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1
Sika, Nadine. "Repression, Cooptation, and Movement Fragmentation in Authoritarian Regimes: Evidence from the Youth Movement in Egypt." Political Studies 67, no. 3 (September 3, 2018): 676–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718795393.
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How do authoritarian regimes fragment protest movements in the aftermath of mass protests? How do protest movements deal with these authoritarian measures in return? Based on qualitative fieldwork with 70 young people in Egypt from April until November 2015, I demonstrate that regimes which face major contentious events and transition back to authoritarian rule, utilize two main strategies for fragmenting protest movements: repression and cooptation. The main literature on protest movements contends that regimes respond to protest movements through a combination of repression and concession to offset movement gains and eliminate their motivations for further protests. More concessions are believed to be effective in democratic regimes, while more repression is effective in authoritarian regimes. However, the results of this fieldwork demonstrate the importance of repression in addition to cooptation in authoritarian regimes, which is largely ignored in the literature on protest movements. Cooptation is an instrumental tactic for the regime in two manners: first it creates internal struggles within the movements themselves, which adds to their fragmentation. Second, it facilitates a regime’s repression against protest movement actors. This creates more fragmentation in addition to deterrence to the development of new protest movements and protest activities.
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Bishara, Dina. "The Generative Power of Protest: Time and Space in Contentious Politics." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 10 (September 2021): 1722–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020970227.
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How do social movements sustain themselves under authoritarian rule? This remains a crucial puzzle for scholars of comparative politics. This article gains traction on this puzzle by foregrounding the generative power of protest, namely the power of protest experiences themselves to deepen and broaden movements. Some studies have started to draw attention to those questions without yet systematically examining how the form of protest differentially affects those outcomes. I argue that different forms of protest have varying effects on movements depending on their duration and geographic scope. While short, multiple-site actions, such as marches, can broaden movements by expanding their base, extended, single-site actions, such as sit-ins, are more likely to deepen movements by fostering collective identities and building organizational capacities. This article is based on field research in Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan, and Morocco and interviews with more than 100 movement participants and civil society activists.
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Reisinezhad, Arash, and Parisa Farhadi. "Cultural Opportunity and Social Movements." Sociology of Islam 4, no. 3 (July 5, 2016): 236–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00403004.
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The emergence of the Arab Spring in 2010 heralded a deep transformation within Muslim societies as well as the geopolitical arrangement of the region. These movements emerged after a non-Arab movement, the Iranian Green Movement in 2009, with which they shared various characteristics, ranging from its broad use of virtual space to movement without a classic leadership. While a large body of movement literature links the formation of social movement to either the structural opportunities or rational choice theory, the present paper addresses the cultural opportunity as a main facilitator-constraint in the movement formation. Given this fact that mediating between opportunities and mobilization are the shared meanings, the article seeks to empirically investigate cultural factors that construct and drive protests. From this perspective, the present study argues that movements tend to cluster in time and space because they are not independent of one another. Thus, it goes deep down in the way that different movements have had tremendous impacts on each other through examining the presence of the Master of Protest Frame (mpf). Transgressing the geographical borders and chronological phases, this factor has shaped movements strategies. Finally and to place recent events in a generalizable analysis, the paper employs a cross-national analysis, with focusing on Iran in 2009 and Egypt in 2010.
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Girod, Desha M., Megan A. Stewart, and Meir R. Walters. "Mass protests and the resource curse: The politics of demobilization in rentier autocracies." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 5 (July 27, 2016): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216651826.
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Why are some dictators more successful at demobilizing protest movements than others? Repression sometimes stamps out protest movements (Bahrain in 2011) but can also cause a backlash (Egypt and Tunisia in 2011), leading to regime change. This article argues that the effectiveness of repression in quelling protests varies depending upon the income sources of authoritarian regimes. Oil-rich autocracies are well equipped to contend with domestic and international criticism, and this gives them a greater capacity to quell protests through force. Because oil-poor dictators lack such ability to deal with criticism, repression is more likely to trigger a backlash of increased protests. The argument is supported by analysis of newly available data on mass protests from the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO 2.0) dataset, which covers all countries (1945–2006). This article implies that publics respond strategically to repression, and tend to demobilize when the government is capable of continually employing repression with impunity.
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Hafez, Bassem Nabil. "New Social Movements and the Egyptian Spring: A Comparative Analysis between the April 6 Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 12, no. 1-2 (2013): 98–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341245.
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Abstract In this article I will comparatively analyze the conceptual foundations of two Egyptian protest movements, the April 6 Movement and the Revolutionary Socialists, two prominent instigators of the Egyptian revolution, as part of the global rebellion against the dystopia perceived as the creation of neo-liberalism and globalization. In Egypt, the limitations of conventional opposition led to the mushrooming of New Social Movements (NSMs) over the past decade. The political dynamics since 2000 have yielded, among many, the aforementioned youth movements that represent two different approaches to the rebellion against the dystopia, which speeded up the downfall of Mubarak.
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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Occupations, Preoccupations, and Political Science." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (March 2012): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004956.
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In recent issues of Perspectives, we have sought to highlight the themes of inequality, exclusion, and the challenges facing democratic politics. We have done this because these themes resound throughout the current political world. Economist and Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz nicely summed up this state of affairs in a November 4, 2011 column circulated by Project Syndicate: “The protest movement that began in Tunisia in January, subsequently spreading to Egypt, and then to Spain, has now become global, with the protests engulfing Wall Street and cities across America. Globalization and modern technology now enable social movements to transcend borders as rapidly as ideas can. And social protest has found fertile ground everywhere: a sense that the ‘system’ has failed, and the conviction that even in a democracy, the electoral process will not set things right—at least not without strong pressure from the street.” The Occupy movement that spread like wildfire throughout the US, and that asserted itself on some major US university campuses, is simply the latest iteration of this diffusion of protest in which young people from Athens and Madrid to Cairo and Damascus seem to be playing a crucial role.
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Hitman, G. "RETHINKING SOCIAL PROTEST MOVEMENTS’ THEORIZATION: LESSONS FROM EGYPT, BURKINA FASO AND BOLIVIA." Trames. Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences 24, no. 1 (2020): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3176/tr.2020.1.05.
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Bishara, Dina. "The Politics of Ignoring: Protest Dynamics in Late Mubarak Egypt." Perspectives on Politics 13, no. 4 (December 2015): 958–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271500225x.
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I propose the concept of “ignoring” to capture situations in which government officials appear dismissive (either through inaction or contempt) of popular mobilization. The concept refers not only to actions by regime officials but also captures protesters' perceptions of those actions. Examples of ignoring include not communicating with protesters, issuing condescending statements, physically evading protesters, or acting with contempt toward popular mobilization. Existing conceptual tools do not adequately capture these dynamics. Although repression and concessions have been extensively theorized, scholars lack conceptual tools to understand responses that fall short of both repression and concessions. I introduce the concept of “ignoring” as a useful tool to focus on a subset of actions on the part of regime officials who are the targets of mobilization, with discernible consequences for subsequent mobilization. Drawing on research on the role of emotions in protest politics and on framing and social movements, I argue that ignoring protests can trigger emotional responses that encourage people to engage in protest, such as anger, indignation, and outrage. By integrating protesters' perceptions of the behavior of the targets of mobilization, not just of the security forces, the concept of “ignoring” helps explain protesters' reactions and their future mobilization, in a way that conventional concepts such as tolerance cannot capture. This analysis has important implications for broader theoretical debates on the relationship between regime response to protests and subsequent mobilization. Most importantly, it urges scholars to consider how ignoring can interact with other responses to mobilization, thereby altering the dynamics of the infamous the “concession-repression dilemma.” I use evidence from workers' protests in late Mubarak Egypt to illustrate these dynamics.
