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1
Chidlir Erisnesia, Newfreedo. "CPC as Indonesia and Malaysia's Response to European Union Protectionism For the 2015 - 2019 Period." Journal of Sosial Science 2, no. 5 (September 23, 2021): 685–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jss.v2i5.197.
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Crude Palm Oil (CPO) or better known as palm oil is the leading export commodity of Indonesia and Malaysia in improving their country's economy, Indonesia and Malaysia are the largest palm oil producers in the world, production reaches 80% and 20% of them are coconut producing countries. another palm. Palm oil gets quite a lot of importers annually, India and the European Union are the biggest consumers of this palm oil, although the European Union is the largest consumer of palm oil, the European Union has its regulations for palm oil, triggering the RED II Renewable Energy Directive regulation. II which aims to prevent countries in the European Union from using palm oil again in 2020, RED II is considered a form of protectionism. In researching this research, the author uses a qualitative descriptive method, to examine what kind of response was done by Indonesia and Malaysia when they received protectionism policies that had an impact on their export commodities.
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Jacobi, Otto. "Transnational trade union cooperation at global and European level - opportunities and obstacles." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 1 (February 2000): 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600104.
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As globalisation of the economy proceeds apace, it is essential for trade unions to co-operate on a transnational basis if global capitalism is to be civilised. This contribution argues that problems with global trade union co-operation stem from the fact that people's social interests differ greatly according to the different stages of economic development reached in the First World, the newly industrialised countries, the transition economies and the countries of the Third World. It suggests that global co-operation amongst trade unions can only be achieved by doing away with protectionism and dumping. In the interest of the economic development of other groups of countries, the highly developed states have to abolish sectoral subsidies and protectionist measures. In return, the trade unions in the First World can expect the basic social rights laid down in ILO conventions to be made universally binding. Only then will it be possible to break out of the damaging spiral of global dumping and ensure that living conditions for all concerned are able to keep pace with economic progress. In those countries of Europe which are members of the EU, the conditions for transnational trade union co-operation are entirely different. A unified economic and monetary area has already been created, and what is needed now is for a transnational social area to be developed as well. There is scope here for the trade unions to build on the social standards that have already been set on a EU-wide basis. Despite the enormous challenges resulting from the far-reaching social changes taking place, trade unions in Europe have a real opportunity to establish a social model that can serve as a benchmark for unions in other parts of the world.
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Khadzhynov, I. V., and O. V. Ruzhynskas. "METHODOLOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF NEO-PROTECTIONISM IN THE ERA OF DIGITALIZATION." Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu. Serìâ: Ekonomìka 11, no. 22 (2021): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2822-2021-11-22-59-67.
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The article is devoted to defining the methodological foundations of neoprotectionism in the era of digitization. It was determined that the current state of global economic development contributes to the transformation of the production paradigm, and it also changes the traditional perception of the foreign economic strategies of the countries in the world. The traditional view of scientists on the policy of protectionism was considered. The consequences of protectionist measures for countries in the long term were highlighted. It was substantiated that in the new conditions of post-industrial development, the policy of protectionism acquires a new meaning. It is also determined that the process of digitization becomes especially relevant after the COVID-19 pandemic, as evidenced by the global trend of transforming the world economy on the basis of digital technologies. It was determined that these processes require the protection of digital services’ national providers and the activation of regulatory mechanisms in the context of global digitization. It was determined that a new type of protectionist measures in the context of digitization (digital protectionism) is implemented by establishing barriers or obstacles to digital trade while simultaneously promoting the formation of national digital companies in order for the country to acquire new comparative advantages. The measures of digital protectionism in the countries of Asia, the European Union, the USA, etc. have been analyzed. The relevance of digital protectionism for Ukraine is justified in order to increase the competitiveness of the country's economy by the comparative advantages’ development in modern technological industries in the conditions of the formation of a post-industrial type of economy. The following methods were used: the historical-logical method to determine the historical objective prerequisites for the formation of protectionist policy; the method of comparative analysis - for the analysis of modern measures of digital protectionism in different countries of the world; methods of analysis and synthesis, system generalization - for systematization of research results.
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Umarach, Maretha Syawallin. "THE PHENOMENON OF GREEN TRADE PROTECTIONISM: ANALYSIS OF THE EU PALM OIL IMPORT BAN IN THE ASEAN REGION." Jurnal Ekonomi dan Bisnis Airlangga 31, no. 2 (November 20, 2021): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jeba.v31i22021.103-116.
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Introduction: The policy issued by the European Union is the Renewable Energy Directive (RED) that turn creates barriers to palm oil exports from other countries to the European Union. The policy to ban palm oil under the pretext of protecting the environment is considered to be a new obstacle to trade. One of the rejection responses came from the ASEAN region. However, even though it has received a lot of protests and rejections, until 2020 the European Union has not changed its policy regarding the ban on the use of palm oil for biodiesel in the European region.Methods: This article focuses on the reasons for the European Union implementing protectionism policies towards the Palm Oil sector in the ASEAN region. The explanation regarding this focus is explained using the Neo Mercantilism approach.Results: The policy to ban palm oil imports can be analyzed to respond to the EU's ambition and concern that the climate emergency will jeopardize the trade process in the future. The European Union research group considers that oil palm plants have a high contribution to the problem of deforestation and forest and peatland diversion in the world, especially ASEAN. Howeever, it can also be seen that there are ambitions to protect the domestic production of biofuels from the EU sunflower and radishes from global competition. The above concerns and motivations then prompted the European Union to formulate protectionism for regional economic stability.Conclusion and suggestion: ASEAN, especially Indonesia and Malaysia, have become quite vocal actors in responding to this policy. Indonesia and Malaysia are the biggest contributors of palm oil exports to Europe. As well as causing an oversupply of global palm oil supplies, this policy is considered to discriminate against and violate free-trade norms.
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Kishore, Pallavi. "The Role of Consumer Protection in the Relations Between Asia and the European Union." Global Trade and Customs Journal 14, Issue 11/12 (December 1, 2019): 537–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2019066.
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This article examines the functioning of the European Union’s (EU’s) consumer protection law in an incident in which the EU banned Asian shrimps in order to protect its consumers and aims to answer the following questions: 1. Are the EU’s actions in compliance with its own law and the law of the World Trade Organization (WTO)? 2. What is the impact of these actions on international trade and on the EU’s trading partners especially if they are developing countries? The most important consequence of this incident is its restrictive impact on international trade and/or the use of consumer protection as a tool for protectionism. In this particular incident, it does appear that the EU’s actions could have been held to have violated WTO law had the Asian developing countries brought a case against the EU. The article will conclude by examining the impact of the EU’s actions on its relations with Asia.
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Iankova, Elena A., and Atanas G. Tzenev. "Determinants of Sovereign Investment Protectionism: the Case of Bulgaria’s Nuclear Energy Sector." Organizations and Markets in Emerging Economies 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 35–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/omee.2015.6.2.14221.
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Foreign direct investment (FDI) by entities controlled by foreign governments (especially state-owned enterprises) is a new global phenomenon that is most often linked to the rise of emerging markets such as China and Russia. Host governments have struggled to properly react to this type of investment activity especially in key strategic sectors and critical infrastructure that ultimately raise questions of national security. Academic research on sovereign investment as a factor contributing to the new global protectionist trend is very limited, and predominantly focused on sovereign investors from China. This study explores the specifics of Russian sovereign investment in the former Soviet Bloc countries, now members of the European Union, especially in strategic sectors such as energy. We use the case of Bulgaria’s nuclear energy sector and the involvement of Russia’s state-owned company Rosatom in the halted Belene nuclear power plant project to analyze the dynamics of policy and politics, political-economic ideologies and historical legacies in the formation of national stances towards Russia as a sovereign investor. Our research contributes to the emerging literature on FDI protectionism and sovereign investment by emphasizing the significance of political-ideological divides and the heritage of the past as determinants of sovereign investment protectionism.
