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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Prostitution Government policy Indonesia

Academic literature on the topic 'Prostitution Government policy Indonesia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Prostitution Government policy Indonesia"

1

Suud, Mohammad. "THE EXISTING POLICY ON PROSTITUTION IN INDONESIA: A RETROSPECTIVE EVALUATION." Journal of Urban Sociology 2, no. 1 (May 28, 2019): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.30742/jus.v2i1.607.

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This paper presents the policy on prostitution existing in the last ten years of the period of the New Order Regime. By using qualitative analysis, in the frame of rationality and coherence, author describes of the policy on prostitution and its results. The practice that was done by the government to tackle the prostitutes tended to be unjust, while the implication of the Indonesian Criminal Codeas the one of the national law saved a discrimination. The spirit of the law saved a moral weakness to endorse the creation of good life for Indonesian having the way of life Pancasila. Linked to the policy, the government tended frontally to tackle the prostitutes. As the policy made by the government was based on unhistorical and unsubstantial views, the governmental intervention to them has been more bringing problems than solutions. The inconsistency of the local governtments in managing the localization of prostitutes has compounded the problem. The governmental policy could not grasp the goals: rehabilitation and resosialization. The policy has empowered the institutionalization of prostitution and pimps. The government has been tacitly the institution of serving pimps. Key words: policy, prostitution, pimps

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Ati, Nurul Umi. "The Collaboration Model of Stakeholders Perspective Implementation of Prostitutional Prevention and Handling Policy." Khazanah Sosial 4, no. 2 (June 29, 2022): 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ks.v4i2.17849.

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The phenomenon of human trafficking for commercial sexual exploitation has long been developed in various countries, including Southeast Asia, such as Indonesia. Prostitution prevention and handling efforts can be carried out by the government through the formulation of policies or regulations and implemented with a collaboration of various government actors and non-government actors, both national, regional, and local stakeholders. This research aims to study the collaboration model of stakeholders in the perspective of implementation of prostitutional prevention and to handle policy in Surabaya as the closure of Dolly, the largest prostitution area in Southeast Asia. In conclusion, state collaboration with the community in handling prostitution will be a strong root because here will create a synergy together to always supervise and seek mutual solutions in preventing and handling the problem of prostitution, so that can be an example for other local governments in making prevention and handling policies of prostitution in their region. The method used in this research is the experimental method. The first step is a survey to get research subjects. The survey was conducted using the snowball method. Researchers also evaluated several potential groups. Then the process is continued by using a SWOT analysis to determine the best pilot location. Participatory Focus Group Discussion and interviews to deepen the diagnosis. The diagnostic results are developed and compiled manually. This study found that the main causes of prostitution were mostly related to family problems, personal problems, the trauma of sexual harassment, and unemployment. The existence of teenagers who fall into prostitution is a social problem in society. The negative impact is moral degradation. Implications of research to strengthen the Social work profession to prevent prostitution and provide clear and factual information about the reasons why young people may fall into prostitution. This solution should involve both formal and informal institutions.

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Sari, Komang Ayu Kartika. "Prostitution Legislation Reforms in Western Australia: What Indonesia Can Learn." Public Health and Preventive Medicine Archive 2, no. 1 (July 1, 2014): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15562/phpma.v2i1.130.

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Prostitution is still a complicated problem worldwide including in Western Australia. It is estimated that there are 1700 sex workers and 38 identified brothels in Western Australia1 and prostitution legislation is still an ongoing debatable issue in the state. There has been a significant change in prostitution laws and enforcement practices, which is due to the rising worldwide problem of sex trafficking and its relation to prostitution.2 The Liberal or National Government of Western Australia planned to introduce the prostitution legislation reforms, which were intended to make brothels to be the “only viable” and legal workplaces for sex workers, to make sex workers have no opportunity to work privately in residential areas and to force them to work for the third parties or to relocate them to industrial areas.3 It would be implemented through a brothel licensing policy, which in turn will make non brothel-based sex workers considered illegal. Brothels are indeed more organized and easier to provide health care and education than the street4 and based on research in the Norwegian capital5, an existing law can make people have more negative attitudes towards buying sex. However, particular form of regulation and practice may result in worse situations and can undermine the health and well-being of sex workers. This article will discuss in details why the prostitution legislation reforms released by The Liberal/National Government in WA should not be fully supported and what we can learn based on the context of Indonesia

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Kurniadi Prasetyo. "PENEGAKAN HUKUM TINDAK PIDANA PROSTITUSI ONLINE DI SURABAYA." Esensi Hukum 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35586/esensihukum.v2i2.30.

