONAL DATA." In PROTECTION OF THE PERSONAL DATA AND THE DIGITALIZATION 2021. University publishing house "Science and Economics", University of Economics - Varna, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36997/ppdd2021.76.
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The development analyzes the nature and principles of the use of electronic health records in the context of the data protection requirements set out in Regulation (EU) 2016/679 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 on the protection of individuals with regard to the processing of personal data. personal data and on the free movement of such data, and given the need for adequate mechanisms for their confidentiality in order to protect the interests and rights of patients and insured persons.The essence of electronic health records as digital tools for data storage and sharing is presented, the principles for creation, use, storage and sharing of records in the context of the principles of personal data protection are clarified, as well as summaries of the need to ensure confidentiality, adequate and effective legal protection.
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Kayaoglu, Turan. "PREACHERS OF DIALOGUE: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERFAITH THEOLOGY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bjxv1018.
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While the appeal of ‘civilisational dialogue’ is on the rise, its sources, functions, and con- sequences arouse controversy within and between faith communities. Some religious lead- ers have attempted to clarify the religious foundations for such dialogue. Among them are Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, Edward Idris, Cardinal Cassidy of the Catholic Church, and Fethullah Gülen. The paper compares the approach of these three religious leaders from the Abrahamic tra- dition as presented in their scholarly works – Sacks’ The Dignity of Difference, Cardinal Cassidy’s Ecumenism and Interreligious Dialogue, and Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue. The discussion attempts to answer the following questions: Can monotheistic traditions accom- modate the dignity of followers of other monotheistic and polytheistic religions as well as non-theistic religions and philosophies? Is a belief in the unity of God compatible with an acceptance of the religious dignity of others? The paper also explores their arguments for why civilisational and interfaith dialogue is necessary, the parameters of such dialogue and its anticipated consequences: how and how far can dialogue bridge the claims of unity of God and diversity of faiths? Islam’s emphasis on diversity and the Quran’s accommodation of ear- lier religious traditions put Islam and Fethullah Gülen in the best position to offer a religious justification for valuing and cherishing the dignity of followers of other religions. The plea for a dialogue of civilizations is on the rise among some policymakers and politi- cians. Many of them believe a dialogue between Islam and the West has become more urgent in the new millennium. For example following the 2005 Cartoon Wars, the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conferences, and the European Union used a joint statement to condemn violent protests and call for respect toward religious traditions. They pled for an exchange of ideas rather than blows: We urge everyone to resist provocation, overreaction and violence, and turn to dialogue. Without dialogue, we cannot hope to appeal to reason, to heal resentment, or to overcome mistrust. Globalization disperses people and ideas throughout the world; it brings families individuals with different beliefs into close contact. Today, more than any period in history, religious di- versity characterizes daily life in many communities. Proponents of interfaith dialogue claim that, in an increasingly global world, interfaith dialogue can facilitate mutual understanding, respect for other religions, and, thus, the peaceful coexistence of people of different faiths. One key factor for the success of the interfaith dialogue is religious leaders’ ability to provide an inclusive interfaith theology in order to reconcile their commitment to their own faith with the reality of religious diversity in their communities. I argue that prominent leaders of the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) are already offering separate but overlapping theologies to legitimize interfaith dialogue. A balanced analysis of multi-faith interactions is overdue in political science. The discipline characterises religious interactions solely from the perspective of schism and exclusion. The literature asserts that interactions among believers of different faiths will breed conflict, in- cluding terrorism, civil wars, interstate wars, and global wars. According to this conven- tional depiction, interfaith cooperation is especially challenging to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam due to their monotheism; each claims it is “the one true path”. The so-called “monothe- istic exclusion” refers to an all-or-nothing theological view: you are a believer or you are an infidel. Judaism identifies the chosen people, while outsiders are gentiles; Christians believe that no salvation is possible outside of Jesus; Islam seems to call for a perennial jihad against non-Muslims. Each faith would claim ‘religious other’ is a stranger to God. Political “us versus them” thinking evolves from this “believer versus infidel” worldview. This mindset, in turn, initiates the blaming, dehumanizing, and demonization of the believers of other reli- gious traditions. Eventually, it leads to inter-religious violence and conflict. Disputing this grim characterization of religious interactions, scholars of religion offer a tripartite typology of religious attitude towards the ‘religious other.’ They are: exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism. Exclusivism suggests a binary opposition of religious claims: one is truth, the other is falsehood. In this dichotomy, salvation requires affirmation of truths of one’s particular religion. Inclusivism integrates other religious traditions with one’s own. In this integration, one’s own religion represents the complete and pure, while other religions represent the incomplete, the corrupted, or both. Pluralism accepts that no religious tradi- tion has a privileged access to religious truth, and all religions are potentially equally valid paths. This paper examines the theology of interfaith dialogue (or interfaith theology) in the Abrahamic religions by means of analyzing the works of three prominent religious lead- ers, a Rabbi, a Pope, and a Muslim scholar. First, Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, offers a framework for the dialogue of civilizations in his book Dignity of Difference: How to Avoid the Clash of Civilizations. Rather than mere tolerance and multiculturalism, he advocates what he calls the dignity of difference—an active engagement to value and cherish cultural and religious differences. Second, Pope John Paul II’s Crossing the Threshold of Hope argues that holiness and truth might exist in other religions because the Holy Spirit works beyond the for- mal boundaries of Church. Third, the Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue describes a Muslim approach to interfaith dialogue based on the Muslim belief in prophecy and revelation. I analyze the interfaith theologies of these religious leaders in five sections: First, I explore variations on the definition of ‘interfaith dialogue’ in their works. Second, I examine the structural and strategic reasons for the emergence and development of the interfaith theologies. Third, I respond to four common doubts about the possibility and utility of interfaith di- alogue and theologies. Fourth, I use John Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach to develop a framework with which to analyze religious leaders’ support for interfaith dialogue. Fifth, I discuss the religious rationales of each religious leader as it relates to interfaith dialogue.