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Sardelić, Julija. "The Exclusion of Roma and European Citizenship." Current History 120, no. 824 (March 1, 2021): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.824.100.
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Some 10-15 million members of the Roma minority live in Europe; an estimated 6 million are citizens of the European Union. It was not until the 1990s that European Union institutions began treating Roma as an ethnic minority deserving of human rights protections. Concerns about mass migration of Roma from Eastern European countries where they face severe discrimination was one of the reasons the EU included protections for Roma among the conditions that candidate countries had to meet to qualify for consideration in its most recent rounds of enlargement. Those EU efforts have overlooked similar discrimination and neglect in western member states.
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Nwangwu, Chikodiri, Chukwuemeka Enyiazu, Ejikeme Jombo Nwagwu, and Christian C. Ezeibe. "Regionalism in World Politics: Interrogating the Relevance of the Economic Community of West African States in Global Political Economy." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, no. 2 (June 26, 2019): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130205.
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Globalisation has promoted the connections among sovereign states in the international political economy. Despite the preponderance of neo-protectionist tendencies in the United States and some European countries, the import of regionalism in global political economy has not waned. While economic regionalism was adopted in the advanced capitalist formations as a logical consequence of and/or the instrument for the universalisation of capitalism, the emergence and/or revival of regional groupings like the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was a reactionary outcome of the twin problems of colonialism and globalisation. Specifically, West African states reached out to one another in order to mitigate the negative effects of globalisation and advance their common interest through economic integration. This study interrogates the relevance of ECOWAS in the international political economy within the global resurgence of protectionism. Although ECOWAS is impaired by multifarious political and socioeconomic challenges, this study demonstrates that its achievements in free movement of goods and persons, promotion of peace, security, good governance, and democratisation make it remain relevant in the global political economy.
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Varnavskii, V. "Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism of the European Union: a New Tool of Global Governance." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 1 (2023): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-1-5-15.
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In 2021, the European Union presented unilaterally and without agreement with international community partners a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). It includes a system own monitoring and control of production processes in third country companies in relation to greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The article attempts to analyze CBAM as a new, emerging phenomenon of global governance, and offer recommendations for improvement its concept. It is shown that CBAM is a global in its scope, but its legitimacy is in serious doubt. The EU has no legitimate grounds for making requirements for environmental cleanliness and carbon footprint of goods produced abroad. The right to make such demands is not enshrined in fundamental international environmental documents such as the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement. EU importers do not have any information about the volumes of greenhouse gas emissions embodied in imported products. Only foreign manufacturers have such data. The European Union control for foreign manufacturers proposed in CBAM undermines the exclusive right of a third-country governments to control and regulate national enterprises including greenhouse gas emissions. The EU does not have a mandate established by both international community and external to the Union countries to monitor and control the “carbon footprint” in companies of foreign jurisdiction. It is concluded that CBAM has all the signs of discrimination, protectionism, restrictions on competition in the environmental and industrial sphere in relation to exporters from third countries. It is necessary to work out a better proposal and make political and diplomatic efforts to avoid CBAM creating unnecessary conflicts with other countries. Any new rules of global climate policy and regulation should be formulated only under the auspices of the UN.
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Yeung, May T., and Nick Perdikis. "The Battle over the EUs Proposed Humanitarian Trade Preferences for Pakistan: A Case Study in Multifaceted Protectionism." Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 1 (February 1, 2012): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012002.
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In the wake of devastating floods in Pakistan in 2010, the European Union (EU) has attempted to use trade policy to provide humanitarian assistance by the temporary lowering of tariffs on select imports from Pakistan. This Proposal, justified on humanitarian grounds, requires a World Trade Organization (WTO) waiver, which so far has not been possible, amidst developing countries' concerns regarding erosion of the value of their preferential access to the EU market. A detailed examination of the EU Proposal indicates marginal benefit to Pakistan at best, given that sensitive import-competing products were largely excluded, suggesting that protectionist interests had a hand in shaping the policy. The findings also suggest that trade policy might not be an effective means to provide humanitarian assistance.
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Yakovlev, P. "Russia and Spain in the midst of global trade wars." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2019): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-4-58-66.
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In recent years, the world economy has become more unstable and relations between countries in different regions have deteriorated. As a result, we can talk about an international economic confrontation. The main reasons for this situation seem to be traceable: so-called trade wars, neo-protectionism, financial and other sanctions. Many countries around the world, including Russia and Spain, are victims of one or more aspects of the phenomenon. Trade wars are undoubtedly at the heart of economic battles. They have a long history, but the current wave of trade wars has been driven by President Donald Trump’s economic policies. In his opinion, the root of the U.S. economic problems lies in its trade deficit with China, the European Union, Mexico and some other countries of the world. With the idea that “trade wars are good and easy to win”, Washington unilaterally tore up the agreements reached: the Paris climate accord, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the nuclear deal with Iran, the free trade agreement with Mexico and Canada. In addition, Trump has raised tariffs on hundreds of manufactured goods imported by the United States (steel, aluminum, washing machines, solar panels, etc.) and threatened the European Union with higher tariffs on cars. The trade wars unleashed by the White House will have long-term direct and indirect consequences for the state of the world economy. Russia and Spain are heavily dependent on international markets. That is why complications in world trade are contrary to the interests of both countries.
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Claeys, Grégory, Zsolt Darvas, Maria Demertzis, and Guntram B. Wolff. "The Great COVID-19 Divergence: Managing a Sustainable and Equitable Recovery in the EU." Intereconomics 56, no. 4 (July 2021): 211–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10272-021-0983-8.
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AbstractThe COVID-19 pandemic has led to the biggest global recession since the Second World War. Forecasts show the European Union underperforming economically relative to the United States and China during 2019–2023. Southern European countries have been particularly strongly affected. Some sectors have been hit harder than others. Business insolvencies have, paradoxically, fallen. While total employment has almost recovered, the young and those with low-level qualifications have suffered employment losses. Inequality could rise. The pandemic may lead to lasting changes in the economy, with more teleworking, possibly higher productivity growth and changed consumer behaviour. Policymakers must act to prevent lasting divergence within the EU and scarring due to the fallout from the pandemic. The first priority is tackling the global health emergency. Second, the article warns against premature fiscal tightening but suggests additional short-term support to prevent scarring. Third, the article warns against protectionism and advocates for reforms that boost productivity growth further.
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Paixão Casaca, Ana Cristina, and Dimitrios V. Lyridis. "Protectionist vs liberalised maritime cabotage policies: a review." Maritime Business Review 3, no. 3 (September 17, 2018): 210–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mabr-03-2018-0011.
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Purpose The development of the current European economic area maritime cabotage market occurred when, at a policy level, the European Union forced the opening of its member-states cabotage markets to Community shipowners and extended this openness, in 1997, to the european free trade area countries. A two-tier cabotage market emerged, where a European economic area legislative framework co-exists with the legislative acts of each member-state. With such a unique background, this paper aims to investigate both the European economic area member-states and the rest of the world cabotage regimes and identify a list of reasons and policy measures used to implement cabotage policies. Design/methodology/approach By means of a desk research methodological approach, this paper analyses, from a geographical perspective, different countries’ cabotage policies and classifies them, and identifies in a systematically way a set of reasons and policy instruments that support each of chosen policies approach. Findings The outcome indicates that only a few countries promote free liberalised cabotage services and that most countries favour protectionist cabotage policies, whose governments can control the number of foreign vessels participating in these trades. Cabotage regimes have been categorised and the reasons behind both policies and respective policy instruments have been identified. Originality/value Quite often, researchers only focus on the cabotage policies of the European economic area countries, the USA, Australia, Japan and South Korea. This paper value rests on its ability to incorporate cabotage policies from other African, Asian and Latin American countries and to update existing information on the subject. Overall, this paper paves the way to broaden the cabotage knowledge.
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Iwanowski, Zbiegnew. "Political Shifts in Latin America and Problems of Relations of the Region with the European Union." Contemporary Europe, no. 100 (December 31, 2020): 162–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope72020162172.
