Academic literature on the topic 'Prosopography – Egypt'

In this introduction to the large, unwieldy, and complex topic of Islamic historiography,the author has limited himself to historical works written inArabic, primarily in the central Islamic lands, before 1500. This choice canbe justified in that the field’s formative works written early on in Iraq, Iran,Egypt, and Syria and all in Arabic, served as models for historians writinglater on in peripheral regions and in other languages. Nevertheless, it is a bowto convenience and necessity, given the vast amount of material involved. Asa result, the Arabic historiography of North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, andother peripheral regions are largely ignored, as are the Turkish histories of theOttoman Empire and the Persian histories of Iran, Central Asia, and India.Within these admitted and understandable limitations, the book provides anexcellent thematic overview, while, at the same time, introducing the readerto some of the Islamic world’s most fascinating histories and historians.This book is divided into three parts, including ten chapters and aconclusion. A glossary, five plates of manuscript folios, three maps, twochronologies of prominent historians, and suggestions for further readingcontribute to making this a useful and accessible text.In part 1, chapters 1-4, Robinson presents a tripartite typology of historicalworks: chronography, biography, and prosopography. These are idealtypes, which serve as broad categories within which to classify a huge bodyof texts. Chronography refers to annals, works organized into year-by-yearsections; biography refers to texts that treat the lives of famous or exemplaryindividuals; and prosopography refers primarily to biographical dictionaries,works in which biographical notices are devoted to large numbers of individualswho all belonged to a particular scholarly or professional group. Allof these types of historical works, Robinson writes, had emerged by theninth century and were consolidated by the early tenth century. The end ofthis formative period was characterized by large synthetic works, such asAbu Ja`far al-Tabari’s History of Messengers and Kings. In part because ofsuch works, many earlier historical monographs, including the works ofsuch historians as Abu Mikhnaf and al-Mada’ini, were abandoned by the traditionas unnecessary ...

Объектом изучения стал травертиновый блок с билингвой на латинском и греческом языках, высеченной от имени понтийского царя Митридата IV Филопатора Филадельфа. Артефакт мог быть фрагментом монумента II—I вв. до н. э., располагавшегося близ храма Юпитера Капитолийского в Риме. Примечательно то, что в надписи упомянуты царские послы: Найман, сын Наймана и Махес, сын Махеса. На основании изучения священных текстов и мифологии, можно полагать, что первый происходил из Иудеи, а второй был выходцем из Египта. Понтийский царь отправил их в посольство для информирования о своих контактах с Хасмонеями и с автохтонной элитой государства Птолемеев, и это должно было поднять его авторитет в глазах Сената и римского народа. The interest of the research was focused on a travertine block with a bilingual inscription in Latin and Greek carved on behalf of Mithridates IV Philopator Philadelphus, a ruler of the Kingdom of Pontus. The artifact could be a fragment of a monument of the 2nd — 1st cc. BCE located near the Temple of Capitoline Jupiter in Rome. It is noteworthy that the royal ambassadors are mentioned in the inscription: Naiman, son of Naaman and Mahes, son of Mahes. Judging by the results of the study of sacred texts and mythology, the first of them came from Judea, and the second was a native of Egypt. The reason why the Pontic king has sent the embassy was that he intended to inform the Senate and the people of Rome about his contacts with the Hasmoneans as well as with the autochthonous elite in the Ptolemaic state and thereby increase his authority.

The published monograph of the outstanding Russian egyptologist E.S. Bogoslovsky (1941-1990) is of significant interest for two reasons: firstly, many of the ancient Egyptian monuments published here in the second half of the II millennium BC have not yet been published; secondly, it is extremely rare for Russian Egyptology to be the most detailed a prosopographic study based on the study of sources originating from the settlement of builders of royal tombs in Deir el-Medina, which is significant for the socio-economic history of ancient Egypt.

Abstract The correct order of the first two kings of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty has been the subject of a growing debate since Michael Bányai proposed a revision of the traditional chronological model in 2013. By placing Shabataka1 before Shabaka Bányai challenged the commonly accepted view according to which it was Shabaka who established the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty and secured Kushite control over all of Egypt after having re-conquered the North and disposed of his adversary Bocchoris of the Twenty-Fourth Dynasty. Since then Bányai’s proposal of modifying the sequence of the Kushite kings, thus making Shabataka Bocchoris’ opponent, has received a growing number of supporters who have brought forward additional arguments in favour of it. The present article introduces new arguments based on a careful analysis of prosopographic, archaeological, and epigraphic data from the Eastern Desert and Thebes—especially relating to the Kushite Nile Level Records at Karnak—which provide the strongest evidence for the sequence “Shabaka—Shabataka” hitherto adduced.