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Müller-eppendorfer, Katharina, and Katrin Meusinger. "Ergonomic support for manual assembly through data-based assistance systems - challenges and solution ideas considering the legal framework conditions." In 15th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2024). AHFE International, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1005350.
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While automation is already well advanced in series production, manual production is still used for small batch sizes and multi-variant production. However, such workplaces also need to be modernized to produce not only economically but also sustainably. Improving ergonomic working conditions poses a challenge for work research: how can data-based assistance systems provide employees with recommendations on favourable work design while considering the tight legal framework regarding the collection of biometric data? A consortium of labour researchers from five colleges and universities, six network partners and more than 30 companies are working on this and other questions in the context of the introduction of AI solutions in the PerspektiveArbeit Lausitz structural change project (PAL). The declared aim is to support the transformation of the Lusatia coal mining region by enabling small and medium-sized enterprises to drive forward digitalization and use simple human-centred AI solutions to make work more people-friendly, thereby increasing their competitiveness and flexibility.The prototype is to be implemented at an electronics service provider with manual PCB production. In collaboration with Mittweida University of Applied Sciences, an application is being developed to improve activity-related ergonomics at the workplace. Visual sensors at and around the workplace will capture images that are compared with data from standards, guidelines, and ergonomics methods in real time to provide a direct message at the workplace in case of negative stress (e.g. forced posture, one-sided strain, gripping space). The video-supported analysis is intended to help identify and correct ergonomically critical movement sequences and avoid them in the long term to maintain the health of employees.Mittweida University of Applied Sciences develops an application to improve ergonomics by using visual sensors to record and evaluate ergonomic factors. The video-supported analysis is intended to identify ergonomically critical movement sequences and avoid them.It is important to not only "get employees on board” in this process from the outset in the sense of "informing" them, but to "involve" them in the implementation of the project to be able to incorporate their expertise into the development and to increase acceptance of the planned project. This is because AI applications that process personal data are regulated by the GDPR and soon also by the European Union's AI Regulation, which is expected for 2024. The Works Constitution Act (§87) must also be observed. It stipulates an economical and dedicated data collection and the avoidance of unnecessary data. What exactly needs to be considered when processing personal data using AI systems and what specific technical solution the assistance system provides to protect sensitive biometric data - this content is conveyed to the employees in awareness workshops
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Strmečki, Simona, and Silvija Pejaković-Đipić. "DATA PROTECTION, PRIVACY AND SECURITY IN THE CONTEXT OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND CONVENTIONAL METHODS FOR LAW ENFORCEMENT." In International Scientific Conference “Digitalization and Green Transformation of the EU“. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/27462.
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Unlike conventional methods and technologies of collecting, processing and analysing the personal data of natural persons as part of law enforcement activities, the broader use of different artificial intelligence methods brings into focus the need for specific rules regulating the application of various artificial intelligence methods to protect two independent fundamental rights as regulated by EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, Art. 7 and 8 – data protection and privacy. Privacy, the protection of personal data and the security of their processing and transmission within law enforcement activities, whether it is non-automated, partially or fully automated, is prescribed by Directive (EU) 2016/680 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 27 April 2016 on the protection of natural persons with regard to the processing of personal data by competent authorities for the purposes of the prevention, investigation, detection or prosecution of criminal offences or the execution of criminal penalties, and the free movement of such data. When considering personal data protection in the context of Directive 2016/680 it is referred to the protection of information on the confirmed identity of a natural person (data protection) and the protection of all information by which identity can be confirmed (privacy). Thus, this information should not be part of the defined personal data category, and all methods and technologies that can be used for direct and indirect confirmation of the identity of a natural person should be taken into account. The paper aims to determine whether there is relationship between privacy and security and whether there are differences in the personal data collection, processing and analysis methods by law enforcement authorities, when used methods are conventional or artificial intelligence. The first hypothesis emphasises causality between privacy and security when collecting, processing and analysing their personal data by conventional methods and artificial intelligence methods for law enforcement purposes. The second hypothesis implies a statistically significant difference in making personal data available to law-enforcement bodies in cases they are collected, processed and analysed by conventional methods and in cases they are collected, processed or analysed by artificial intelligence methods. The methods used are: descriptive method for describing the process of collecting, processing and analysing personal data in law enforcement activities, as well as for describing the differences between conventional and artificial intelligence methods and evaluating hypotheses; induction for creating hypothesis; deduction for observing specific relations; content analysis and synthesis in the evaluation phase; survey method; statistical and comparative method in the testing phase and for determining the compliance with the hypotheses.