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The article examines the deteriorating economic and social situation in Latin America after the "golden decade" (2003 – 2013) and political shifts in the region. During the last electoral cycle, there was a reformatting of the political landscape, including the "right drift" on one hand and the strengthening of the positions of the left forces on the other. At the same time, political polarization at the national and regional levels sharply increased, integration blocks have disintegrated or are in a state of crisis. As a result, the region is no longer a "unity in diversity". Based on an analysis of the latest sources and bibliography, the author shows the reasons for the intensification of European politics in Latin America. He comes to conclusion that the EU tries to play an independent role in the emerging new bipolarity. Although the economy remains a priority in interregional cooperation, political aspects are becoming increasingly important. Both regions actively cooperate in solving global problems, but the priorities of each of them differ significantly. The European Union cooperates with Latin America in strengthening multilateralism and improving global governance, both partners try to reform international institutions, reject protectionism and underline the priority of international law. In the absence of "unity in diversity" and the crisis of integration associations on the continent, the EU pays more attention to bilateral relations with Latin American countries.
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Costa, Cinthia Cabral da, Heloisa Lee Burnquist, and Joaquim José Martins Guilhoto. "Special safeguard tariff impacts on the Brazilian sugar exports." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 14, no. 2 (June 15, 2015): 70–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jitlp-05-2015-0010.
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Purpose – This paper aims to present a critical analysis of special safeguards (SSGs) and a simulation of their effects on Brazilian sugar exports to countries such as the US and the European Union (EU) bloc. Design/methodology/approach – The first stage involved the identification of tariff lines for the EU and the US sugar imports from Brazil between 1995 and 2013. Next, notifications of World Trade Organization about SSGs were examined to identify the years when the measure was applied on the sugar trade by these countries. For the years when SSGs were applied, the values of these additional tariffs were calculated. This information was used, along with price elasticities, to obtain the effects of an increase in Brazilian sugar exports in the absence of SSG and also the overall impact on the Brazilian economy, using its input-output matrix. Findings – Results indicated that the estimated value of the direct, indirect and income effects of SSG tariffs on Brazilian sugar exports to the EU and the US markets through the period 1995 to 2013 could amount to BRL 22 billion in terms of the exporting country GDP. This suggests that this policy can be highly perverse, as it translates into lower domestic production for both, the exporting and the importing countries. This issue is relevant for discussions on the global sugar market, given the facts that it is one of the markets which have been most distorted by protectionism. Originality/value – This issue is relevant for discussions on the global sugar market, given the facts that it is one of the markets which have been most distorted by protectionism.
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Dantas, Adriana. "The Role of WTO Rules to Discipline Climate Change-Related Agriculture Policies." Journal of World Trade 45, Issue 2 (April 1, 2011): 283–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2011010.
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As countries around the globe introduce new strategies to address the effects of climate change on the agriculture sector, greater international coordination and discipline of these policies are increasingly important. Policies to boost renewable energy from agriculture feedstocks, for example, are widespread in the United States and the European Union (EU), despite the uncertainties concerning their impacts on commodity demand, trade flows, water use, and mitigation of greenhouse gas emissions. This article argues that there is a relationship between market-distorting farm policies and the respective level of environmental impact. This is particularly true in the case of policies that are not decoupled from production. Because the problems involving agriculture production and trade are global and systemic in nature, WTO rules play an important role in securing that new forms of agriculture protectionism, justified by legitimate policy objectives, such as climate change mitigation and adaptation, do not jeopardize agriculture trade liberalization.
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Biryukova, O. V. "Barriers to the EU Single Services Market." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 186–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-186-195.
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The EU has the most developed liberalization mechanism in services trade within the framework of an economic bloc. The system of supranational institutions, which decisions are binding upon member states, contributes to a high level of liberalization of trade in services in the EU. However, the creation of a single market for services hasn't completed at all. The reasons are following: not all basic principles for single market are fully applied, and a service is a very specific object for international trade. Financial-economic crisis caused a new wave of protectionism in different countries, which has reflected in the preservation of old and the emergence of new barriers to trade in services within the EU. Integration of services in the Union is accompanied by important trade initiatives at the multilateral level. In the World Trade Organization EU countries negotiate a new agreement on trade in services, and offer provisions which providing transparency, deepening liberalization and investor protection for foreign investors in the market, will also complement and foster the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) EU - USA. Russia is only the fourth among most important partners of the EU in trade in services. At the same time the European Union remains a key Russian partner in trade in services and in goods. There is a considerable potential for growth in this sphere for both partners.
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González Garibay, Montserrat. "The Trade-Labour Linkage from the Eyes of the Developing Countries: A Euphemism for Protectionist Practices?" European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 5 (December 1, 2009): 763–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009052.
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This article assesses the perception of the European Union’s trade-labour linkage policy by the developing countries at the bilateral level. While the normative foci of the policy are on human rights, social justice and regulation, it is uncertain whether the developing countries view the linkage in those terms. Drawing on a constructivist theoretical background, the developing countries’ perceptions are assessed, taking into account the discussions that, at the multilateral level, have preceded the European Union’s incorporation of labour-oriented provisions to preferential trade agreements. These discussions, which mainly took place during the WTO Ministerial Meetings, featured a strong polarization between linkage advocates and detractors. The possibility that the discussion has spilled over from the multilateral into the bilateral field is explored by analyzing the positions of Brazil, Chile, India and South Africa towards the linkage in their bilateral relations with the European Union
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Svoboda, Ondrej. "EU Reform Agenda in Defence of the Judicialization of International Economic Law." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 2 (August 1, 2020): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020018.
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A widely-recognized ‘backlash against globalization’ has taken many forms in recent years, particularly in the resurgence of nationalism and protectionism. Following the rise of a legitimacy crisis in the international regime for the protection of investments, the Trumpanian attack on the World Trade Organization (WTO) Appellate Body undermines a crucial function of this organization. In this context, the European Union has traditionally been seen as an advocate of the rule of law at an international level. Currently, it leads the way to maintain rules-based global economic governance by submitting detailed proposals to reform international trade and investment adjudication bodies and galvanizing broad support for them amongst other countries. Specifically, the European Union (EU) proposes the establishment of a multilateral investment court (MIC), which it considers to be the best option to address the concerns with the existing system of investor-State dispute resolution (ISDS). At the WTO, the EU has tabled two sets of proposals to answer concerns from the US and modify the relevant parts of the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU). After the collapse of the WTO Appellate Body, the EU led an initiative to create an interim appeal arbitration arrangement. This article argues that, in the absence of leadership by the US, the EU plays an essential role in maintaining trade and investment governance built on international law. This article identifies two different EU approaches in its attempt to (1) modernize an existing adjudication body at the WTO and (2) promote establishment of a new judicial institution for the resolution of investment disputes. In both ways, the EU acts as an innovator in terms of international governance. European Union, reform, judicialization, WTO, Appellate Body, UNCITRAL, investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS), multilateral investment court
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Luboš, Smutka, Maitah Mansoor, and Svatoš Miroslav. "Changes in the Czech agrarian foreign trade competitiveness – different groups of partners’ specifics." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 64, No. 9 (September 27, 2018): 399–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/399/2016-agricecon.