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Abstract The prostitution crime in Indonesia, especially in Surabaya, is getting higher. With the closure of Dolly's prostitution area, the providers of prostitus services use the internet to open their services. The use of the internet as a prostitution service is often called online prostitution. Problems regarding the crime of online prostitution in Surabaya are regulated in article 27 paragraph (1) of Law no. 11 of 2008 concerning Information and Electronic Transactions; Article 45 paragraph (1) of Law No. 19 of 2016 concerning Information and Electronic Transactions; Article 27 Paragraph (1) Law No. 1 of 2018 concerning Electronic Information and Transactions; Article 4 paragraph (2) of Law No. 44 of 2008 concerning Pornography; Article 4 paragraph (2) of Law No. 44 of 2008 concerning Pornography; article 296 of the Criminal Code; Article 506 of the Criminal Code; Article 37 paragraph (2) of Surabaya City Government Regulation No. 2 of 2014 concerning Implementation of Public Order and Community Peace. In law enforcement, online prostitution crime in Surabaya does not only tend to impose sanctions in accordance with article 27 paragraph (1) of the Information and Electronic Transaction Law. However, the City Government of Surbaya is trying to implement prevention of trafficking in persons suspected of having links to online prostitution. In the policy to prevent trafficking in persons, the Surabaya city government has implemented two prevention systems, namely Preemtif Prevention and Preventive Prevention. Keywords: Criminal Act, Online Prostitution, Law Enforcement Abstrak Tindak pidana prostitusi di Indonesia khususnya di Surabaya semakin tinggi. Dengan ditutupnya kawasan prostitusi Dolly membuat para penyedia jasa prostitusi menggunakan media internet untuk membuka jasanya. Penggunaan internet sebagai layanan jasa prostitusi sering kali disebut prostitusi online. Permasalahan mengenai tindak pidana prostitusi online di Surabaya diatur dalam Pasal 27 ayat (1) Undang-Undang No. 11 Tahun 2008 tentang Infomarsi dan Transaksi Elektornik; Pasal 45 ayat (1) Undang-Undang No. 19 Tahun 2016 tentang Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik; Pasal 27 ayat (1) Undang-Undang No. 1 Tahun 2018 tentang Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik; Pasal 4 ayat (2) Undang-Undang No. 44 Tahun 2008 Tentang Pornografi; Pasal 4 ayat (2) Undang-Undang No. 44 Tahun 2008 Tentang Pornografi; Pasal 296 KUHP; Pasal 506 KUHP; Pasal 37 ayat (2) Peraturan Daerah Pemerintahan Kota Surabaya No. 2 Tahun 2014 tentang Penyelenggaraan Ketertiban Umum dan Ketentraman Masyarakat. Dalam penegakan hukum tindak pidana prostitusi online di Surabaya tidak hanya cenderung dengan memberikan sanksi sesuai dengan Pasal 27 ayat (1) Undang-Undang Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik. Namun Pemerintah Kota Surabaya mencoba menerapkan pencegahan terhadap tindak pidana perdagangan orang yang dinilai mempunyai keterkaitan dengan tindak pidana prostitusi online. Dalam kebijakan pencegahan tindak pidanak perdagangan orang Pemerintah Kota Surabaya menerapkan dua sistem pencegahan yaitu pencegahan preemtif dan pencegahan preventif. Kata Kunci: Tindak Pidana, Prostitusi Online, Penegakan Hukum

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Mikail, Kiki. "Analisis Kebijakan Peraturan Daerah Yang Mengandung Materi Muatan Ajaran Islam Di Kota Palembang." TAMADDUN: Jurnal Kebudayaan dan Sastra Islam 18, no. 2 (December 3, 2018): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/tamaddun.v18i2.2793.

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This research is analytical descriptive research. This study places policy analysis and as the main and free variable that will influence the process of establishing a Regional Regulation as a dependent variable. In article 5 of the Republic of Indonesia Constitution states that the regional government has the right to determine regional regulations or other regulations in order to carry out regional autonomy.The local government of Palembang has issued three local government regulations that have Islamic sharia laws, namely regional regulation number 2 of 2004 concerning the eradication of prostitution, regional regulation number 11 of 2006 concerning the prohibition of circulation and sale of alcoholic products and local regulations on zakat. in order to be right on target and more effective, some variables need to be considered by Palembang stakeholders so that the Regional Regulations that are stipulated are not just legality, but more than that it must be a general rule that all local regulations are made in order for the common good Palembang community. Keywords : Political Analys, local goverment regulations, local autonomy, the politics of sharia law

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Pramestiwari, Meriana Diah, Retno Sunu Astuti, and Budi Puspo Priyadi. "Paradoks Penutupan Sunan Kuning." PERSPEKTIF 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v9i1.3114.

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Pemerintah menargetkan Indonesia bebas lokalisasi Prostitusi pada tahun 2019. Banyak penelitian menemukan bahwa menutup lokalisasi tidak menyelesaikan permasalahan prostitusi tetapi justru menciptakan permasalahan baru. Pemerintah Kota Semarang pada Tahun 2018 mengeluarkan statement ke media massa mengenai penutupan Lokalisasi SK yang akan ditutup pada Desember Tahun 2018. Tahapan rencana pelaksanaan penutupan telah disusun, struktur tim pelaksanaan penutupan pun telah terbentuk namun hingga sekarang penutupan tersebut urung dilaksanakan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis proses kebijakan penutupan SK. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif melalui wawancara mendalam, observasi dan penelusuran studi pustaka. Informan penelitian ditentukan secara purposive sampling. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan penutupan lokalisasi SK tidak bisa dilaksanakan tepat waktu karena adanya hambatan-hambatan dari internal maupun eksternal birokrasi. Interprestasi subjektif dari Dinas Sosial dan Bappeda Kota Semarang tidak bergerak pada satu tujuan yang sama. Partisipatif dan responsivitas kelompok sasaran kebijakan rendah karena menolak kebijakan. The government freed Indonesia to free Prostitution in 2019. Many studies have found that closing localization does not resolve the debate. Semarang City Government in 2018 stated to the mass media about the closure of the Localization of the Decree, which will be closed in December 2018. This study discusses to analyze the decision process of the Decree. This research uses descriptive qualitative method through in-depth interviews, observation and literature study search. The research sample was purposive sampling. The results showed the closure of the SK localization policy could not be carried out on time because it had to do with internal and external bureaucratic obstacles. Subjective interpretation of the Semarang City Social and Bappeda Office does not move in the same direction. The participation and responsiveness of policy targets are low because policies rejected.

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Rusyidi, Binahayati, and Nunung Nurwati. "PENANGANAN PEKERJA SEKS KOMERSIAL DI INDONESIA." Prosiding Penelitian dan Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat 5, no. 3 (January 30, 2019): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jppm.v5i3.20579.