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Muqsith, Munadhil Abdul. "Gerakan Sosial Baru: Simbol #R4bia." ADALAH 6, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/adalah.v6i2.26574.
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This paper is to explain how the fusion of social movements and new media produces new social movements. The author himself raised how the #R4bia movement in Egypt and around the world as a form of protest and solidarity with the leader of the Egyptian state President Morsi (2012-2013) was overthrown by Abdul Fattah as-Sisi in a military coup in June 2013. The #R4bia symbol became a trending topic on various social platforms. media. technology is not historically a value-free entity. When a technology product interacts with the user community, the technology product undergoes an adjustment process, in which society gives meaning based on various values. There is a reciprocal relationship and a dialectical dynamic in the process of social construction that is built.
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Isaev, Gumer. "Russia and Egypt: Conflicts in the Political Elite and Protest Movements in 2011–2012." Journal of Eurasian Studies 5, no. 1 (January 2014): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2013.10.003.
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Moustafa, Tamir. "Law in the Egyptian Revolt." Middle East Law and Governance 3, no. 1-2 (March 25, 2011): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591530.
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Among the protest movements sweeping the region in the Arab awakening of 2011, the Egyptian revolt is the movement that is perhaps most defi ned by a struggle over the Constitution and the rule of law more generally. I argue that this intense focus on law and legal institutions is a legacy of the prominent role that law played in maintaining authoritarian rule in Mubarak’s Egypt. Just as law and legal institutions were the principal mechanisms undergirding authoritarian rule, opposition activists know that democracy can only emerge through comprehensive legal reform. Th is article examines the struggle for constitutional power in three periods – before, during, and after the Egyptian revolt of 2011.
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Mehta, Brinda. "Staging Tahrir: Laila Soliman’s Revolutionary Theatre." Review of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (2013): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100056329.
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If one day, a people desire to live, Then fate will answer their call And their night will then begin to fade, And their chains break and fall.“Will to Live” Abī al-Qāsim al-ShābīOne of the most inspiring aspects of the Egyptian revolution was the outpouring of creative expression that accompanied the uprising’s social and political movements in the form of protest songs, poetry, slogans, chants, graffiti and installation art, street theatre, cartoons, among other forms of artistic inventiveness. Creative dissidence has always been an integral part of protest movements, as argued by Iraqi poet Sinan Antoon (2011): Poetry, novels and popular culture have chronicled and encapsulated the struggle of peoples against colonial rule and later, against postcolonial monarchies and dictatorships, so the poems, vignettes, and quotes from novels were all there in the collective unconscious.... The revolution introduced new songs, chants and tropes, but it refocused attention on an already existing, rich and living archive.... Contrary to all the brouhaha about Twitter and Facebook, what energized people in Tunisia and Egypt and elsewhere, aside from sociopolitical grievances and an accumulation of pain and anger, was a famous line of poetry by a Tunisian poet, al-Shabbi.Antoon evokes Abū al-Qāsim al-Shābī, whose poem “The Will to Live,” referenced in the epigraph, symbolized the battle cry of Tunisians in the anti-colonial struggles of the early 1900s. Refrains from the poem echoed in both Tunisia and Egypt during the Arab spring uprisings over one century later, thereby highlighting the intimate synergies between the creative imaginary and revolutionary action.
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Umar, Ahmad R. Mardhatillah, Arief Bakhtiar Darmawan, Faela Sufa Sufa, and Gebyar Lintang Ndadari. "Media Sosial dan Revolusi Politik: Memahami Kembali Fenomena “Arab Spring” dalam Perspektif Ruang Publik Transnasional." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 18, no. 2 (September 22, 2016): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.13130.
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This paper aims to analyze some linkages between revolution, public sphere, and transnational activism through social media in the Middle East. A revolution in Tunisia in 2011 became an international issue aft er the revolution spreaded to other states in the region. Aft er Tunisia, protest movements began to ignite in Egypt, Libya, Yemen,and Jordania. This wave of revolution comes into a public discourse: what causes this movement? How coulda revolution in one country inspire another revolution in another country? To answer these questions, weanalyze the role of social media as a “bridge” to connect activists in the Middle East to make a revolution. Weconclude that transnational activism was formed by routine and massive reports from media which explainedwhat hadhappened in the Middle East during the revolution. The reports were followed by a spread of the ideaof democracy and civil rights through social media. As a consequence, revolution took place in several othercountries whose socio-cultural tradition are similar to that of Tunisia.
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de Lellis, Francesco. "Peasants, dispossession and resistance in Egypt: an analysis of protest movements and organisations before and after the 2011 uprising." Review of African Political Economy 46, no. 162 (October 2, 2019): 582–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2019.1688487.
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Saleus, Nazma. "Social Media and Political Revolution: Re-Understanding The "Arab Spring" Phenomenon in the Perspective of Transnational Public Spaces." International Journal of Science and Society 2, no. 1 (April 18, 2020): 320–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v2i1.82.
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This paper aims to analyze some linkages between revolution, public sphere, and transnational activism through social media in the Middle East. A revolution in Tunisia in 2011 became an international issue aft er the revolution spreaded to other states in the region. Aft er Tunisia, protest movements began to ignite in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, and Jordania. This wave of revolution comes into a public discourse: what causes this movement? How could a revolution in one country inspire another revolution in another country? To answer these questions, we analyze the role of social media as a “bridge” to connect activists in the Middle East to make a revolution. We conclude that transnational activism was formed by routine and massive reports from media which explained what hadhappened in the Middle East during the revolution. The reports were followed by a spread of the idea of democracy and civil rights through social media. As a consequence, revolution took place in several other countries whose socio-cultural tradition are similar to that of Tunisia.
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Surguladze, V. Sh. "Social Media as a Tool of Socio-Political Destabilisation of Society: Lessons, Trends, Prospects." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 10, no. 1 (November 3, 2020): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2020-10-1-6-13.
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The article analyses the stages of information confrontation in social networks aimed at transforming protest activity from a virtual space into real life in the form of street actions and practical actions to change the current socio-political situation. The author considers one of the critical threats of social media to the socio-political stability of society the attempts of using them to influence changes in the collective psychology, motivation and behaviour of citizens. The author gives examples of the IT industry and government agencies of the United States, whose cooperation provides the United States with unprecedented opportunities to influence the global information space and analyses the experience and methodology of political mobilisation of the masses in social networks during the events of the Facebook revolution in Egypt 2010–2011. Based on the understanding of the real experience, the author identifies the stages and methods of reformatting virtual protest activity in the real one, as well as identifies the biographical features of the leaders of online protest movements and proposes measures to counteract the information threats of social media. According to the author, one of the most effective mechanisms to counter the threats of social media is the implementation of a comprehensive state identity policy focused on maintaining and developing the existing pivot points of the consensus collective national identity of the society.