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The territorial and commodity structure of the Czech agrarian foreign trade underwent significant changes over the last fifteen years. These changes affected not only the structure, but also the value, volume, unit prices and competitiveness. The presented paper provides the basic overview of the individual significant changes. The main goal of the paper is to specify changes in the area of the Czech agrarian foreign trade competitiveness. This competitiveness is analysed not only in relation to global markets, but it is also analysed in relation to different groups of countries. Differences in competiveness are analysed in relation to the European Union (EU 28), the Commonwealth of Independent Countries, other European countries, the OECD members, and developing countries. In addition, competitiveness is also analysed in two specific dimensions. The agricultural market represents a very specific entity. However, the global merchandise trade is becoming more and more liberalized internationally and the regional agricultural markets are still being affected by a significant protectionism. The individual countries and certain clusters of countries are applying an intensive agricultural market protection. The result of these policies is a distortion of the agricultural trade. This distortion is also affecting the individual countries mutual competitiveness. While one country could be competitive in relation to one partner, in relation to other partner, the competitiveness could be limited. The paper clarifies and analyses the differences that exist in the competitiveness of the Czech agrarian trade in relation to the above mentioned groups of countries. The analysis is conducted utilizing the symmetric revealed comparative advantage index and the Lafay index, the Trade Balance index and the product mapping. The Czech agrarian trade territorial structure has become more concentrated, the commodity structure became more diversified. Czech trade is quite competitive especially in relation to the European countries, the competitiveness in relation to other territories is limited. The significant weakness of the Czech agrarian trade is its low ability to generate added value.
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KNUDSEN, JETTE STEEN. "Integrating Western and Eastern European Markets." Comparative Political Studies 31, no. 2 (April 1998): 188–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031002003.
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Although general trade theories are useful for specifying which groups support or oppose trade, these frameworks see preferences as static and do not explain how they change over time. Instead, this article proposes a dynamic perspective that considers how economic adjustment and liberal trade policies alter trade preferences. The article examines why the traditionally protectionist German textile and apparel sectors accept the recent trade agreements with Eastern Europe. Producers can exploit technological and product changes by gaining access to export markets. Furthermore, to take advantage of low labor costs abroad, producers shift production to these countries for later reimportation. Lower trade barriers are therefore attractive to producers. This strategy is also supported by increasingly liberal trade policy orientations in Germany, the European Union (EU), and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). German producers have therefore modified their protectionist focus to a qualified support for more free trade, and German workers have reluctantly followed suit.
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Christodoulidis, Emilios. "The European Court of Justice and “Total Market” Thinking." German Law Journal 14, no. 10 (October 1, 2013): 2005–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200002613.
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The controversial decisions of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) in the quartet of cases that are grouped under its “Laval/Viking jurisprudence” are rapidly becoming entrenched as a key dimension of the European Union (EU) constitutional imaginary. This comes with a certain “immunization” against challenge as they become much harder to treat as mistakes. In their elevated status they have aligned stances and expectational structures. They have also had significant impact on the “Nordic” models; Charles Woolfson shows, for example, how subsequent to the European Court of Justice (ECJ) decision, the rulings of the Swedish Labour court has “seem[ed] to confirm that the ‘Swedish model' has, at the very least, been significantly redefined, if not fundamentally altered, in the light of Laval.” While EU lawyers largely sit it out in relative passivity, wondering what the fuss is really about, labor lawyers have been vocal in their disagreement. But the latter's voices in this debate—if we can call it such—have in turn been drowned out by the ululations of lawyers and theorists from the “new,” post-2004, EU countries loudly proclaiming a victory against the arrogance of the older Member States. If the workers of the Baltic states want to sell their labor—and their life—cheap, goes the “inclusionary” argument, why should they be constrained from doing so under protectionist regulatory policies that undercut their competitive advantage by those unwilling to rein in the exclusionary structures of social protection that limit access and opportunity for their workforce to join the Continent-wide economy? The massive impact that the decisions have had on the regulation of industrial relations in the countries of the European Union and on the position of the trade unions has hardly been ameliorated by the debacle that was the rapid withdrawal of the proposed Monti II Regulation in the face of resistance to it by national parliaments.
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Wang, James. "The Best Data Plan Is to Have a Game Plan: Obstacles and Solutions to Reaching International Data Privacy Agreements." Michigan Technology Law Review, no. 28.2 (2022): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.36645/mtlr.28.2.best.
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The modern digital world relies on the instantaneous transfer of data. This digital highway is essential for the growth of the modern digital economy and contributes to the rise of globalization. In order to facilitate these data transfers, ground rules must first be put into place. To date, there are few, if any, binding international data privacy agreements. This is in part due to practical considerations, such as high administrability costs, inadequate enforcement agencies, and complex jurisdictional procedures. More fundamentally, however, this is due to competing incentive structures, as countries are incentivized to protect their own digital sovereignty by limiting the transfer of their own data, but also wish to accept the data flowing from other countries. The result is a zero-sum game between local data protectionism and free crossborder data flows. To understand how these incentive structures function and how to resolve various gridlocks, this Note delves into the Safe Harbor Agreement between the United States and the European Union and applies an analytical game theory approach to track the agreement’s formation and its eventual breakdown. This Note concludes by proposing several potential solutions to overcome the obstacles preventing the successful implementation of international data privacy agreements.
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Ndong, Jean-Sylvain Ndo. "The Differentiation of Products and Opportunity for Intra-Industry Exchange." International Business Research 13, no. 9 (August 20, 2020): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v13n9p88.
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The financial crisis of the late 2000s gave rise to protectionist hints which called into question the consensus on the liberalization of world trade since the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995. This trend towards protectionism has taken on new magnitude with the arrival of Donald Trump as President of the United States of America. In fact, since the beginning of 2018, the American administration has carried out its threats by imposing customs duties on imports of the various products from China and the European Union. In retaliation, the countries concerned responded with restrictions on American exports to their territory. Also the rationality of the market economy, there is more and more opposed the power of emotions and impulses embodied by the populists at the head of which D. Trump, the American President. Globalization is therefore required to adapt its rules to survive.
The purpose of this paper is to show that for a good adaptation of its rules, it is necessary to activate one of the most powerful levers of gains in international trade, the differentiation of products. This is a response to the exploitation of the diversification and heterogeneity of demand in terms of tastes and incomes. Because, by allowing the firm to differentiate its products to distinguish them from those of competitors, differentiation offers the opportunity to soften competition, increase profits and improve product quality.
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Konovalova, Yulia A. "U.S. in the global FDI’ flows: repatriation of foreign earning by U.S. from EU members as the new global trend." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 172–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-1-172-183.
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Scientific investigation covers the questions of U.S.’ involvedness into the international economic relations and into the international trade of goods and services and international movement of FDI as well. The fact that USA is the larger importer and the second exporter of goods in the world (2018), and the largest exporter and importer of commercial services (2018), the biggest host economy of FDI, and the largest investor (till 2017) the investigation of the American investment cooperation is the rather important affair, that can show the tough dependence of U.S.’ economy of foreign countries investments flows and regimes. In accordance with UNCTAD data U.S. is holding the first place as the exporter of FDI during the long period till 2018, that showed the negative number of FDI outflow in 2018 as the result of tax reform’ implementation at the end of 2017. Implementation of open and tough foreign trade policy (the policy of protectionism) through the import tariffs increasing is aimed at trade deficit reduction, protection and support of the American producers, implementation of tax reform at the end of 2017, making come true the soundbites of D. Trump “Make America Great Again” and “America first”. The author analyzed investment cooperation of U.S. and EU, its dynamic, specialization, directions. The author came to conclusion that correlation of United States’ investment indicators with European Union showed an unequal evaluation of each Union’ member and determined the disproportion of understanding and examination of regional integration not as the complex subject of the global economy but as the set of different and independent subjects. Investigation of U.S.’ FDI export and import statistics gave the author opportunity to come the conclusion that there is the specific of U.S.’ investment outflow into the European Union countries reflected through the limited set of investment recipients. At the same time, implementation of the tax reforms at the end of 2017 could lead to the changing of global investment flows from low tax jurisdictions to USA, for example.
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Kuznetsov, A. V. "Disintegration of the World Trade System: Reasons and Consequences." Finance: Theory and Practice 23, no. 5 (October 24, 2019): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2019-23-5-50-61.