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This article describes about the situation of prostitution in Indonesia concerning its types, contributing factors, and elimination strategies using available relevant documents. There are both traditional and contemporary types of prostitution in Indonesia that included sex workers, users and the pimps. The contributing factors of prostitution rooted in three domains including demand, supply and catalyst factors that all associated with social, economic, politic, culture, development of information technology, and globalization factors. Strategies to eradicate prostitution by government in Indonesia rely on the institutional based rehabilitation of sex worker were discussed within the frame of best principles of sex workers rehabilitation. Some limitations were highlighted with regards to the design and implementation of current sex worker’s rehabilitation program.

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Zainuddin, M. "KAJIAN DAMPAK KEBIJAKAN PENUTUPAN LOKALISASI TELEJU OLEH PEMERINTAH KOTA PEKANBARU." Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 15, no. 2 (March 22, 2017): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35967/jipn.v15i2.3846.

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This research to analyze the impact of closure policy Teleju brothel by Pekanbaru govermentin 2010. Guidelines for works are Pekanbaru Local Regulations No. 12 of 2008 on Social Order-liness. Closure this brothel inflicts positive and negative impact for society.The research wasconducted to obtain early stage formula for the government to take action against the prostitu-tion activities. This research uses policy research approach with a qualitative method, becausein prostitution activities and prohibition by goverment is an assessment that needs to be done byanalyzing documents and unstructured interview.The results showed that after the closing of the Teleju brothel have an impact on the deploy-ment of a prostitution and affect the economy of the surrounding residents. Government seeksto tackle prostitution in Pekanbaru by moving the brothel, conduct regular raids and providetraining. The effort is considered to be less than the maximum because the handling is not basedon the root of the problem and not programmed properly. There are several causes of failure ofgovernment to overcome the prostitution problem in Pekanbaru, including: policy content isless focus on the prostitution problem, the government did not proceeds with data, lack of finan-cial support, contra productive programs between local government with the police and TNI,and the policy object is difficult to be given understanding.

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Juditha, Christiany. "MAPPING THE PROMOTION OF COMMERCIAL SEX SERVICES USING THE MICHAT APPLICATION: FROM PREVENTION TO SOLUTIONS." Profetik: Jurnal Komunikasi 15, no. 2 (November 19, 2022): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/pjk.v15i2.2560.

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The disclosure of several cases of online prostitution using the MiChat application in major cities of Indonesia shows that the phenomenon of prostitution is increasing. Prostitution practices are prohibited in Indonesia as it included in human trafficking. Furthermore, prostitution using virtual networks is part of cyber-crime regulated in the Electronic Information and Transactions Law. Despite the existing regulations, online prostitution activity continues. One of the reasons is the use of social media and online applications that facilitate the distribution of sexual services. This study aims to obtain an overview of online prostitution activity through the MiChat application and its solutions. This study used a content analysis method equipped with interviews with informants who are competent in handling prostitution. The results of the study concluded that the 'people nearby' feature in the MiChat application was dominated by accounts aimed at online prostitution, including the promotion of sexual services through profile information, timelines, and uploading photos/ videos related to service offerings, payment execution, also customer testimonials. Various efforts have been made by the government by blocking negative content regarding prostitution, but unfortunately, the platform itself has not been closed. In addition, all parties have taken preventive measures in terms of the prevention and handling of online prostitution.

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Aulia, Galuh Tiara Cindy. "Implementasi Hukum Pidana terkait Maraknya Praktek Prostitusi Wanita dan Anak Dibawah Umur di Negara Indonesia." Bhirawa Law Journal 3, no. 2 (November 30, 2022): 172–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.26905/blj.v3i2.7152.

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The phenomenon of prostitution is a form of crime that is very difficult to deal withand this type of crime is mostly supported by economic factors in people’s lives, where in society itself until now, prostitution has not been stopped, as well as a threat to sex morality, household life, health and welfare of women. The practice of sex transactions occurs not only with prostitutes from among adults, but also teenagers. Therefore, the Government should be more active in finding solutions to problems like this. This study uses normative juridical research and the results of this study state that there are several factors that make a person enter the world of prostitution, including; economic factors, lifestyle and frustration. Then the government’s role in dealing with prostitution in Indonesia has been carried out using two methods, namely the elimination method and the registration method.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Prostitution Government policy Indonesia"

1

Chan, Siu-fun Cynthia, and 陳笑芬. "Asian crisis: Indonesia and Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951855.

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Jones, Tod. "Indonesian cultural policy, 1950-2003: culture, institutions, government." Thesis, Curtin University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11937/403.

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This thesis examines official cultural policy in Indonesia, focussing on the cultural policy of the national governments from 1950 until 2003. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s writings about government and debates about cultural policy in Cultural Studies, the study proposes that the features of cultural policy in Indonesia are primarily determined by the changing ways that the state has put culture to work in its versions of modern governance. Part I of the thesis provides a history of official cultural policy, including a background chapter on the late colonial era and the Japanese occupation. Although contemporary cultural policy was first articulated within Western liberal democracies to shape self-governing national citizens, the Dutch colonial cultural policy differed in that it assumed indigenous subjects had reduced capacities and focussed on managing ethnic populations. The cultural policies of subsequent governments maintained the twin imperatives of ‘improving’ individuals and managing populations, but with different understandings of both imperatives. While a more autonomous subject was assumed during Constitutional Democracy, Guided Democracy exercised greater state guidance as part of Sukarno’s mobilisation of the population behind his political program. Cultural policy during the New Order era rejected Sukarno’s ‘politicisation’ of culture, replaced ‘improvement’ with ‘development’ and further strengthened the role of the state in providing cultural guidance, a move justified by designating Indonesians backward by modern standards.The Japanese administration was the first government to address a national population. Relations among indigenous ethnic populations and between ethnicity and the nation were addressed in cultural policy from 1956 and were central to cultural policy throughout the New Order era. Part II of the thesis consists of two case studies of cultural programs in the New Order and Reform eras: (1) the arts councils and cultural parks and (2) a cultural research project. It explores New Order centralism, demonstrating the heterogeneity between different levels of the state and how governmental goals imbued particular practices and objects with special significance and meaning by constructing them as culture. Cultural policy in the post-Suharto period is addressed in both Parts I and II. While the practices of the New Order era are generally continuing, decentralisation created the possibility of a plurality of cultural policies across Indonesia, as lower levels of government are responsible for administering cultural policy. Decentralisation could result in a more participatory cultural policy as more cultural practices are addressed or a narrowing of cultural policy if conservative ethnic identity politics drives changes.