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Palamar, Antonіі. "The army as the main driving force of Egypt's transformation in 2011-2013." Grani 23, no. 11 (November 25, 2020): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1720100.
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Following the 2013 coup that toppled Egypt’s democratically elected president, Mohammed Morsi, from power, the country has been led by military general Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. Eight years on, he retains the president’s office, and Egyptian parliament has decided to actually extend his term until 2030, ignoring the revolutionary demands that prompted millions of Egyptians to bring Hosni Mubarak's 29-year rule to an end in January 2011. Despite the hopes of the Arab Spring, Egypt has not only stopped democratic transit, but has begun to move toward authoritarianism. Tens of thousands of people are kept in overcrowded prisons. Freedom of speech, media independence, and opposition movements are being suppressed in the name of the stability of the state. Tortures, unjustified detentions, police attacks, and death sentences have become a strategic tool in the hands of Egypt’s military leadership to combat possible escalation of protest movements.This article reviews history of the military leadership's influence on Egyptian public policy, outlines basic principles and methods of this influence, investigates the army's participation in the state transformation during the Arab Spring, and examines the policy of post-revolutionary military power in the country.The paper sheds light on the military elite, as a significant interest group, which until 2011 had no influence on the formation of the political agenda in Egypt. This study has confirmed that the Muslim Brotherhood's seizure of power in 2012 and the subsequent desire to quickly Islamize the country under the guise of democratic slogans forced the military to oppose not only Islamization but also the democratization of the country. After the revolution, the military became the only force that could keep control and rule the country, using undemocratic methods to secure its own regime and suppress opposition movements. Finally, Egypt's transformation is still ongoing, as the demands of the 2011 revolution for democratization and liberalization of socio-political life remain unfulfilled, and the current military rule is largely reminiscent of Hosni Mubarak’s regime, which was overthrown during the Arab Spring.
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Lashkhia, Yurii Vitalevich. "Al-Azhar University in the Events of the Arab Spring (Case of Egypt)." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 583–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-583-596.
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Due to the comprehensiveness of Islam, the role of the “Islamic factor” in political processes in the Middle East and North Africa is great, while the nature of the manifestations of the “Islamic factor” largely depends among other things on the current state of modern religious educational institutions, including those serving as a forge of Islamic personnel today. One of the most prestigious universities in Islamic oikumene, giving religious education for Muslims from all over the world, is AlAzhar al-Sharif (the shorter Al-Azhar is more common). It was here that some famous thinkers studied, who further significantly contributed to the development of the so-called “political Islam”. This study is an attempt to clarify the role of Al-Azhar University and related Islamic scholars in the socio-political processes of the Middle East and North Africa. Conducting the research, the author largely turned to the sources of the Islamic religion (the Qur’an, Hadith), theological texts of a number of thinkers (for example, the interpretation of the Qur’an Rashid Rida), religious polemical works (the work of Sheikh Osama al-Azhari against the “Muslim Brotherhood” and other “Islamist” trends), documents compiled by the leadership of Al-Azhar; academic literature on related issues. The author came to the conclusion that the “Islamic factor” did not play a crucial role at the beginning of events, but vividly manifested itself subsequently. The actual suppression of Islam by secular dictators created a fertile ground for the acute discontent of believing citizens and activists of various movements who uphold a particular version of the Islamic political alternative. The most influential university in the Islamic world, Al-Azhar, in an official document, “Arab Spring”, indicated the possibility of a shift in despotic power, while emphasizing at the same time the inadmissibility of violent suppression of peaceful protest. Certain Azharite theologians were directly involved in the events of the “Arab Spring”, in particular, the passionate scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi, associated with the Muslim Brotherhood movement and graduated from Al-Azhar, as well as Sheikh Emad Effat, who died during the suppression of an unarmed speech 15 December 2011. Such activity of various Islamic forces in the political sphere is primarily due to the very nature of the Islamic tradition, which does not separate the “sacred” and “profane”.
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Pearlman, Wendy. "Emotions and the Microfoundations of the Arab Uprisings." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 387–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713001072.
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In any political setting, a few people will defy political authority. The main challenge for theories of rebellion is to explain when and why others join en masse. Scholarship on social movements typically develops answers to this puzzle on the basis of either of two microfoundations. Explanations that conceptualize individuals as utility-maximizers contend that they protest as a means to other ends. Explanations that see individuals as driven by values and beliefs suggest that people protest for the inherent benefit of voicing dissent. Both perspectives generate compelling explanations. Yet how do purposeful individuals act when utilitarian calculations and cherished values recommend contrary courses of action? Why might an actor prioritize one or the other at different points in time? Taking on these questions, I argue for an approach to microfoundations that focuses on emotions. Emotions such as fear, sadness, and shame promote pessimistic assessments, risk aversion, and a low sense of control. Such dispiriting emotions encourage individuals to prioritize security and resign to political circumstances, even when they contradict values of dignity. By contrast, anger, joy, and pride promote optimistic assessments, risk acceptance, and feelings of personal efficacy. Such emboldening emotions encourage prioritization of dignity and increase willingness to engage in resistance, even when it jeopardizes security. When instrumentality and values offer different answers to the question of whether to resign or rebel, therefore, emotions can shift individuals toward one or the other. I ground this argument in findings from the neurosciences and illustrate it with evidence from the 2011 uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt and the absence of an uprising in Algeria.
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Palamar, Antonіі. "The Influence of Religion on the Political Situation in Egypt in 2011–2013: "Political Islam" and "Islamic Fundamentalism"." Grani 24, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172106.
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The influence of religion on politics is inherent not only to the Islamic world, however, none of political theorist should ignore the role of Islam in Muslims’ public life, its impact on the policies of Muslim nations and the global geopolitical situation. Due to its historical uniqueness Modern Islam is not only a religion but also a way of life for the vast majority of Muslims and the basis of their civilizational and even national self-identification. Therefore, the role of religion in the Muslim world is different to that of countries, mostly populated by Christians, as Christianity is legally separated from the system of public administration in European countries. Islam, on the other hand, regulates not only the sociocultural sphere of society, including human relations, but also significantly affects the socio-political life of many Muslim countries, where Islamist movements have now become the major part this sphere.In Egypt, where authoritarian secular regime of Hosni Mubarak was overthrown during the revolution, Islamists took the lead in the protest movement, won the first democratic elections and used the opportunity to lead the country after nearly 60 years of underground activity. This paper examines the influence of the religious factor on the change of Egypt’s political regime in 2011-2013 by conceptualizing the terms of “political Islam” and “Islamic fundamentalism.” The author concludes that the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and its Freedom and Justice Party should not be defined as “fundamentalists” because: 1. they don’t try to return to a “righteous caliphate,” Sharia, and a literal perception of the sacred texts; 2. the Brothers could not be viewed as the most conservative force among Islamists, while Salafists are properly rightly considered to be; 3. the association is considered as a part of moderate Islamism, an ideology that does not mandate any the use of armed methods of struggle. At the same time, the author argues that owing to the fact that Egyptian “Muslim Brotherhood” adhered to moderate Islamism as an ideological party basis, it became a decisive reason that provided them a venue at the top tier of the government in 2011-2013.