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The article presents the study results of the world trade stagnation issues associated with the WTO systemic crisis. The aim of the article is to summarize the main reasons for the world trade system disintegration and to identify feasible directions for the world economic order transformation. The G20 trade-restricting measures were analyzed based on the statistical databases of the WTO and the non-governmental organization Global Trade Alert (GTA). The views of leading domestic and foreign experts on the consequences of liberalization of the world trade in goods and services were summarized. The author systematized the reasons for the world trade system disintegration, including: the US anti-globalization policy aimed at containing the PRC; counteracting unipolar globalization by the Southeast Asian nations; developed countries’ rejecting the growing participation of developing countries in redistributing global resources; inefficiency of international organizations in solving problems of global imbalances, inequality and instability of the global financial system. Structuring disintegration processes revealed its main trends: protectionism, regionalism, trans-regionalism. There were shown mechanisms to keep the US in the European Union due to companies providing professional services to European business. The author evaluated Russia and China’s competitive advantages in the production chains of the new technological structure. The areas of cooperation between Russia and the BRICS countries for realizing export potential in agriculture, aviation and nuclear industries were determined. The prospects for trade and economic relations in Eurasia are discussed in terms of changing the economic paradigm and shifting the regulation of the global economy problems to the regional level.
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Jastisia, Mentari. "PERLINDUNGAN HUKUM HAK ASASI MANUSIA INTERNASIONAL TERHADAP IMIGRAN SURIAH." Yustitia 7, no. 2 (October 15, 2021): 148–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31943/yustitia.v7i2.142.
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Immigrants are people who have fled from their country to other countries where they can be referred to as refugees or asylum seekers. There are legal instruments that regulate and provide protection for them. Arrangements for asylum seekers are contained in the 1967 Declaration of Territorial Asylum, State practice, humanitarian issues, Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Meanwhile, the arrangements for refugees are contained in the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees 1951, Protocol relating to the status of Refugees 1967, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). This papers uses a normative juridical method. This juridical approach is because this research analyzes existing legal aspects, and is normative because this research focuses more on the analysis of existing laws and regulations and other regulations, using secondary data, namely scientific references or other scientific writings as study material that can support the completeness of this scientific papers. Regarding legal protection for Syrian immigrants, the same applies to immigrants from other state as regulated in the arrangements that have been regulated. Countries in the European Union implement international human rights law protections for Syrian immigrants residing in European Union countries consistently as mandated in the European Convention on Human Rights, Convention applying the Schengen Agreement dated June 14, 1985, Lisbon treaty, Dublin II Regulation (Council Regulation (EC) 343/2003) 2003. The indication is that there are several countries in the European Union such as Greece, Hungary which refuse and do not want to take more responsibility for their obligations as a State related to the provisions of international human rights law to provide protection for Syrian immigrants. in Europe
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Burgoon, Brian. "The Distinct Politics of the European Union’s ‘Fair Trade’ Linkage to Labour Standards." European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 5 (December 1, 2009): 643–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009046.
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European Union (EU) social actors, governments and EU level representatives have been divided over fair trade linkage, where trade access is made conditional upon protection of labour standards. This division is partly an artefact of sharp disagreement and confusion over the nature of such linkage: supporters usually defend fair trade linkage as humanizing rather than shutting-down globalization, while opponents construe such linkage as a back door to protectionism or worry that other countries will construe linkage as such. This article analyses whether and in what ways EU fair trade protection has a politics distinct from those of general EU trade protection. The focus is on public opinion data in fifteen EU Member States that allows comparing citizen support for EU fair trade protection with that for EU trade protection generally. Judging from both aggregate national comparisons and individual level information in these data, EU fair trade linkage tends to receive generally more support than general trade protection, likely due to the former’s explicit appeal to broad standards of fairness. And the political basis of this support appears to lie not only in economic insecurities associated with skill and income but also in left-oriented ideological commitments to social rights of workers and to government interventions to protect such rights. These differences have important implications for the fortunes of fair trade linkage and for the broader politics of how Europe navigates globalization.
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Elikbaev, K. N., and G. V. Podbiralina. "Buy national campaigns promotionin the EU and EAEU countries." International Trade and Trade Policy 7, no. 4 (January 15, 2022): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2021-3-41-54.
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It is determined in the article that the promotion of the “Buy National” policy is of a protectionist nature and often may not comply with international trade rules, including within the framework of integration associations. It was determined that this approach of the states participating in integration associations (the EAEU is no exception) is a certain brake on the development of integration processes. As a result of the analysis of studies on this issue, it was revealed that consumers in certain countries support the policy “Buy national, but their purchasing habits are not fundamentally changed. The study analyzes individual ways of using the Buy National campaigns in the countries of the European Union and the Eurasian Economic Union and shows that countries are actively using this policy, explaining these measures by supporting the national economy, but such actions threaten the development of integration. Based on the results obtained, possible recommendations for cooperation of the EAEU member states have been developed for an equal representation of goods from the five countries in retail facilities. In particular, it was proposed to develop and adopt a model code of good practices for retail chains as norms of "soft" law, enshrining in it the principle of non-discrimination towards goods from the EAEU member states.
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Saltybayev, Yerzhan. "Global Risks for Eurasia in 2019." Global Journal of Emerging Market Economies 10, no. 1-3 (January 2018): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974910118824421.
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The Rating of Global Risks for Eurasia in 2019 is the first analytical project to assess global risks for the Eurasian macroregion. The risk rating was released as part of the Astana Club international meeting and is based on a survey of over 1,000 professional respondents from 60 countries and detailed opinions of 30 prominent international experts. The world’s vulnerability to global risks will grow – the overwhelming majority of experts who participated in the project are sure of this. Pessimism seems to be associated with a new round of tension in the Middle East, crises around Iran and Ukraine, rising tensions in the South China Sea, and sanctions against Russia. Another trend that will continue in the coming year is the rise of protectionism. 56 percent of polled experts are inclined to this opinion. Pessimism is added by the aggravation of trade conflicts between the United States and its key trading partners: China, the European Union, as well as the NAFTA members such as Canada and Mexico. Although part of the conflict has been resolved, the confrontation between the United States and China will not lose its relevance in 2019. The global geopolitical and geo-economic confrontation has been spilling over onto the new area: the cyber environment. World tensions have also kept the countries from finding common ground on solving environmental problems and challenges.
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Arezina, Sanja. "New relations of the European Union and China: Friends or frenemies?" Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 173 (2020): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2073077a.
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After the promotion of ?Made in China 2025? initiative and the beginning of US President Donald Trump?s tenure in power, in US and whole world there has been a rising negative attitude towards Chinese presence. The launch of a US-China ?trade war? and the closure of the US market for Chinese direct investment and product coincided with growing discontent of EU member states over the treatment that European companies have had at the Chinese market. As a result, there has been a change of the positive perception of the PR China by the EU member states, that was created mainly by strong inflow of Chinese investments and assistance within the ?One Belt, One Road? initiative, into a negative perception that is now forming policy changes and introduction of protectionist measures towards Chinese direct investments in European market. In this article, the author talks about the different perceptions (positive and negative) that have been formed in the PR China within the EU, the factors that have influenced the change in the perception of EU member countries towards the PR China and the consequences on the dynamics of the development of different policies at EU level. To be able to prove the basic hypothesis that Brussels, unlike the US, still shows some pragmatism by making policy changes moderate enough that the EU can remain loyal to open market principles while preventing these principles from becoming strategic vulnerability, the author uses the structural-functionalist analysis, induction, and deduction.
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BARBOSA, NATÁLIA, MARIA HELENA GUIMARÃES, and ANA PAULA FARIA. "SINGLE MARKET NON-COMPLIANCE: HOW RELEVANT IS THE INSTITUTIONAL SETTING?" Singapore Economic Review 62, no. 05 (December 2017): 1115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590815500861.
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This paper investigates the role of the national institutional setting in explaining Single Market non-compliance regarding non-tariff barriers in intra-European Union (EU) trade. Using data on infringements to Single Market law we show that the quality of domestic institutional characteristics is relevant to explain non-compliance among EU countries. While government independence from political pressures and higher levels of representativeness and accountability reduce the propensity of member states to infringe upon Single Market laws, better regulatory quality increases the probability of non-compliance at industry level, suggesting that increases in competition may generate protectionist measures that violate Single Market law.