Reports on the topic "Protest movements – europe"
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Chong, Alberto E., and Florencio López-de-Silanes. Corporate Governance in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, March 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010872.
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This paper analyzes recent trends in Latin Americas institutional development regarding to investor protection. In spite of the underdevelopment of the regions financial markets, there is slow movement towards legal reforms intended to protect investors and make regional markets more attractive to investors; current inadequacies in the regions legal institutions generate high levels of ownership concentration, poor access to external equity financing, and narrow equity markets. The evidence in this paper, based on firm-level data for six countries, shows that, like legal protection of investors, appropriate firm-level corporate governance is linked to lower costs for capital, better valuation, performance, and dividend payments across countries. Firms can compensate for their countries legal deficiencies by distinguishing themselves through improved corporate governance practices, thus increasing transparency and limiting potential conflict between large and minority shareholders. Firms can additionally look for capital by issuing ADRs, as they have in recent years, although this practice undermines local capital markets. In the end, firms and regulators must improve their governance structures and shareholder protections if they are to meet the improved benchmarks of developed nations brought about by Asian, European, and U.S. scandals in recent years.
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Bercovier, Herve, and Ronald P. Hedrick. Diagnostic, eco-epidemiology and control of KHV, a new viral pathogen of koi and common carp. United States Department of Agriculture, December 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.32747/2007.7695593.bard.
Full textAbstract:
Original objectives and revisions-The proposed research included these original objectives: field validation of diagnostic tests (PCR), the development and evaluation of new sensitive tools (LC-PCR/TaqManPCR, antibody detection by ELISA) including their use to study the ecology and the epidemiology of KHV (virus distribution in the environment and native cyprinids) and the carrier status of fish exposed experimentally or naturally to KHV (sites of virus replication and potential persistence or latency). In the course of the study we completed the genome sequence of KHV and developed a DNA array to study the expression of KHV genes in different conditions. Background to the topics-Mass mortality of koi or common carp has been observed in Israel, USA, Europe and Asia. These outbreaks have reduced exports of koi from Israel and have created fear about production, import, and movements of koi and have raised concerns about potential impacts on native cyprinid populations in the U.S.A. Major conclusions-A suite of new diagnostic tools was developed that included 3 PCR assays for detection of KHV DNA in cell culture and fish tissues and an ELISA assay capable of detecting anti-KHV antibodies in the serum of koi and common carp. The TKPCR assay developed during the grant has become an internationally accepted gold standard for detection of viral DNA. Additionally, the ELISA developed for detecting serum anti-KHV antibodies is now in wide use as a major nonlethal screening tool for evaluating virus status of koi and common carp populations. Real time PCR assays have been able to detect viral DNA in the internal organs of survivors of natural and wild type vaccine exposures at 1 and 10³ genome equivalents at 7 months after exposure. In addition, vaccinated fish were able to transmit the virus to naive fish. Potential control utilizing hybrids of goldfish and common carp for production demonstrated they were considerably more resistant than pure common carp or koi to both KHV (CyHV-3). There was no evidence that goldfish or other tested endemic cyprinids species were susceptible to KHV. The complete genomic sequencing of 3 strains from Japan, the USA, and Israel revealed a 295 kbp genome containing a 22 kbp terminal direct repeat encoding clear gene homologs to other fish herpesviruses in the family Herpesviridae. The genome encodes156 unique protein-coding genes, eight of which are duplicated in the terminal repeat. Four to seven genes are fragmented and the loss of these genes may be associated with the high virulence of the virus. Viral gene expression was studies by a newly developed chip which has allowed verification of transcription of most all hypothetical genes (ORFs) as well as their kinetics. Implications, both scientific and agricultural- The results from this study have immediate application for the control and management of KHV. The proposal provides elements key to disease management with improved diagnostic tools. Studies on the ecology of the virus also provide insights into management of the virus at the farms that farmers will be able to apply immediately to reduce risks of infections. Lastly, critical issues that surround present procedures used to create “resistant fish” must be be resolved (e.g. carriers, risks, etc.). Currently stamping out may be effective in eradicating the disease. The emerging disease caused by KHV continues to spread. With the economic importance of koi and carp and the vast international movements of koi for the hobby, this disease has the potential for even further spread. The results from our studies form a critical component of a comprehensive program to curtail this emerging pathogen at the local, regional and international levels.