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Jones, Tod. "Indonesian Cultural policy, 1950-2003 : culture, institutions, government /." Curtin University of Technology, Department of Media and Information, 2005. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=16663.

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This thesis examines official cultural policy in Indonesia, focussing on the cultural policy of the national governments from 1950 until 2003. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s writings about government and debates about cultural policy in Cultural Studies, the study proposes that the features of cultural policy in Indonesia are primarily determined by the changing ways that the state has put culture to work in its versions of modern governance. Part I of the thesis provides a history of official cultural policy, including a background chapter on the late colonial era and the Japanese occupation. Although contemporary cultural policy was first articulated within Western liberal democracies to shape self-governing national citizens, the Dutch colonial cultural policy differed in that it assumed indigenous subjects had reduced capacities and focussed on managing ethnic populations. The cultural policies of subsequent governments maintained the twin imperatives of ‘improving’ individuals and managing populations, but with different understandings of both imperatives. While a more autonomous subject was assumed during Constitutional Democracy, Guided Democracy exercised greater state guidance as part of Sukarno’s mobilisation of the population behind his political program. Cultural policy during the New Order era rejected Sukarno’s ‘politicisation’ of culture, replaced ‘improvement’ with ‘development’ and further strengthened the role of the state in providing cultural guidance, a move justified by designating Indonesians backward by modern standards.
The Japanese administration was the first government to address a national population. Relations among indigenous ethnic populations and between ethnicity and the nation were addressed in cultural policy from 1956 and were central to cultural policy throughout the New Order era. Part II of the thesis consists of two case studies of cultural programs in the New Order and Reform eras: (1) the arts councils and cultural parks and (2) a cultural research project. It explores New Order centralism, demonstrating the heterogeneity between different levels of the state and how governmental goals imbued particular practices and objects with special significance and meaning by constructing them as culture. Cultural policy in the post-Suharto period is addressed in both Parts I and II. While the practices of the New Order era are generally continuing, decentralisation created the possibility of a plurality of cultural policies across Indonesia, as lower levels of government are responsible for administering cultural policy. Decentralisation could result in a more participatory cultural policy as more cultural practices are addressed or a narrowing of cultural policy if conservative ethnic identity politics drives changes.

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Prasetyia, Ferry [Verfasser]. "Government Policy and Education Performance: Insight from Indonesia / Ferry Prasetyia." Kassel : Kassel University Press, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1188347349/34.

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Djamhari, Choirul. "Privatization of state controlled enterprises in Indonesia (1983-1993) : policy and practice." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42015.

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This study investigates the Indonesian experience in managing the privatization of State Controlled Enterprises (SCEs) during the period from 1983 to 1993. The main objective of this study is to assess and explore the following research question: Why has there been little ownership transfer from state to the private sector in Indonesia even though official policy objectives and strategies for proving SCEs have been articulated and firms have been selected for potential privatization? Realizing complex combination of challenges and obstacles faced by Indonesia, attempts to answer the research question are directed at three main issues: (1) the role of SCEs in the overall national economy; (2) factors that led the Indonesian government to undertake privatization policy, and (3) the preferred models of privatization along with the rationale for such preferences.
Five types of data were collected during three separate field work stages from July 1991 to October 1995: State policy analysis, direct observation, analysis of the statistical data, analysis of mass media and personal interviews with key individuals. This triangulation method is employed to ensure a greater presentation of the key elements that deserve to be explored.
The principal argument developed throughout this study is that despite the apparent needs for privatization due to the fiscal difficulties and inefficiencies of the SCEs operations, the Indonesian state seems to be reluctant to transfer ownership to the private sector. In the case at hand, the pursuit of privatization is largely a political decision. Transferring ownership would require an overhaul of the present development policy, a huge step that Indonesian state is not ready to take. Instead, the priority has been given to reform the state sector by improving the efficiency and productivity of SCEs operations, and by isolating SCEs from the rent seeking behaviours of government bureaucrats. This tendency, as this study demonstrates, is explained by a deepening direct state involvement in the economy. This study shows that the Indonesian state has expanded its roles in the economy to include not only regulator, facilitator and stabilizer, but also that direct participant as a competitor to the private sector. Consequently, being kept under tight state control, has caused Indonesian SCEs to operate in a highly regulated environment. This environment has resulted in SCEs tendency to become instrument of development and, therefore has prevented them from becoming efficient and productive business entities.

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Levy, Jacob Lewis Nigel. "Second class citizens of Sweden : sex work and drug use in the people's home." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607911.

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Prawiradinata, Muhamad Salmun. "Stability, elites and development policy in the new order Indonesia 1966-1983." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111321.

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One of the most striking characteristics of Third World countries is political instability. Although not all Third World states are politically unstable, witness for example Saudi Arabia and Nepal, many nations of both democratic and authoritarian leanings have experienced strong political challenges in maintaining established political order and national unity. These political challenges can take the forms of mass demonstration, riots or even coups.