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Sadovskaya, Lubov M. "Non-governmental organizations in Africa: Role and place in the global political transformation." Asia and Africa Today, no. 10 (2022): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750022730-5.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the activities of international (INGOs) and local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in African countries. The very existence and activity of these organizations are conditioned by the needs of the development of civil society, which cannot always receive adequate assistance and support from official government structures. For this reason, different political groups often turn to NGOs for help. The article analyzes the problem of relations between non-governmental organizations and the state. They do not always add up simply, without contradictions. But, as a rule, they are built on balanced cooperation based on trust. It is important for the State to involve non-governmental organizations in solving urgent social problems, especially in the humanitarian sphere: the fight against poverty, lack of water, lack of sanitation, etc. Despite the fact that many NGOs are not subordinate to Governments, they nevertheless depend on them. The paper draws attention to the fact that NGOs in many African countries work in contact with representatives of the International Monetary Fund, as well as with such UN structures as the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), and other foreign donors. This also applies to international NGOs with a political orientation. To a certain extent, they influence national politics and public opinion in their host countries in order to transform political regimes, as was the case, for example, in Tunisia and Egypt. In other African countries (Senegal, Niger) these NGOs tried to support organizations of civil protest movements during the election campaigns for the presidential election. In this regard, the problem of financing NGOs is of great importance, which has a direct impact on the trajectory of their development. Nevertheless, the State’s continued control over the activities of NGOs prevents their politicization where this trend manifests itself.
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El-Mahdi, Rabab. "Enough!" Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 8 (February 20, 2009): 1011–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414009331719.
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In 2004-2005, for the first time in more than five decades, Egypt witnessed the rise of a protest movement calling for the end of one-party rule. In 1 year, Egypt witnessed more oppositional demonstrations, rallies, and the organization of nonviolent dissident groups than it has seen in the previous 25 years. However, the outcome of this mobilization in terms of democratic opening remained limited and, some argue, negligible. Using social movement theory, which has been unduly ignored by students of democratic transition in the Middle East, and data from fieldwork, the article analyzes the rise, limitations, and potentials of this prodemocracy movement in Egypt. The article argues that changes in the political opportunity structure and relatively successful cultural framing and mobilizing structures pushed for the rise of this movement, but shortcomings on these same fronts limited the movement's expansion and concomitantly, its direct impact.
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Rabiei, Kamran. "Protest and Regime Change: Different Experiences of the Arab Uprisings and the 2009 Iranian Presidential Election Protests." International Studies 57, no. 2 (April 2020): 144–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881720913413.
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Political developments, such as the ‘Arab Spring’, have led the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) towards instability, unrest and severe sectarian confrontations. Nearly 2 years before the ‘Arab Spring’, ‘the Iranian Green Movement’ swept over the country and led to the expectations that Iran would undergo a fundamental political change. The article addresses an important question as to why the 2009 Iranian unrest known as the ‘Green Movement’ did not lead to regime change, while on the other hand, the ‘Arab Spring’ ultimately led to the change of political systems in Tunisia and Egypt. Further, some significant factors are highlighted anticipating the degree of stability and instability for the future of political regimes in the MENA region.
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Mehdiyev, E. T. ""NEO-OTTOMANISM" IN THE REGIONAL POLICY OF TURKEY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-32-39.
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The article is devoted to the ideology of Turkey's foreign policy. The term "neo-Ottomanism" is increasingly used in recent years in relation to the Turkish foreign policy. The concept of neo-Ottomanism, which ideology is the Prime Minister Davutoglu, implies a relationship of foreign policy of modern Turkey with the historical heritage of the Ottomans and its focus on return "last Ottoman", taking into account today's realities. The author examines this phenomenon in the context of the regional policy of Turkey in this period. The main directions of the strategy of neo are the Middle East, North Africa, Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Crimea, and the Balkans. Particular attention is paid to manifestations of neo-Ottomanism in the post-Soviet region and the Middle East, as well as "soft power" strategy in the Turkish neo-Ottomanism. Activities of Ankara in the regions belonging to the sphere of its geopolitical interests is carried out on political, economic, religious, cultural and educational levels. Rapprochement with the political and business circles of influence of countries in the region is aimed at the formation of pro-Turkish lobby. "Arab Spring" has given Turkey a historic opportunity to realize its neo-Ottoman ambitions and create a new order in the Middle East. Turkey's rapprochement with the Islamic world during the 'Arab Spring' demonstrated that Ankara supported in conjunction with the Western nations protest and opposition movements in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, aims to demonstrate to the West the growth of its influence in the region. Mediation is used in regional conflicts Turkish leadership as an instrument of "soft power", with which Ankara aims to increase its international and regional credibility. The result of "neo-Ottoman" Turkey's policy in relations with Russia became a serious crisis in all spheres of cooperation. Strategic mistakes made by the head of the republic R. Erdogan in the settlement of the Syrian crisis, may lead to instability of the entire region. The author considers the possible directions of neo-Ottoman Turkey's policy in the studied regions in the near future.
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Barnartt, Sharon N. "The Arab Spring Protests and Concurrent Disability Protests: Social Movement Spillover or Spurious Relationship?" Studies in Social Justice 8, no. 1 (April 2, 2014): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v8i1.1039.
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Protests from different social movements sometimes coincide, but does that mean that one movement is influencing the other and increasing its “action mobilization,” or are different sets of factors causing the coincident protests? This paper examines that question in reference to two sets of coincident protests: those of people with disabilities and those of the pro-Democracy protests of 2011. It shows that, although disability protests did not start at the same time as the pro-Democracy protests, a number happened during and after, and in close physical proximity to, those protests. Neither set of protests acknowledged or referred to the other. While it is likely that a new law in Egypt and the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities were among the mobilizing factors for people with disabilities, it also appears that the language of “rights” began to diffuse from the pro-Democracy protests to the disability protests.
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Rowe, Paul. "Democracy and Disillusionment: Copts and the Arab Spring." Sociology of Islam 2, no. 3-4 (June 10, 2014): 236–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00204008.
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This essay considers the role that Copts played in the Arab Spring revolution in Egypt and the way in which the political changes of the time affected Coptic interest representation in the Egyptian state. Copts, the indigenous Christians of Egypt, were eager participants in the protests that brought down former president Hosni Mubarak. However, their enthusiasm for a new era was dampened by the inability of lay Coptic movements to challenge the status quo in a way favorable to Coptic interests. Dissent against the management of security under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (scaf) led Copts toward cautious optimism when Muhammad Morsi was elected president in 2012. However, the transition to democracy in Egypt as laid out by the Islamist government ultimately squandered the goodwill of Egyptian Christians and contributed to their disillusionment with the democratic idea. The result has been the further polarization of Egyptian society in ways which have deepened cleavages between Christians and the Islamist movement and rendered more ambiguous the role of the church and lay movements in representing Coptic interests.
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Kaptan, Yeşim. "Laugh and Resist! Humor and Satire Use in the Gezi Resistance Movement." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 5 (October 10, 2016): 567–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341407.