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Hodges, Ann C. "Bargaining for Privacy in the Unionized Workplace." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 22, Issue 2 (June 1, 2006): 147–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2006009.
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Abstract: This article considers whether collective bargaining can enhance privacy protection for employees in the United States. Employers are increasingly engaging in practices that invade employee privacy with few existing legal protections to limit their actions. While data on the extent of bargaining about privacy is limited, it appears that unions in the U.S. have primarily used the grievance and arbitration procedure to challenge invasions of privacy that lead to discipline of the employee instead of negotiating explicit contractual privacy rights. In contrast to the U.S., labor representatives in many other countries, particularly in the European Union, have greater legal rights of consultation with employers and take a more proactive approach to protection of employee privacy. While this approach offers promise for achieving greater privacy for employees and more flexibility for employers, the article concludes that it is unlikely to be widely adopted in the U.S. because of the limited power of labor unions.
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Peci, Jurgen, and Ana I. Sanjuán. "Regulatory patterns in international pork trade and similarity with the EU SPS/TBT standards." Spanish Journal of Agricultural Research 18, no. 1 (April 22, 2020): e0102. http://dx.doi.org/10.5424/sjar/2020181-15005.
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Aim of study: With the increasing protagonism of non-tariff measures (NTMs) in trade policy, better indexes are needed to depict the prevalence and similarity of NTMs across countries for further use in trade impact assessments.Area of study: Worldwide, with special focus on the European Union (EU)Material and methods: Using the TRAINS database on NTMs, we calculated and proposed some indicators, stressing both regulatory intensity and diversity, as well as similarity of regulatory patterns between trade partners. Our application focuses on pork trade and main importers, amongst which, the EU is singled out.Main results: We found a high level of heterogeneity in NTMs’ application, both, in the number and variety of measures. The bilateral similarity was relatively low, such as only 30% of sanitary and phytosanitary measures (SPS) and 20% of technical barriers to trade were shared, providing ground and incentive for discussing trade policy harmonization. Our analysis suggests that SPS regulations prevail in those sectors and countries more engaged in trade, while a negative correlation with tariffs raises protectionism concerns. Our bilateral indicators rank country pairs according to the similarity of their regulatory patterns. The EU, for instance, is closer in SPS regulations to China or USA than to Canada or New Zealand, which will require actions in the context of the bilateral trade agreements in course.Research highlights: The low similarity of regulatory patterns evidence the challenges faced by policy makers to streamline technical regulations. For an accurate representation of regulatory patterns and their impact on trade, both uni- and bilateral indicators need to be considered.
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Cipollina, Maria, and Luca Salvatici. "On the effects of EU trade policy: agricultural tariffs still matter." European Review of Agricultural Economics 47, no. 4 (February 14, 2020): 1367–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/erae/jbz053.
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Abstract We capitalise on the latest development in the empirical structural gravity literature to examine the question of whether and how much the European Union (EU) agricultural tariffs affect agricultural imports. We capture both the protectionist and preferential nature of EU trade policies by measuring the effects of multilateral, bilateral and unilateral agreements on international trade relative to intra-EU trade. The computation of bilateral protection and preference margins is used to determine which countries/sectors are most negatively/positively affected. On average, EU agricultural tariffs have decreased international trade by 14 per cent. We also find that EU preferences have been effective in promoting trade by about 10 per cent.
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Vergano, Paolo R., and Eugenia Laurenza. "Fossil Fuel Grading and Sustainability Criteria for Biofuels and Bioliquids under the EU Fuel Quality and Renewable Energy Directives: Implications for International Trade." Global Trade and Customs Journal 7, Issue 3 (March 1, 2012): 92–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2012014.
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The legislative measures adopted by the European Union (EU) under the 'Climate Action and Renewable Energy' package have required, or are leading to, the adoption of grading systems or classification of fuels, biofuels, and bioliquids based on their carbon footprints or production methods, which are not without consequences for international trade. This article focuses on two legislative initiatives: the possible impacts of EU measures aimed at 'grading' fuels used in transportation according to their carbon footprint, required under the Fuel Quality Directive, and the sustainability criteria for biofuels and bioliquids established by the Renewable Energy Directive and the Fuel Quality Directive. Both instruments may result in the placing of trade restrictions on fuels, biofuels, and bioliquids into the EU and in trade discrimination, in possible contrast with the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The article argues that these measures should not neglect the commercial implications that they have on third countries' (and traders') interests and be consistent with the rules of the WTO in order to avoid that environmental policies result in instances of 'green protectionism'. Multilateral solutions to address global problems having an impact on trade are clearly to be preferred. Traders should be heard in this debate, remain vigilant, and work with their governments and trade associations to ensure that no discrimination is 'camouflaged' under green policies.
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Gladkov, Igor. "FOREIGN TRADE RELATIONS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE CONTEXT OF INCREASING GLOBAL UNCERTAINTY." Contemporary Europe, no. 100 (December 31, 2020): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope720205969.
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The article analyzes the competitive positions in the system of modern international trade of the world's largest regional integration community – the European Union (EU), consisting of 28 member countries. The most important trends in the dynamics and geographical structure of the EU's foreign trade relations are considered against the background of increasing global turbulence, as well as in the run-up to the UK's withdrawal from this grouping. Based on actual and statistical data, the author substantiates the claim that the leading integration bloc managed to maintain its leadership in the world commodity exchange in the conditions of increasing global uncertainty due to its well-thought-out foreign trade policy, which includes a number of quite effective tools. According to the author, the experience gained by the EU is undoubtedly of interest for a more detailed study, since during the entire six-year period under review (2014-2019), there were very significant changes in the sphere of world trade, both at the global and regional levels. These include rising tensions caused by the spread of protectionist sentiments among leading actors, the formation of new types of trade alliances, and the use of sanctions against competitors under the guise of untenable rhetoric. However, the current year has brought more large-scale disasters associated with the emergence of a new virus infection of a planetary scale. Such trends have a negative impact on the dynamics of global trade, including foreign trade relations of the European Union.
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Chudinova, K. O. "The Influence of D. Trump’s Policy on International Trade." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 3 (October 8, 2019): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2019-3-65-82.
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The increasing level of tension in the trade relations between the United States and other countries, especially China; the potential escalation of trade wars, when countries take more and more explicit retaliatory protectionist measures, becomes a sustainability risk to development of international trade. The US actions taken in 2018–2019 to protect the internal market turned into into a full-fledged trade war, directed primarily against China - the country the United States has the largest trade deficit with. The introduction of the US tariff restrictions on imports from China and several other countries has caused retaliatory measures, as a result the uncertainty of the prospects for international trade increases. Non-tariff measures, such as phytosanitary requirements and technical barriers to trade, have also seen an increase in restrictions.An important source of controversy is the different positions of countries regarding the permissible degree of state support for enterprises. Developed countries, especially the United States, Japan, and the countries of the European Union, have fairly rigidly regulated rules regarding free competition. A cause for great concern is not only the US trade war with China and its consequences for other countries, but also the problems of international trade regulation.
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Lymar, Marharyta. "Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.
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The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.
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Battista, Andrew. "Capital, Labor, and State: The Battle for American Labor Markets from the Civil War to the New Deal. By David Brian Robertson. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000. 320p. $75.00 cloth, $22.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 216–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540237432x.
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This important new study argues that American labor markets have been and are governed by employers to a degree unique among Western capitalist democracies; that this pattern of governance is the outcome of crucial struggles among unions, employers, and middle-class labor reformers from the Civil War to the New Deal; and that American political institutions strongly shaped the struggles and their outcome. In the nineteenth century, all Western countries largely protected employer control of hiring, firing, wages, hours, and working conditions, but in the twentieth century nations other than the United States began to curb employer prerogatives and extend worker protection in the form of labor regulations, trade union and collective bargaining laws, public management of labor supply and demand, and work insurance (the four major types of policy in Robertson's framework). In the United States, fewer such protections were established, and the fragmented federal and state labor policies that were enacted were often undermined by lax enforcement or court rulings. On the eve of the New Deal, Robertson shows, U.S. employers had a degree of autonomy in labor markets unparalleled in European and other industrialized countries.