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Suwartini, Endang. "Welfare implications of policy-induced structural changes on the Indonesian poultry industry." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26156.

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This study examines the producer and consumer welfare associated with structural change of supply attributed to the effect of a government policy restricting the size of the production unit. The performance of the poultry industry in Indonesia is analyzed in terms of producer and consumer welfare using supply and demand elasticities. The elasticity of supply and demand were estimated using the Seemingly Unrelated Regressions (SUR) method. The hypothesized policy-induced structural change is estimated through a dummy variable accounting for shift in supply associated with implementation of the policy.
It is found that structural change induced by the restructuring policy shows a negative impact on the output supplied and welfare of society. Welfare losses are estimated for different levels in the marketing system namely producer, wholesaler and retail levels. Eighty percent of the losses are shared approximately equally by producers and consumers with the remaining twenty percent borne by the marketing sector.

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Wahyudi, Bambang Slamet. "An analysis of selected government programs to increase rice production in Indonesia." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9886.

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Niessen, Nicole. "Municipal government in Indonesia : policy, law and practice of decentralization and urban spatial planning /." Leiden : Research School CNWS, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37683501g.

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Books on the topic "Prostitution Government policy Indonesia"

1

Matthews, Roger. Prostitution, politics & policy. New York: Routledge, 2008.

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Scott, Michael S. Street prostitution. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2002.

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Kusumastanto, Tridoyo. Kebijakan tatakelola kelautan Indonesia: Indonesia ocean governance policy. Bogor]: PKSPL-IPB, 2010.

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Kusumastanto, Tridoyo. Kebijakan tatakelola kelautan Indonesia: Indonesia ocean governance policy. [Bogor]: Pusat Kajian Sumberdaya Pesisir dan Lautan, Institut Pertanian Bogor, 2010.

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De la prostitution comme sport collectif. Paris: Max Milo, 2012.

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Indonesia. Departemen Komunikasi dan Informatika. Pusat Data. Komunikasi dan informatika Indonesia: Whitepaper 2010 = 2010 Indonesia ICT whitepaper. Jakarta: Pusat Data, Kementerian Komunikasi dan Informatika, 2010.

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Tambunan, Tulus. Perekonomian Indonesia. Ciawi, Bogor: Ghalia Indonesia, 2009.

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Wiranta, Sukarna, and Sahat Aditua Fandhitya Silalahi. Kebijakan ketenagakerjaan di Indonesia. Jakarta: P3DI Setjen DPR RI dan Azza Grafika, 2014.

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Kamasa, Frassminggi. Terorisme: Kebijakan kontra terorisme Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu, 2015.

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Indonesian Center for Investment Information Data. Investment opportunities in Indonesia. 2nd ed. Jakarta: PIDII, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Prostitution Government policy Indonesia"

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Meiji, Nanda Harda Pratama, Abdul Kodir, Sumarmi, Ardyanto Tanjung, Annisa Fathin Dianah, and Muhammad Asyrofi Al Kindy. "Philanthropy movement’s response to government policy in negotiating COVID-19 in Indonesia." In Development, Social Change and Environmental Sustainability, 141–44. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1201/9781003178163-31.

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Pasandaran, E., B. Gultom, J. Sri Adiningsih, Hapsari, and Sri Rochayati. "Government policy support for technology promotion and adoption: a case study of urea tablet technology in Indonesia." In Resource Management in Rice Systems: Nutrients, 181–90. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-5078-1_12.

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Latianingsih, Nining, Iis Mariam, Christina L. Rudatin, Petrus Usmanij, and Vanessa Ratten. "Aligning Strategic MSME Entrepreneurship to Local Government Policy: A Case Study of a Tourism Village in Bogor Indonesia." In Contributions to Management Science, 21–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-87112-3_3.

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Hardon, Anita. "Chemical Highs." In Critical Studies in Risk and Uncertainty, 43–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57081-1_2.

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Abstract Chemical Highs looks at how young people themselves develop and share with their peers a multitude of ways to maximize the pleasures and minimize the risks involved in getting high, an empowering practice that we refer to as “harm reduction from below.” Ethnographies from the Amsterdam festival and afterparty scene illuminate two patterns: young people’s efforts to creatively self-regulate to achieve “hassle-free highs,” and the potentially positive role of government policy. This context is contrasted with that of youth in Indonesia, who also seek out hassle-free highs with their peers, but live under a government that is waging a deadly war against drugs, where they have little access to harm reduction information and tools. Our team discovered that Indonesian youth are turning to psychoactive prescription drugs (PPDs) to get high, which they consider safer than illicit drugs that can lead to the death penalty, but which are also highly addictive.

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Barker, Thomas. "Friction: Society, Censorship, and Government Policy." In Indonesian Cinema after the New Order, 182–207. Hong Kong University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888528073.003.0008.

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Overcoming the regulatory and institutional legacy of the New Order regime has been one of the main ambitions of reformasi. In the film industry, such reform took a back seat to practical efforts film making, resulting in a protracted struggle by filmmakers against censorship and the state agencies responsible for overseeing the film industry. Efforts culminated in the Masyarakat Film Indonesia (MFI) movement which protested the lack of professionalism by returning their Citra Awards before launching a legal challenge to the constitutionality of the Censorship Board in the Constitutional Court. Failing in their bid to abolish censorship, the case precipitated the legislation of a new film law and with it a plethora of new regulations that are adding additional regulatory burdens to filmmakers. In particular, the formation of new representative film bodies complicates the film industry, raising spectres of a return to state over-regulation.

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Yusoff, Abdul Karim Mohamed. "Sustainable Innovation Management in Indonesia." In Advances in Business Strategy and Competitive Advantage, 73–105. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-4195-1.ch005.