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This article focuses on the local humor employed in the Gezi Park Protests, one of the most widespread protests in the history of modern Turkey. By analyzing examples of widely circulated graffiti in the social media during and after the Gezi Park protests, I explore the role of socio-cultural and political humor in the protests as a form of resistance, which is intertwined in many ways with local popular culture, as well as global cultural forms of resistance used in anti-capitalist movements such as the Occupy Wall Street movement and public protests in Greece, Egypt, Algeria, and Spain. The humor and laughter in political processes manifests relation to traditional Turkish cultural forms. However, context-bounded humor originating from local meanings and traditional folk stories in the humorous graffiti of the Gezi Protests is considered not only an artistic and creative form of opposition to the conservative-religiousakpgovernment, but also a local response to global capitalism.
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Utami, Shinta Fitria, and Betty Mauli Rosa Bustam. "The Silencing of Student Movement Against The Egyptian Pro-Capitalism Government in Radwa Ashour's Novel Faraj." Jurnal CMES 14, no. 1 (June 20, 2021): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/cmes.15.1.50450.
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<p>This research is studying about novel <em>Faraj</em>. The novel contains an overview of the silencing the student movement’s resistance during the capitalist government. This resistance rises due to the cooperation policy between Egypt and the U.S, which impact on intervention of the U.S in Egypt economic and political affairs. The Egyptian students begin, intensively, to discuss these issues, write numerous articles about resistance and criticism of the government, and perform various protests in Cairo. The method of data collecting data in this research consist of two phases, determines the research object and restriction on research problems that focused on an overview of events related to silencing the student movement. The method of data processing consists of determining the relevant theory to answer the problem, searching for references that support the research topic, analyzing the data in accordance with the related theory. The Result of this research indicates the silencing carried out against the anti-capitalist student movement in Egypt. The silencing was conducted through the destruction of the wall magazine, which publish numerous articles about resistance and criticism of the government, arrest, and torture. It happened because of the different interests between the government and the students.</p>
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Rast, M. C. "‘Ireland’s sister nations’: internationalism and sectarianism in the Irish struggle for independence, 1916–22." Journal of Global History 10, no. 3 (October 5, 2015): 479–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022815000236.
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AbstractFollowing the First World War, nationalists in several parts of the British empire amplified their calls for greater self-government. Activists in Egypt, India, and Ireland portrayed themselves as representatives of movements for national self-determination. Their opponents countered that religious divisions undermined these groups’ claims to nationhood, making the presence of an outside power necessary to protect minorities. Activists formed networks and positioned themselves as parts of a worldwide anti-imperialist movement. Their opponents used these ties in attempts to portray separatist movements as foreign-inspired and socialist. Irish republicans and their global counterparts also struggled with accusations of sectarianism as they advanced their independence claims. This article examines Irish republicans’ connections with international revolutionaries. The confluence of political and religious identities there and in other parts of the British empire provided a pretext for continued imperial engagement. Partition forced nationalists to adjust to new geographic and demographic realities in their post-independence states.
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Fuchs, Christian. "Some Reflections on Manuel Castells’ Book "Networks of Outrage and Hope. Social Movements in the Internet Age"." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no. 2 (December 9, 2012): 775–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v10i2.459.
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This paper provides critical reflections on Manuel Castells’ (2012) book Networks of Outrage and Hope. Social Movements in the Internet Age that analyses the “nature and perspectives of networked social movements” (p. 4) and gives special focus to the role of “social media” in movements that emerged in 2011 in Tunisia, Iceland, Egypt, Spain and the United States. I situate Castells’ book in an intellectual discourse that focuses on the political implications of social media and that has involved Clay Shirky, Malcolm Gladwell and Evgeny Morozov. The article also discusses the role of social theory and empirical research in Castells’ book, presents as an alternative a theoretical model of the relationship between social movements and the media, discusses the implications that some empirical data that focus on social media in the Egyptian revolution and the Occupy Wall Street movement have for Castells’ approach, discusses how Castells positions himself towards capitalism and compares his explanation of the crisis and his political views to David Harvey’s approach. Section overview: 1. Introduction 2. Social Media and Politics: A Controversy between Clay Shirky, Malcolm Gladwell and Evgeny Morozov 3. Castells on Social Media in the Context of Protests and Revolutions: The Dimension of Social Theory 4. Social Theory Recovered: A Model of the Relationship between Social Movements and the Media 5. Castells on Social Media in the Context of Protests and Revolutions: The Dimension of Empirical Research 6. Manuel Castells and David Harvey: The Question of Political Struggle - For or against Capitalism? 7. Conclusion
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NIAKOOEE, SEYED AMIR. "Contemporary Arab Uprisings: Different Processes and Outcomes." Japanese Journal of Political Science 14, no. 3 (August 13, 2013): 421–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000170.
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AbstractThus far, recent protests in the Arab world have led to different political outcomes including regime change, civil war, and suppression by regime. The present paper explores the reasons behind these different outcomes. The research methodology is a comparative case study approach, and five countries of Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Libya, and Syria are examined. The hypothesis is that the different political outcomes of the protests are due to a combination of factors, including the level of mobilization of anti-regime movements, the responses of national militaries, and finally the reaction of international powers. Different configurations of these components in the crisis-stricken countries have led to different political outcomes.
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Tignor, Robert L. "Can a New Generation Bring about Regime Change?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000432.
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Peaceful protests and demonstrations have swept through the Arab world, toppling rulers and advancing programs of radical change. Some enthusiasts for these movements have already proclaimed them a revolution. They predict a new Middle Eastern political and economic order. A new generation of young people—men and women, mainly in their twenties and thirties, using their skills in cyberspace communication and fueled by many frustrations—assembled vast numbers in peaceful protests that have thus far claimed many triumphs. They forced the departures of the long-standing dictators of Egypt and Tunisia and have demanded that the monarchs of Jordan, Morocco, and Bahrain reign rather than rule.
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Rizk, Philip. "“The Hard Hit is Still to Come”: An Intifada Imaginary." Human Geography 4, no. 2 (July 2011): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861100400208.
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On 11 February 2011, Egyptian protestors from across the country forced their long-time president, Hosni Mubarak, out of power. A revolution does not happen in a vacuum. Thus I want to challenge two widespread notions regarding the events in Egypt. First, toppling ar dictator, does not constitute a revolution until political and economic structures are transformed. Thus, I claim that the Egyptian uprising in early 2011is more akin to the Palestinian Intifada than to a revolution – that is, an uprising against an occupation – though in this case a local one. Second, the demonstrations that started 25 January 2011 did not simply emulate the nearby Tunisian protest movement, but came from attempts, especially by workers in the past few years, to demonstrate against economic exploitation and corruption. By focusing on this earlier history I argue that, in Egypt, a revolutionary uprising is still in the making.
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Tsaregorodtseva, Irina. "The Islamists in politics in Egypt and Tunisia after 'Arab Spring'." Islamology 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.07.1.07.
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The pivotal goal of the study is to reveal the role of the Islamist parties and movements in politics in Egypt and Tunisia before and after the protests of the ‘Arab spring’. In addition, author explains how various Islamist groups interacted with each other and which factors determined the nature of their interaction. According to preliminary observations, there were several common features in the character of Islamists’ participation in politics in Egypt and Tunisia after the Mubarak and Ben Ali. By means of comparative analysis this research shows why Tunisian Islamists appeared to be more successful in politics than their Egyptian counterparts. The method of case-study was employed to investigate the relations between Islamist groups in 20 and 21 centuries. Eventually, the following conclusion was reached: these relations were highly determined not by common goals and ideological closeness of the Islamists, but rather by historical hostility towards each other and pragmatic interests.