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Parella, Jordi Franch. "The Decline of Liberalism in Europe and how to Revive it." Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 22, no. 1 (March 25, 2019): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cer-2019-0006.
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The liberal world order has produced immense benefits for Europe and people across the planet. Beginning in the 18th and 19th centuries, liberalism reinforces the natural rights of man to life, liberty and property, and has transformed the world in ways that have improved the material and social circumstances of humankind. But the liberal order that has been in place in Europe since 1945, after two world wars, is showing signs of deterioration. Today, this liberal order is being challenged by a variety of forces. The essence of the European experience is the development of a civilization that considered itself to be a unity and yet was politically decentralized. Former free towns in Italy and the Low Countries became bastions of a self‑governing middle class in the Middle Ages. However, with time, states tend to overgrow taking more and more resources, which results in the increase in taxes and public spending, excessive regulation, deficits and public debt. There is a fight between the advocates of two different ideals of the European Union, the non‑liberal and the liberal vision. There is a consensus in that the market economy is the system that best produces the most, removing millions of people from poverty. But it is the unequal distribution of the wealth created that is often criticized. We examine the distribution of income, before and after taxes and transfers, concluding that market liberalization does not necessarily lead to increased social inequality. On the other hand, two of the most important threats challenging the liberal order in Europe are populist parties and protectionism. Finally, this paper suggests a way towards a future Europe, deepening the single market and economic integration, but transforming the obsolete and dysfunctional nation‑states into other forms of decentralized political units.
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Esparza, Ryan. "En Vogue: The Risks of Brexit to the European Fashion Industry." International Journal of Legal Information 46, no. 3 (November 2018): 163–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jli.2018.37.
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Coco Channel, Yves Saint Laurent, Gianni Versace, and Thomas Burberry, all iconic names that are synonymous with fashion and the fashion industry. Further, they are all European designers. From Paris Fashion Week to Milan Fashion Week, Europe is arguably the center of emerging fashion. It can be theorized that the reason for strong intellectual property rights within the European Union (EU), in the area of fashion design, is due to the significance of the fashion industry within Europe. Within the EU, there has long been a recognition of the significance of design protection, which sets its IP protection apart from other places in the world. Several of the protections that the EU has implemented can be traced back historically to attempts by the countries in the region to protect their textile markets, and to protect regional innovations which were being developed within early textile industries. Even in the early stages of the EU's history, there were attempts to create uniformity within the area of design. The desire to create uniformity in this area is continuous, but Brexit threatens a path towards uniformity.
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Ferstman, Carla. "Human Rights Due Diligence Policies Applied to Extraterritorial Cooperation to Prevent “Irregular” Migration: European Union and United Kingdom Support to Libya." German Law Journal 21, no. 3 (April 2020): 459–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2020.29.
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AbstractExtraterritorial cooperation—including by providing funds, equipment, training, and technical support—has become central to policies aimed at preventing access of refugees and “irregular” migrants to particular countries and regions. But cooperating countries and international organizations have due diligence obligations under human rights law to take all reasonable steps to ensure that the cooperation they provide does not result in human rights violations, even when the violations are perpetrated extraterritorially by third parties. Consequently, they can become liable for the failure to exercise due diligence to prevent human rights violations from occurring in the receiving states. Also, they may incur responsibility for the resulting acts where they knowingly aided or assisted the receiving state to commit human rights violations with the support provided.International organizations and some states have begun to adopt human rights due diligence policies to assess and mitigate the risks of such cooperation. Using the examples of European Union and United Kingdom support to Libya, this Article analyzes the due diligence policies they have applied to extraterritorial cooperation in the area of border control and the detention of refugees and other migrants. It finds that the policies as implemented have provided only superficial scrutiny and argues that they should be made more robust and transparent. Ultimately, this will help mitigate the human rights risks associated with extraterritorial assistance, and ideally help ensure that assistance contributes to the strengthening of human rights protections in recipient countries.
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Morano-Foadi, Sonia. "Solidarity and Responsibility: Advancing Humanitarian Responses to eu Migratory Pressures." European Journal of Migration and Law 19, no. 3 (September 28, 2017): 223–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340011.
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Abstract The principle of solidarity is embedded in the foundations of the European Union (eu) legal system and is integral to the very ethos that has made the Union possible. However, as Member States struggle with contemporary challenges such as high migration flows, terrorism and economic turmoil they have predominantly adopted individualist and protectionist strategies which undermine the character of the Union. Those strategies include, for instance, building walls and securitising internal borders. This contribution argues that solidarity is inextricably linked with responsibility. Solidarity gives rise to responsibility and is a desired consequence of responsibility. Thus, this work suggests that strengthening the binomial of solidarity/responsibility is the solution that will create effective practices in meeting the humanitarian needs of refugees and sharing burdens between Member States. The contribution analyses the eu’s commitment to solidarity/responsibility and calls for Member States to demonstrate their commitment. Three types of Member State solidarity/responsibility are identified: 1) towards refugees and migrants, 2) towards fellow countries and 3) towards the eu itself. The latter finds its legal foundation in the principle of ‘sincere cooperation’ as enshrined in Article 4 (3) teu and constitutes a means of protecting collective interest and precluding unilateral Member State actions that might jeopardize the entire eu project.
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Frelick, Bill, Ian M. Kysel, and Jennifer Podkul. "The Impact of Externalization of Migration Controls on the Rights of Asylum Seekers and Other Migrants." Journal on Migration and Human Security 4, no. 4 (December 2016): 190–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241600400402.
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Wars, conflict, and persecution have forced more people to flee their homes and seek refuge and safety elsewhere than at any time since the end of World War II. As displaced people and other migrants increasingly move out of the conflict-ridden and less developed regions of their displacement and into relatively rich and stable regions of the world, the countries of destination are increasingly working to contain and even stem the migration flow before it reaches their shores. Perversely, countries that have developed generally rights-sensitive standards and procedures for assessing protection claims of asylum seekers within their jurisdictions have simultaneously established barriers that prevent migrants, including asylum seekers, from setting foot on their territories or otherwise triggering protection obligations. Consequently, those who would otherwise have been able to avail themselves of asylum procedures, social support, and decent reception conditions are often relegated to countries of first arrival or transit that have comparatively less capacity to ensure protection of human rights in accordance with international standards. This paper seeks to develop a working definition of the externalization of migration controls and how such externalization of the border implicates the human rights of migrants, and asylum seekers in particular. Although the majority of those migrants seeking legal protections stay in countries neighboring their own, hundreds of thousands continue their journeys in search of protection and stability in more distant states, including in the European Union, the United States, and Australia. In response to the significant increase in asylum seekers arriving at their borders, all three entities have significantly increased deterrence measures with the hopes of keeping new arrivals from entering. This paper will thus highlight a number of the most troubling externalization strategies used by the European Union, the United States, and Australia. Finally, because rights-threatening externalization law, policies, and practices implicate the international legal responsibility of the destination states pursuing them, the paper will conclude by presenting recommendations that could strengthen protection of human rights in the context of state actions seeking to manage migration.
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COȘEA, Mircea. "A VISION OF THE POST-PANDEMIC ECONOMY." STRATEGIES XXI - National Defence College 1, no. 72 (July 15, 2021): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-5094-21-23.