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Indonesia's National Innovation Policy requires consistent support from the private sector participation to raise its knowledge-based economic growth and become one of the top 15 powerful countries in the world by 2045, as declared by the Presidential decree. The low participation rate of private industries in R&D activities is a cause for concern for the government, as an effort to improve the country's social and economic performance must be a shared responsibility. This chapter looks into how the private sector participation in innovative effort plays an essential role in improving the country's economic performance. The challenges that lie ahead in achieving the goals of National Innovation Policy rest with both the government and the private sector.

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Putra, Idhamsyah Eka, and Any Rufaedah. "Recognition, Apology, and Restoration of Indonesians' Past Maltreatments of People Labeled as Communists." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 243–55. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-3032-9.ch017.

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Using social psychological perspectives, this paper aims to (1) explore how communism was socially constructed in Indonesia and why communism attributes labeled to a person can lead to negative effects, such as social exclusions. (2) After that, it presents findings of our study explaining that reminding people that human is naturally good and kind can reduce the negative effects of the communism stigma. (3) This chapter also discusses issues of past maltreatments to people labeled as communists in Indonesia, and why asking the government to apologize on behalf of Indonesians has not succeeded so far – the government refuses to apologize. To this matter, it is argued that as a start, what can be done is apologizing to the victims of violence and injustice because of the communist party of Indonesia (PKI) stigma, and the offsprings who don't know the political turbulence. From here, it may be possible that the truth can slowly be revealed.

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Nurmandi, Achmad, and Mohammad Jafar Loilatu. "Model and Practice of Strategic Policy Process in Indonesia: Case Study in Indonesian Central Government." In New Innovations in Economics, Business and Management Vol. 6, 126–42. Book Publisher International (a part of SCIENCEDOMAIN International), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/bpi/niebm/v6/1615b.

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Alam, Meredian. "Young People as Transformative Citizens Fighting Climate Change." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 230–54. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3677-3.ch010.

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The government of Indonesia has launched environmental policies to address the risks of climate change at the national to local levels and involves all elements of development: economy and business, education, environment and forestry, and transportation. In fact, behavioral change is seen as unsustainable, particularly in people's everyday lives. As this problem emerges, Indonesian young people through youth-led environmental organizations hold environmental activities to alternatively introduce and educate communities and schools to recognize and identity climate change impacts. The author then presents two successful youth organizations: Greenpeace Youth Indonesia (GYI) and the Indonesian Students Climate Forum (ICSF). GYI's actions are more stirred with Greenpeace's ideology, which focuses on direct campaigns, protest, and young activist mobilization, while ICSF's repertoires for mitigating climate changes are more community schools-based educational outreach. Although both of them are distinct in nature, their works have been transformative and applicable.

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Bahar, Wahyuni, and Joseph Wira Koesnaidi. "How Ready Is Indonesia to Open Government Procurement à la TPP?" In Megaregulation Contested, 441–58. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198825296.003.0019.

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Government procurement is an important area of economic regulation in every nation, and free trade and comprehensive economic agreements are becoming central venues for adopting procurement standards. Based on arguments for efficient government spending on goods and services, opening commercial opportunities for local firms abroad, and larger concerns of social protection and policy pursued through procurement decisions, countries like Indonesia now need to consider whether they are ready to go down this path. This chapter analyzes in some detail the requirements of the World Trade Organization (WTO)’s Government Procurement Agreement and similar provisions of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to assess which reforms, and political choices, Indonesia would need to make to bring its current system into compliance with these international norms. It argues that the costs, benefits, and challenges must be carefully weighed and counsels for a cautious and phased-in opening.

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Conference papers on the topic "Prostitution Government policy Indonesia"

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Suzanalisa, Suzanalisa. "The Policy Of Criminal Law In Eradicating Online Prostitution In Indonesia." In ILC 2017 - 9th UUM International Legal Conference. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.12.03.13.

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Engkus. "Digital-Era Government (DEG): Policy Analysis in Government West Bandung Regency, Indonesia." In 2nd Annual Conference on blended learning, educational technology and Innovation (ACBLETI 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210615.001.

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Muryati, Dewi, and Dharu Triasih. "Government Policy on Water Resources Management." In Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Indonesian Legal Studies, ICILS 2020, July 1st 2020, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.1-7-2020.2303617.

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Sukarso and Niken Paramarti Dasuki. "qThird Partiesq and Empowerment Policy in Local Government of Indonesia." In 2016 International Conference on Public Management. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpm-16.2016.110.

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Kumalasari, A., D. Suharto, and R. Haryanti. "Elitism in Policy Planning on Village Government." In Proceedings of 1st Workshop on Environmental Science, Society, and Technology, WESTECH 2018, December 8th, 2018, Medan, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.8-12-2018.2283831.

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Sufa, Siska, Atalia Praratya, Suwandi Sumartias, and Jamilah Ahmad. "Empowering Residents of The Former Dolly's Prostitution Localization as an Effort of Government Economic Responsibility of Surabaya City." In Proceedings of the 1st Padjadjaran Communication Conference Series, PCCS 2019, 9 October 2019, Bandung, West Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.9-10-2019.2291101.

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Manurung, Lisman, and Fikri Akbarsyah Anza. "Development of E-government through Public-Private Partnerships in Indonesia." In 1st International Conference on Administrative Science, Policy and Governance Studies (ICAS-PGS 2017) and the 2nd International Conference on Business Administration and Policy (ICBAP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icaspgs-icbap-17.2017.2.

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Ningsih, Suria, Erna Herlinda, and Agusmidah Agusmidah. "Government Policy on Legal Protection of Household Workers." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Education, Humanities, Health and Agriculture, ICEHHA 2021, 3-4 June 2021, Ruteng, Flores, Indonesia. EAI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.3-6-2021.2310826.