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Langohr, Vickie. "Women's Rights Movements during Political Transitions: Activism against Public Sexual Violence in Egypt." International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, no. 1 (February 2015): 131–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743814001482.
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The most famous demand raised by protesters in the “Arab Spring” was “al-shaʿb/yurīd/isqāṭ al-niẓām” (the people/want /the fall of the regime). Three years later, little progress has been made—outside of Tunisia—in permanently replacing authoritarian regimes with the formal institutions of democracy. However, new forms of activism have emerged that increase citizens’ ability to directly combat pervasive social problems and to successfully pressure official institutions to alter policies. The evolution of activism against public sexual violence in post-Mubarak Egypt is a concrete example. Sexual harassment of women on the streets and in public transportation, widespread before the 25 January uprising, has likely since increased.1 Many women have been subjected to vicious sexual assault at political protests over the last three years. But activism against these threats has also expanded in ways unimaginable during the Mubarak era. Groups of male and female activists in their twenties and early thirties exhort bystanders on the streets to intervene when they witness harassment, and intervene themselves. Satellite TV programs have extensively covered public sexual violence, directly challenging officials for their failure to combat it while featuring the work of antiharassment and antiassault groups in a positive light. These new practices facilitated two concrete changes in the summer of 2014: amendments to the penal code on sexual harassment, and Cairo University's adoption of an antiharassment policy which was developed by feminist activists.
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Farhan, Adnan Abdulrahman Naef, and P. A. Varghese. "Facebook Utilization and Arab Spring Movement: A Study among Yemeni Youth." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management 5, no. 1 (January 20, 2018): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v5i1.18971.
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The Arab Spring is a popular term used to describe the revolutionary movement of demonstrations and protests, and civil wars in the Arab world that began on December 18, 2010 in Tunisia and spread in the whole Arab countries. Tunisia and Egypt became the center of this revolution, and then it moved to include Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria, Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Sudan, Mauritania, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Djibouti, Western Sahara and Palestine. Yemeni youth’s revolution movement began to change the system through mobilization of people and social action. This paper focuses on the importance of Facebook in the revolution and how the Yemeni youth used Facebook to attract more supporters and keep the spirit up. The present paper reports the impact of Facebook in nurturing political revolution in Yemen analyzing the data achieved by survey method.Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-1: 5-9
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Dolgov, Boris V. "The Islamist Challenge in the Greater Mediterranean." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 655–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-655-670.
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The article examines and analyzes the spread of Islamism or Political Islam movements in the Greater Mediterranean and their increasing influence on the socio-political situation in 2011-2021. The historical factors, which contributed to the emergence of the hearths of Islamic culture in the countries which entered the Arab Caliphate in the Greater Mediterranean parallel with the Antique centers of European civilization, are retrospectively exposed. The Islamist ideologues called the Ottoman Imperia the heir of the Arab Caliphate. The main doctrinal conceptions of Political Islam and its more influential movement Muslim Brotherhood (forbidden in Russia) are discovered. The factor of the Arab Spring, which considerably influenced the strengthening of the Islamist movements, as well as its continuation of the protests in the Arab countries in 2018-2021, is examined. The main attention is allotted to analyzing the actions of the Islamic movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and in the Libyan and Syrian conflicts too. The influence of external actors, the most active of which was Turkey, is revealed. The author also analyzes the situation in the Arab-Muslim communities in the European Mediterranean on the example of France, where social-economic problems, aggravated by COVID-19, have contributed to the activation of radical Islamist elements. It is concluded that confronting the Islamist challenge is a complex and controversial task. Its solution depends on both forceful opposition to radical groups and an appropriate foreign policy. An important negative factor is the aggravation of socio-economic problems and crisis phenomena in the institutions of Western democracy, in response to which the ideologues of Islamism preach an alternative world order in the form of an Islamic state. At the moment the Western society and the countries which repeat its liberal model do not give a distinct response to this challenge.
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Ahmed, Osama, and Fadi Abdelradi. "Understanding the Dependence Structure Between the Futures and Spot Prices of Wheat in Egypt." International Journal of Food and Beverage Manufacturing and Business Models 4, no. 1 (January 2019): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijfbmbm.2019010102.
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The aim of this article is to check the dependence structure for the futures-spot prices link of Egyptian wheat. Co-movements between prices are assessed by a GJR-GARCH model and semi-parametric copula estimation. Results suggest a positive futures-spot prices link, which becomes stronger the closer the markets are. Evidence of asymmetric behavior of the prices at times of extreme market situations is found. As a result, increases in wheat futures prices are expected to be passed to the Egyptian spot market, while the prices decline is not passed. This implies that the Egyptian wheat market cannot protect consumers against extreme international wheat price increases.
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Gul, Yasmeen. "Effect of Information Technology on Social Movements: A case study of Arab countries." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2014): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v1i2.286.
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Social networking websites are: face book, twitter, beebo, orkut etc. The fact is that this technological advancement is changing the urban sociology drastically. Its effects range from personal friendships to political movements.
The demonstrations in Iran were mainly organised through face book and twitter. They had a major role in the overthrow of Tunisian president. There are wide spread protests in Egypt also. People of Egypt were demanding the end of Hosni Mubarak's regime and Egyptian government has banned both face book and twitter because people were demanding that president Hosni Mubarak should resign.
These websites don't start any movement but people who start movements use them to contact public. Previously it was difficult to arrange demonstrations and political parties had to announce in advance, which gave the government the chance to put a ban or just block the area where demonstration was to be held but now what they do is they just announce it one hour before the actual time and the government has no time to control it, that is why these websites have made political demonstrations more effective.
On the personal level they have made it easier to maintain contact with your friends but the level of close friendships is reduced. Previously we used to have few friends and one or two were very close friends but now we have hundreds of friends but no one is close. Besides dedicating more time to online activities means we have less time to actually go out and meet friends. This phenomenon is very common in the developed world. It is a major change and we still don't know where this change is leading.
The other aspect of technological advancement is that now knowledge is not restricted. Everybody and anybody can learn whatever they want all they need is an internet connection. The fact is nobody can close the internet. So internet in effect is the new super power in the world. America is not the super power internet is because America cannot close the internet but internet can close America.
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Al Janabi, Muhannad Al Janabi. "Cracking national integration after the events (the Arab Spring) and its impact On regional stability." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 6 (February 26, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i6.56.
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Since late 2010 and early 2011, the Arab region has witnessed mass protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Bahrain and other countries that have been referred to in the political, media and other literature as the Arab Spring. These movements have had a profound effect on the stability of the regimes Which took place against it, as leaders took off and contributed to radical reforms in party structures and public freedoms and the transfer of power, but it also contributed to the occurrence of many countries in an internal spiral, which led to the erosion of the state from the inside until it became a prominent feature of the Arab) as is the case in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Iraq.
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Alameh, Lara Shahriyar. "Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 3 (July 1, 2001): 116–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i3.2008.