Full textAbstract:
Coronavirus has generated changes and mutations not only in the conduct of our daily lives, but also in the organization and functioning of the economic mechanism at national and global level.The rapid changes and shifts that are taking place in the economy are for the moment the result of the political mainstream, especially the governmental one, and of the system of internationalfinancial institutions. What is visible and certain is the elimination of some limits in giving up ideological principles and established rules of the functioning of the economic mechanism. Thus, the neoclassical ideology, the foundation of the whole scaffolding of the global economic policies, easily compromises by admitting that in the current conditions state interventionism has a more important role than free market laws in counteracting the effects of the pandemic on the economy. This process easily went beyond the regulations of the liberalization of trade in goods, returning to protectionism with nationalist accents as well as to bans on food and medicine exports. The principle of European solidarity is being threatened by unilateral decisions taken by Member States, or by the abandonment of European agreements in order to replace them by national decisions. Globalization was based on the imperative to produce, sell and buy, move, circulate, move on. Its ideology of progress is based on the idea that the economy must definitely replace politics. The essence of the system was the abolishment of limits: more trade, more and more goods, more and more profits to allow money to circulate and turn into capital. This whole concept of development has ceased to be the guiding principle of economic growth and development, thecurrent trend being the return to national borders, if not in a strictly territorial sense, at least in an economic sense. That is why one of the important changes of recent months is the emergence of policies designedto change the meaning of supply chains. Rethinking supply chains is a consequence of border closures or of the sudden closure of transport. It is a critical point of pressure that weighs mainly on car manufacturers and capitalgoods. As a result, there will be a trend of relocating production to European or Maghreb countries where wages remain lower than the European average. Another quick and important change is the one related to the role of the state in the economy, neoliberalism successfully promoting throughout the global economy the idea of the need for the limited role of state decision and state interventionism in the economy. The current change consists precisely in reversing the role of the state from passivity to activity, considered as the only one capable of ensuring an efficient system for managing the pandemic and restarting the economy. For many analysts, the coronavirus crisis could lead to a profound change in the global economic model and in the individual economic behavior.This is an extremely important issue also from the perspective of Romania's future. We are at a turning point and will have to make quick and complex decisions, because Romania risks entering a post-crisis period in an economic stagnation difficult to overcome, due to the lack ofproductivity, innovation and modern management. The gaps between Romania and the vast majority of European countries will be maintained, condemning us to occupy a marginal and lower place in the hierarchy of the European economy, characterized by a high and dangerous degree of dependence on the evolution and dynamics of markets in the strong states of the European Union. The explanation of this situation lies in the type and functioning of the structure of the Romanian economy. The current structure of the Romanian economy lies on the last concentric circle of European integration, if its center is considered the western core of theEU. There is no doubt about this inevitability. The crisis caused by the pandemic already exists and despite the optimism of some international financial institutions it will profoundly affect the state of the world economy and the life of the citizens. There will be not only major changes in the paradigm of the neoliberal model of the global economy but also changes in the balance of power between the world's major economic and political actors. The trade war between the USA and China is also beginning to have important political aspects, as the fight for world leadership between these two superpowers is generating tensions over the entire world. These tensions will surely have many "collateral victims" through the direct and indirect damage that many national economies, even the European Union, will suffer, as a result of the economicand political consequences of the US and China entering a state that some Western analysts define as " a cold war but with a tendency to warm up". These elements will aggravate the pressure that the pandemic crisis will put on the state of the world economy, determining the extent and depth of the effects of the crisis not only on the economic field but also on the balance and stability of international relations.Keywords: coronavirus crisis; value chains; multilateralism-unilateralism; protectionism, neoliberal global economic model.
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Naidu, Lakshmy, and Ravichandran Moorthy. "A Review of Key Sustainability Issues in Malaysian Palm Oil Industry." Sustainability 13, no. 19 (September 29, 2021): 10839. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su131910839.
Full textAbstract:
The palm oil industry has contributed enormously to the economic growth of developing countries in the tropics, including Malaysia. Despite the industry being a development tool for emerging economies, the oil palm crop is inundated with allegations of its unsustainable plantation practices and viewed as environmentally detrimental and socially adverse. These negative perceptions are amplified through anti-palm oil campaigns and protectionist trade regulations in developed countries, particularly in the European Union (EU). This situation, if further exacerbated, could potentially affect the export of palm oil and the industry as a whole. As such, this article provides a critical review of the key sustainability issues faced by the Malaysian palm oil industry as the second biggest exporter of palm oil to the global market. The various insights and the interpretations of sustainability are contested according to the contexts and the interests of the countries involved. Hence, palm oil is constantly exposed to bias masked by non-tariff barriers from consumer countries to protect their domestically produced vegetable oils. This could constrain the commodity competitiveness in the international market. As issues on palm oil sustainability continue to evolve, policymakers at key stakeholder agencies need to devise strategies to manage global disruption in the palm oil trade.
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KONOLD, DIETER. "Farm Interests as Bargaining Chips: France in the EU-Mercosur Free Trade Negotiations." Journal of Public Policy 30, no. 3 (November 4, 2010): 321–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x10000139.
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AbstractIn trade policy France ranks as one of the most protectionist countries in the European Union. From an outside perspective, the French attitude is usually explained as a consequence of the strength and influence of the agrarian lobby. The article argues that farm groups in France have lost their formerly privileged position and the power to pursue their interests politically. A closer look at domestic politics shows that agricultural reforms were successfully implemented against the opposition of the farm lobby during the last ten years. But at the same time, French policy-makers were keen to create the impression that they were unable to make concessions in international trade talks due to the resistance of the agricultural sector. The EU-Mercosur negotiations demonstrate how the French government fended off demands for liberalization using farm interests as bargaining chips.
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Alkier, Romina. "PRECONDITIONS TO FULLER CROATIAN INTEGRATION IN EU TOURISM." Tourism and hospitality management 11, no. 2 (December 2005): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.11.2.15.
Full textAbstract:
In the coming years, the number of tourist trips from and within the European Union can be expected to grow, as a result of ongoing integration processes, and also because it is becoming simpler and cheaper to travel. According to the WTO, tourism will grow at a moderate rate of four per cent annually in average, and by 2020 the number of tourist arrivals worldwide will reach 1.6 billion, of which 717 million tourist arrivals will be to Europe. Out of this number, more than half a million will be to present-day EU countries. Given the EU’s continuing enlargement, clearly this number will continue to increase, and with it the global importance of the EU. The EU’s tourist policy in the years to come will increasingly become better, more imaginative and more efficient. Regardless of the unchanging subsidiary principle, this policy will continue to develop, gradually adapting to new opportunities. The principles of the sector tourist policy are already being carried out in practice by all EU members, and any country aspiring to become a part this association will not only need to incorporate these principles, but respect them as well. Croatia is one of the countries which has embraced this orientation in tourism and it is aiming to address this “European challenge” at the level of market relations, taking efforts to avoid the pitfalls and threats of tourism marginalisation, given the harsh competition and protectionist measures existing within the EU.
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Reich, Arie. "The European Neighbourhood Policy and Israel: Achievements and Disappointments." Journal of World Trade 49, Issue 4 (August 1, 2015): 619–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2015024.
Full textAbstract:
Over a decade has passed since the European Union (EU) launched its European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and nine years since the Action Plan with Israel was adopted. Politicians on both sides talked about deep economic integration, ‘a stake in the internal market’, ‘everything but institutions’, and arrangements that could be as close as what the EU has with countries like Norway or Iceland in the European Economic Area. This article aims to examine to what extent the great hopes with which the ENP was greeted both in the EU and in Israel have materialized, in particular in the field of international trade and economic integration. The article compares the actual achievements with the original goals of the ENP Action Plan and finds more disappointments than achievements. Among the achievements, the article describes and analyses the Agreement on Conformity Assessment and Acceptance for industrial products concluded in 2012 and the bilateral aviation agreement (‘Open Skies’), as well as Israel’s accession and successful participation in the EU scientific research and technical development programmes (including the ‘Horizon 2020’). The list of what could and should have been done, however, is longer and more disappointing, and it includes issues such as trade facilitation through modernization of customs administration, revision of outdated protectionist rules of origin, and the EU’s failure to contribute to peace in the Middle East by refusing to recognize diagonal cumulation of origin between Israel and its neighbours. Likewise, the lack of any progress on important topics such as competition rules, public procurement, trade in financial and professional services, e-commerce and investment, to name a few, outweighs the few achievements that can be noted. The article then proceeds to discuss the possible reasons for these disappointing results.