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Batara, Enrique B. "Adopting Organizational Structuring for ICT-enabled Government Transformation: Perspectives of City Government Employees in Indonesia and the Philippines." In 1st International Conference on Administrative Science, Policy and Governance Studies (ICAS-PGS 2017) and the 2nd International Conference on Business Administration and Policy (ICBAP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icaspgs-icbap-17.2017.37.

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Baharuddin, Tawakkal, Hasse Jubba, Achmad Nurmandi, and Zuly Qodir. "Online Social Trust in Government: Analysis of Government Policy During the Covid-19 Pandemic." In Proceedings of the First International Conference on Democracy and Social Transformation, ICON-DEMOST 2021, September 15, 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.15-9-2021.2315575.

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Reports on the topic "Prostitution Government policy Indonesia"

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Diprose, Rachael, Primatia Wulandari, Elena Williams, and Levriana Yustriani. Bureaucratic Reform in Indonesia: Policy Analyst Experiences. University of Melbourne with Knowledge Sector Initiative (KSI), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46580/124364.

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In recent years, Indonesia has introduced reforms to its bureaucracy in response to critiques of the quality of government policy design and delivery. The Grand Design of Bureaucratic Reform strategy seeks to reduce the number of civil servants employed in administrative or managerial positions (structural appointments) in favour of skills-based recruitment into ‘functional’ positions. Specifically, the introduction of the ‘policy analyst’ position as a functional position in the civil service has sought to improve evidence-based policy making and the quality of policy outcomes, by incorporating merit-based recruitment, appointment and promotion. The role of functional policy analysts (Jabatan Fungsional Analis Kebijakan or JFAKs) is to assist policy makers in identifying policy issues, analyse evidence available on these issues, and ultimately make policy recommendations. This report overviews the recent experiences of different policy analyst cohorts since the role’s creation in 2015. It investigates these experiences to better understand the extent to which policy analysts are playing the role intended for them, and the factors enabling or inhibiting this.

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Yusgiantoro, Filda Citra, Massita Ayu Cindy, and Diwangkara Bagus Nugraha. Evaluating the New Regulated Gas Pricing Policy for Industrial Customers in Indonesia. Purnomo Yusgiantoro Center, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33116/br.001.

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The objective of the GoI to regulate an affordable natural gas price through MEMR Regulation No. 8/2020 undoubtedly benefit the industrial sector. However, the regulation should be carefully implemented and monitored to prevent revenue loss in the natural gas business entities and avoid underperforming gas users/industries. The study finds three main issues in implementing the new regulated natural gas price. First, the compensation limit for the upstream natural gas entities is problematic for KKKS, whose annual loss is higher than the annual government take. Second, a detailed incentive mechanism for natural gas transmission and distribution companies is unavailable. And third, the evaluation scheme on the industry’s performance remains unclear.

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Bano, Masooda, and Daniel Dyonisius. Community-Responsive Education Policies and the Question of Optimality: Decentralisation and District-Level Variation in Policy Adoption and Implementation in Indonesia. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/108.

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Decentralisation, or devolving authority to the third tier of government to prioritise specific policy reforms and manage their implementation, is argued to lead to pro-poor development for a number of reasons: local bureaucrats can better gauge the local needs, be responsive to community demands, and, due to physical proximity, can be more easily held accountable by community members. In the education sector, devolving authority to district government has thus been seen as critical to introducing reforms aimed at increasing access and improving learning outcomes. Based on fieldwork with district-level education bureaucracies, schools, and communities in two districts in the state of West Java in Indonesia, this article shows that decentralisation has indeed led to community-responsive policy-development in Indonesia. The district-level education bureaucracies in both districts did appear to prioritise community preferences when choosing to prioritise specific educational reforms from among many introduced by the national government. However, the optimality of these preferences could be questioned. The prioritised policies are reflective of cultural and religious values or immediate employment considerations of the communities in the two districts, rather than being explicitly focused on improving learning outcomes: the urban district prioritised degree completion, while the rural district prioritised moral education. These preferences might appear sub-optimal if the preference is for education bureaucracies to focus directly on improving literacy and numeracy outcomes. Yet, taking into account the socio-economic context of each district, it becomes easy to see the logic dictating these preferences: the communities and the district government officials are consciously prioritising those education policies for which they foresee direct payoffs. Since improving learning outcomes requires long-term commitment, it appears rational to focus on policies promising more immediate gains, especially when they aim, indirectly and implicitly, to improve actual learning outcomes. Thus, more effective community mobilisation campaigns can be developed if the donor agencies funding them recognise that it is not necessarily the lack of information but the nature of the local incentive structures that shapes communities’ expectations of education. Overall, decentralisation is leading to more context-specific educational policy prioritisation in Indonesia, resulting in the possibility of significant district-level variation in outcomes. Further, looking at the school-level variation in each district, the paper shows that public schools ranked as high performing had students from more privileged socio-economic backgrounds and were catering for communities that had more financial resources to support activities in the school, compared with schools ranked as low performing. Thus, there is a gap to bridge within public schools and not just between public and private schools.

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Barjum, Daniel. PDIA for Systems Change: Tackling the Learning Crisis in Indonesia. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-ri_2022/046.