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Increasingly, since the Sadat era in Egypt and especially resulting from hiseconomic policies (infitah), there has been a significant rise of Egyptianwomen who are putting on the "Islamic dress." Whereas women in theearly twentieth century were dramatically tearing off their veils andthrowing them into the Nile in order to desegregate society. Today,Egyptian women are very noticeably doing the opposite as a formof protest, while utilizing the same reasoning as before. The influx ofliterature about this so-called "Islamism" has been discussed in nearlyevery realm of the social sciences.In contrast to this phenomenon, Najde al-Ali's study on women'sactivity in Egypt is about a particular heterogeneous class of secularwomen, that she feels has been marginalized on the state level by the overarchingconcessions given to hegemonic "Islamist" policies. In effect, Alistates, "I had noticed the tendency to overlook secular constituencies inmuch of the recent scholarship dealing with Egypt, where the emphasis wason Islamist tendencies and activism."Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle East: The EgyptianWomen's Movement, is a highly informative introductory and analyticalstudy of secular women's activities through the voice of a plethoraof Egyptian women's organizations. In the introduction Ali categorizeswomen's activism as being independent, associational and directed.Whereas independent organizations have a power base from within and aimto implement individual goals, associational and directed organizationscarry a more direct message outside the sphere of general women's issues.In the first chapter, Ali engages in a discussion about the relationship ofOrientalism and Occidentalism in post-colonial literature. The reader isintroduced to the idea that these conceptual frameworks have indeedlimited the indigenous authenticity of women's activism in Egypt byplacing them in one of two extremes, whether it be religious or secular.Immediately, Ali strives to make clear that certain values do not need to beauthenticated by any indigenous culture if they are "universal values".However, it is here where a significant weakness emerges, by notoutwardly recognizing the importance of the competitive universal valuesystems, including the "Islamist values", that are trying to find their spacein contemporary Egyptian political culture. Therefore, the message that is ...
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Aydin, Ulviyye. "The Syrian Refugee Crisis: New Negotiation Chapter In European Union-Turkey Relations." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 2 (July 2016): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2016.19.2.102.
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Syria is one of the countries where a revolution wave named Arab Spring uprose in early 2011. The most radical discourse from Arab Spring into the still ongoing civil wars took place in Syria as early as the second half of 2011. At the beginning it was a civil protest against Assad’s government. Nobody could not estimate the future developments in Syria. The cost of the war in Syria increases every day. More than 250,000 Syrians have lost their lives in four-and-a-half years of armed conflict, which began with anti-government protests before escalating into a full-scale civil war. More than 11 million others have been forced from their homes as forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad and those opposed to his rule battle each other - as well as jihadist militants from Islamic State. Mixed featured developments and longer resistance of Assad’s regime than estimated escalated tension in Syria in last four and half years. As a result, many countries in the Middle East, such as Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon, also Turkey, Serbia, Germany, Sweden, Hungary, Austria, Netherlands, Bulgaria are the sides that should pay a cost of the Syrian war. These states spend a remarkable budget for the Syrian refugees. Economic expenditure is just one dimension of Syrian refugee crisis. Movement of Syrian refugees to the European countries passing Turkish borders is one of the biggest migration crisis of the modern world history. Considering multifaced impacts of the migration, the aim of this paper is to analyze the Syrian refugee crisis as a new negotiation headline between the Europan Union and Turkey.
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Gershoni, Israel, Sara Pursley, and Beth Baron. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000018.
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As this IJMES special issue on “Relocating Arab Nationalism” is going to press, democracy movements in the Arab world have toppled the old regimes in Tunisia and Egypt; uprisings in Yemen, Bahrain, and Libya are shaking the foundations of their respective governments; and protests in Algeria, Jordan, Iraq, Morocco, and Oman have sent rulers scrambling to respond with some combination of reform and repression that they hope will ensure their survival. The events have had reverberations in Iran, sub-Saharan Africa, and elsewhere; but they have clearly, at least so far, reverberated most strongly from one Arab country to another. This is reflected, among many other ways, in the protesters' self-conscious borrowing and repetition of chants and slogans, such as tūnis huwwa al-ḥall (Tunisia is the solution) and the ubiquitous al-shaʿb yurīd isqāt al-niẓām (the people want the fall of the regime). In showing how Arabist symbols, discourses, and identifications can be mobilized for purposes that are not only cultural but also deeply political, even when they do not involve any project to create a Pan-Arab nation-state, the protests sweeping the Arab world have made the recurring themes of this special issue more timely than we had imagined.
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Vaughan, Kenneth R., Paul Froese, and Chase Lonas. "Was the Arab Spring a Post-Islamist Moment?" Comparative Sociology 21, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 248–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10052.
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Abstract Scholars continue to debate political motives behind the Arab Spring – a debate that centers on the compatibility of democratic and Islamist preferences. Some frame the protests as a boon for democracy and prudential needs of citizens. Others report an Islamist turn against secular autocracies. Here, the authors argue that this framing relies on outdated civilizational narratives and that democratic, Islamist, and prudential concerns present concurrently in the Arab Spring. Using the Arab Democracy Barometer, the authors investigate public opinion in Egypt, Libya, and Tunisia, to estimate evaluations of the Arab Spring. Democratically oriented Egyptians and Libyans were more favorable toward the events, while Tunisians with Islamists preferences were more optimistic. The authors find little evidence of tensions between Islamism and democracy. This is particularly salient when evaluating attitudes about the Arab Spring. The authors argue that the Arab Spring constitutes a “post-Islamist” movement, one which integrates democratic and Islamist preferences into a revolutionary framework.
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Saidova, Nargiza Makhmudovna. "Features of the Development of the Saudi Realistic Story in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 8, no. 4 (April 4, 2021): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v8i4.2561.
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This article examines the specific features of the formation of a realistic method of narration, as well as the beginning of the development of a realistic direction in a new type of fiction in Saudi literature. By means of the analysis, the features of the poetics of the Saudi realistic short story in the second half of the twentieth century are considered. The specific features of the formation of the realistic method of narration and the time intervals of its formation depend, in many ways, on the historical conditions in which artistic creativity develops in each society. National-historical circumstances also determine the uneven development of realism in different countries. In Egypt, near the Arabian Peninsula, the realistic method of narration began to take shape at the beginning of the first half of the twentieth century, when most of the Arabian States were not even covered by the educational movement. Already in the first collection of Muhammad Teymur - one of the founders of the short story genre in Egypt "What the eyes see" (1917-1918), the main features of realism are shown, "showing life in its contrasts". The beginning of the development of a realistic direction in the new type of fiction in Saudi literature was laid at the stage of Enlightenment. The struggle with the inherited old norms of life and consciousness for the authors of educational literature resulted in a protest against the forms of new oppression associated with the preservation and maintenance of medieval traditions and ideas in modern society, and, therefore, in many works of Saudi enlighteners, despite their inherent features of sentimentalism and romanticism, the beginnings of realistic trends can be traced.
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Harrington, Heather. "«Get in Your Theatres; the Street is Not Yours»: The Struggle for the Character of Public Space in Tunisia." Nordic Journal of Dance 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njd-2017-0012.
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Abstract How people move and appear in public spaces is a reflection of the cultural, religious and socio-political forces in a society. This article, built on an earlier work titled ’Site-Specific Dance: Women in the Middle East’ (2016), addresses the ways in which dance in a public space can support the principles of freedom of expression and gender equality in Tunisia. I explore the character of public space before, during, and after the Arab Spring uprisings. Adopting an ethnographic and phenomenological approach, I focus on the efforts of two Tunisian dancers – Bahri Ben Yahmed (a dancer, choreographer and filmmaker based in Tunis, who has trained in ballet, modern dance and hip hop) and Ahmed Guerfel (a dancer based in Gabès, who has trained in hip hop) – to examine movement in a public space to address political issues facing the society. An analysis of data obtained from Yahmed and Guerfel, including structured interviews, videos, photos, articles and e-mail correspondence, supports the argument that dance performed in public spaces is more effective in shaping the politics of the society than dance performed on the proscenium stage. Definitions and properties of everyday choreography, site and the proscenium stage are analysed, along with examples of site-specific political protest choreography in Egypt, Turkey and Tunisia. I engage with the theories of social scientist Erving Goffman, which propose that a public space can serve as a stage, where people both embody politics and can embody a protest against those politics.
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Tabaar, Mohammad Ayatollahi. "Assessing (In)security after the Arab Spring: The Case of Egypt." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 04 (September 30, 2013): 727–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513001261.
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In nearly three years, Egypt has transitioned from a large-scale uprising against one of the region's longest-standing rulers to an even more massive revolt that led to the military ousting the country's first democratically elected president, Mohamed Morsi. Between the two popular uprisings, new pacts and unlikely alliances emerged, deepened, and, in some cases, then disappeared. For its part, the army evolved from being an accomplice of the old regime, to then being an uneasy partner of the ascendant Muslim Brotherhood and, most recently, on to rebranding itself as an ally of non-Islamists and a protector of the popular will. Loosely aligned liberals, leftists, and nationalists, meanwhile, shifted from offering support for democratic elections to backing a “democratic” coup out of fear that the elected Islamists might monopolize and never relinquish power in a conservative new regime. That fear came in response to the Brotherhood's own shifting position, which moved from a commitment to “participation not domination” to a strategy of controlling the legislature and the presidency, although they were ultimately forced back into hiding before they could neutralize the judiciary and the army. And finally, the other Islamist movement, the ultraconservative Salafists, initially displayed no interest in the political process, but then mobilized and ultimately enjoyed striking success in the elections of 2011–12. Surprisingly, however, despite their presumed ideological proximity to the Brotherhood, many Salafists went on to back the military's removal of Morsi in July 2013, but then did not lend support to the interim government that was constructed in wake of Morsi's fall. In this multilayered, fast-paced political environment, mass protests, arrests, and violence have become routine.
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Agustina, Dian, and Iin Suryaningsih. "Dampak Pan Arabisme Terhadap Identitas Masyarakat Mesir Koptik." JURNAL Al-AZHAR INDONESIA SERI HUMANIORA 7, no. 3 (November 9, 2022): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.36722/sh.v7i3.1129.
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<p><strong>This study aims to determine the impact of the Pan Arabism Movement initiated by Gamal Abdul Nasser in 1956-1970 on the religious identity, language, and culture of the Egyptian Coptic society. The method used in this study is a library research method by collecting data from various sources, then analyzing and describing the results of data analysis based on the cultural theory of the Egyptian Coptic society according to Malaty, 1993 and the Pan Arabism Policy theory according to Elie and Onn Winckler Podeh, 2004. Pan Arabism had an identity-changing impact on Egyptian Coptic society. In religion, the freedom to guard and protect their places of worship was restricted and the existence of the Coptic religion began to diminish. In language, the use of Coptic is increasingly restricted and Coptic is almost extinct because it is only used during worship as a liturgical language. Meanwhile, in cultural field, there was an ideological shift in Egyptian society and Egypt became more identical with Arab culture.</strong></p><p><strong><em>Keyword</em></strong> - <em>Pan Arabism, Gamal Abdul Nasser, Identity of the Egyptian Coptic Society.</em></p>
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Afzal, Naeem. "Discursive Strategies and Media Representation of Conflicts." International Journal of English Linguistics 9, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v9n2p1.
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The media’s tendency to widely represent conflicts, through legitimization or de- legitimization, makes us believe that media narratives may not be perceived as ‘neutral stances’ for the public consumption. This study investigates the policy of a mainstream newspaper, The News International (NI), in Pakistan and discursive strategies manipulated by its editorial writers to portray the Arab Spring. It, specifically, examines how the selected newspaper editorials thematically constructed the uprising; (re) formulated the public opinion by echoing the Arab Spring-centred perspectives; and mostly backed the revolting protesters against the dictatorial rules in Tunisia, Yemen, Egypt, Libya and Syria. The data consist of purposefully selected editorials, which were published between January 2011 and December 2012. This particular timeframe has been distinguished for peak media coverage of the events. The qualitative data (editorial content) are analysed by using NVivo. Through discourse analysis approach, it is revealed that editorial writers employed several recurrent themes (e.g., protests, democracy, horror) to project a positive image of the protesters’ movement and fully utilised their prerogative in constructing a ‘pro-Arab Spring’ discourse. This study concludes that such ‘opinion discourses’ serve as an eye-opener to the role of media in representing conflicts from different angles while staying in different societies. It also provides insights into the ways newspapers (dis) empower readers by promoting certain factions of a conflict and devaluing others.
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Karbal, Mohamed. "Western Scholarship and the Islamic Resurgence in the Arab World." American Journal of Islam and Society 10, no. 1 (April 1, 1993): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v10i1.2523.
Full textAbstract:
During the last two decades, the politics of certain Arab countrieshave been influenced by various Islamic groups. Some of these groupshave expressed their dissatisfaction with the performances of theirgovernments by Using the available political channels to seek change;others have resorted to violence. Armed protests have taken the form ofbombings, assassinations, and mass demonstrations.Suicide attacks and armed struggle took place against Israeli, American,and French forces in Lebanon (1982-83). President Sadat of Egyptwas assassinated in 1981 by Egyptian military pemnnel who were membersof an Islamic movement. Another armed struggle against the Syrianregime was initiated by the Syrian Islamic Front in 1976-82. Numerousdemonsttations against the governments of Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisiatook place during the 1980s.Other Muslim groups attempted to participate in the decision-makingprocess in their countries. The Society of Muslim Brothers in Egypt encouragedits prominent members to run for election to the Egyptian Parliament.However, the Society was not considered a legal party accordingto Egyptian law. The Wafd, a legitimate party, allowed the Society ofMuslim Brothers to campaign under their banner. As a result, membersof the Society voted in accordance with their ideological and political beliefsrather than the Wafd party line. In Jordan, the Society of MuslimBrothem campaigned as an independent party during the 1988 electionsand won twenty percent of the seats.Due to the Arab countries’ economic and strategic importance, variousgovemments, scholars, and private and public organizations have paid closeattention to these incidents. In an attempt to understand this phenomenon,academic conventions have been held, books and articles have been published,and gmnts have been awarded for research. Western and Arabscholars have described it with such labels as Islamic fundamentalism,revivalism, awakening, reformism, resurgence , renewal, militancy, or simply ...