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Indonesia is facing a learning crisis. While schooling has increased dramatically in the last 30 years, the quality of education has remained mediocre (Rosser et al., 2022). Teacher capability is an often cited weakness of the system, along with policies and system governance. Approaches focused primarily on adding resources to education have not yielded expected outcomes of increased quality. “It is a tragedy that in the second decade of the twenty-first century, some children in Indonesia are not completing primary school and are turned out into the workforce as functional illiterates.” (Suryadarma and Jones, 2013; Nihayah et al., 2020). In the early 2000s, Indonesia began a process of decentralising service delivery, including education, to the district level. Many responsibilities were transferred from the central government to districts, but some key authorities, such as hiring of civil service teachers, remained with the central government. The Indonesian system is complex and challenging to manage, with more than 300 ethnic groups and networks of authority spread over more than 500 administrative districts (Suryadarma and Jones, 2013). Niken Rarasati and Daniel Suryadarma researchers at SMERU, an Indonesian think tank and NGO, understood this context well. Their prior experience working in the education sector had shown them that improving the quality of education within the classroom required addressing issues at the systems level (Kleden, 2020). Rarasati noted the difference in knowledge between in-classroom teaching and the systems of education: “There are known-technologies, pedagogical theories, practices, etc. for teaching in the classroom. The context [for systems of education] is different for teacher development, recruitment, and student enrollment. Here, there is less known in the public and education sector.” Looking for ways to bring changes to policy implementation and develop capabilities at the district level, SMERU researchers began to apply a new approach they had learned in a free online course offered by the Building State Capability programme at the Center for International Development at Harvard University titled, “The Practice of PDIA: Building Capability by Delivering Results”. The course offered insights on how to implement public policy in complex settings, focused on using Problem Driven Iterative Adaptation (PDIA). The researchers were interested in putting PDIA into practice and seeing if it could be an effective approach for their colleagues in government. This case study reviews Rarasati and Suryadarma’s journey and showcases how they used PDIA to foster relationships between local government and stakeholders, and bring positive changes to the education sector.

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Hertz, Jana C., Derick W. Brinkerhoff, Robin Bush, and Petrarca Karetji. Knowledge Systems: Evidence to Policy Concepts in Practice. RTI Press, June 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3768/rtipress.2020.pb.0024.2006.

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This policy brief reviews the evolution of knowledge-to-policy studies and the emergence of systems perspectives. We explore the less well understood issue of how to grow and reinforce knowledge systems in settings where they are weak and underdeveloped. We offer a knowledge systems model that encapsulates current thinking and present an example of an effort to strengthen a knowledge system, drawn from a project managed by RTI in Indonesia. We conclude with some recommendations for strengthening knowledge systems including promoting debate among a diversity of voices within the knowledge system, providing sustained stakeholder commitment to the systems approach, investing in the components of the knowledge system as well as the interaction between components, fostering a balance between government mechanisms and space for civil society perspectives, and exploring how knowledge systems can engage the private sector. We conclude with suggestions for applying the knowledge systems model in new country contexts including use of a political economy analysis as well as gauging readiness of government actors, research institutes, and media to engage.

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Bano, Masooda, and Daniel Dyonisius. The Role of District-Level Political Elites in Education Planning in Indonesia: Evidence from Two Districts. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/109.

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Focus on decentralisation as a way to improve service delivery has led to significant research on the processes of education-policy adoption and implementation at the district level. Much of this research has, however, focused on understanding the working of the district education bureaucracies and the impact of increased community participation on holding teachers to account. Despite recognition of the role of political elites in prioritising investment in education, studies examining this, especially at the district-government level, are rare. This paper explores the extent and nature of engagement of political elites in setting the education-reform agenda in two districts in the state of West Java in Indonesia: Karawang (urban district) and Purwakarta (rural district). The paper shows that for a country where the state schooling system faces a serious learning crisis, the district-level political elites do show considerable levels of engagement with education issues: governments in both districts under study allocate higher percentages of the district-government budget to education than mandated by the national legislation. However, the attitude of the political elites towards meeting challenges to the provision of good-quality education appears to be opportunistic and tokenistic: policies prioritised are those that promise immediate visibility and credit-taking, help to consolidate the authority of the bupati (the top political position in the district-government hierarchy), and align with the ruling party’s political positioning or ideology. A desire to appease growing community demand for investment in education rather than a commitment to improving learning outcomes seems to guide the process. Faced with public pressure for increased access to formal employment opportunities, the political elites in the urban district have invested in providing scholarships for secondary-school students to ensure secondary school completion, even though the district-government budget is meant for primary and junior secondary schools. The bupati in the rural district, has, on the other hand, prioritised investment in moral education; such prioritisation is in line with the community's preferences, but it is also opportunistic, as increased respect for tradition also preserves reverence for the post of the bupati—a position which was part of the traditional governance system before being absorbed into the modern democratic framework. The paper thus shows that decentralisation is enabling communities to make political elites recognise that they want the state to prioritise education, but that the response of the political elites remains piecemeal, with no evidence of a serious commitment to pursuing policies aimed at improving learning outcomes. Further, the paper shows that the political culture at the district level reproduces the problems associated with Indonesian democracy at the national level: the need for cross-party alliances to hold political office, and resulting pressure to share the spoils. Thus, based on the evidence from the two districts studied for this paper, we find that given the competitive and clientelist nature of political settlements in Indonesia, even the district level political elite do not seem pressured to prioritise policies aimed at improving learning outcomes.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.

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Sumpter, Cameron, and Yuslikha K. Wardhani. Hopes and Hurdles for Indonesia’s National Action Plan to Prevent Violent Extremism. RESOLVE Network, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2022.2.sea.

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This policy note outlines the key details of Indonesia’s National Action Plan for P/CVE before discussing the evident challenges and opportunities moving forward. The ambitious strategy (known by its Indonesian acronym, RAN PE) could decentralize P/CVE programming in Indonesia, facilitate the formalization of working relationships between civil society organizations and local government authorities, mainstream gender perspectives, and streamline activities to improve targeting and avoid overlap. But constructive outcomes will depend on overcoming thorny obstacles, such as coordinating the varied interests, motivations, and capacities of the many stakeholders involved, and allaying concerns over applicable definitions that some perceive as overly broad and possibly divisive.

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