Les recherches récentes sur la XIIIe dynastie ont abordé séparément les questions chronologiques et politiques d’une part, et celles traitant de l’administration et de la société d’autre part, le résultat étant une vision fragmentée de l’Histoire de cette époque. Il est donc apparu nécessaire d’élaborer une synthèse historique sur la XIIIe dynastie qui réunit ces différentes problématiques. L’originalité de notre travail consiste en une approche globale de la documentation de la période, fondée sur l’étude croisée des sources historiques et archéologiques, royales ou privées, sans les opposer ni en privilégier plutôt l’une que l’autre. Cette entreprise est d’autant plus nécessaire que la XIIIe dynastie n’a été étudiée jusqu’à présent que dans le cadre d’études globales sur le Moyen Empire ou la Deuxième Période Intermédiaire. Elle n’y occupe pas forcément une place très importante et elle y est souvent l’objet d’opinions peu flatteuses. Notre thèse est divisée en quatre chapitres. Les deux premiers sont consacrés à la datation, à l’identification et à l’étude du milieu social des principaux acteurs de la XIIIe dynastie que sont les rois et l’élite de l’administration et du clergé. Les deux derniers traitent de questions politiques, qu’elles soient architecturales, religieuses, économiques ou diplomatiques. Dans le premier chapitre, les limites de la XIIIe dynastie sont fixées, ses souverains identifiés et la famille royale étudiée. Le deuxième est dévolu à l’examen de l’administration et de la société de cette époque et s’articule autour de l’étude prosopographique des élites. L’activité constructrice et les développements religieux de la XIIIe dynastie au sein du territoire traditionnel de l’Egypte sont abordés dans le troisième. Le dernier chapitre traite en partie de thèmes abordés dans les deux précédents, mais dans un contexte géographique différent, celui des marges de l’Egypte et des territoires nouvellement annexés en Basse Nubie et au Levant. Les questions de politiques extérieures y sont également étudiées. Les résultats auxquels nous sommes parvenus contribuent à changer la vision traditionnelle de la XIIIe dynastie, la grande oubliée du Moyen Empire, tant sur les plans politiques, économiques que sociaux
In recent times, the 13th Dynasty has been approached either from a chronological and political perspective or from an administrative and social standpoint. The result is an incomplete view of the History of that period. The need to touch on those different issues in a single historical study quickly arose. Our work is unique in the sense that it tackles the problems of this period in a global way, based upon a crossover study of the historical and archaeological sources, may they be royal or private, without opposing them or favouring one or the other. This attempt at an overview is all the more necessary that the 13th Dynasty has always been examined within general studies on the Middle Kingdom or the Second Intermediate Period but never in its own right. Thereby, it is often looked upon in a superficial manner and poorly considered. Our thesis is split in four chapters. The first two are devoted to the dating, identification and social study of the main protagonists of the 13th Dynasty, which are its kings, high officials and higher priests. The last two deal with political issues, whether architectural, religious, economical or diplomatic. In the first chapter, once the frame of the 13th Dynasty is ascertained and its kings identified, the royal family is examined. The second one is devoted to the administration and the society of that time through a prosopographical study of its elites. We look into the royal work projects and religious developments of the 13th Dynasty inside the traditional borders of Egypt in the third chapter. The last one covers in part some of the issues dealt with in the previous two chapters, but within a different geographical context, that of the edges of Egypt and its newly annexed territories in Lower Nubia and in the Levant. Foreign policies are also considered in this final chapter. The results attained in our thesis contribute to change the traditional view of the political, economical and social aspects of the often overlooked Dynasty of the Middle Kingdom, the 13th one

L’administration des cultes provinciaux en Égypte ancienne recouvrait un certain nombre d’enjeux dépassant très largement le cadre de la théologie. En effet, les temples étaient des centres économiques régionaux en raison notamment de l’étendue territoriale de leurs propriétés foncières. Ainsi le directeur du culte, le grand prêtre, administrait-il un vaste domaine au-delà du seul temenos sacré, en plus d’être responsable des liturgies. Dans ce contexte, les grands prêtres du Nouvel Empire (1539-1077 av. J.-C.) faisaient partie des personnages les plus puissants du royaume. Parmi eux, le premier prophète d’Amon à Thèbes est rapidement devenu un représentant incontournable de l’État tant la richesse et la puissance de son culte se sont développées tout au long de la période. Cette toute-puissance eut pour conséquence, dès la fin du Nouvel Empire, l’annexion du sud de la Haute-Égypte.Malgré la prédominance du temple d’Amon, d’autres cultes ont continué à prospérer en province, notamment en raison de leur importance économique et géostratégique. L’objectif de cette thèse est de mettre en évidence les mécanismes sociaux qui ont permis à leurs administrateurs de se hisser et de se maintenir dans les plus hautes sphères de l’État pharaonique. À l’inverse, il s’agit aussi de comprendre comment la monarchie s’est appuyée sur ces potentats locaux pour garantir son autorité sur l’ensemble de la Vallée du Nil.L’anthropologie de la parenté contribue à déterminer les vecteurs de la conservation du pouvoir, comme les transmissions de charges sacerdotales ou le mariage. Mais elle permet également de remettre en perspective la réalité des liens de parenté mentionnés dans les sources à disposition. Il s’impose que ces liens revêtent divers degrés de compréhension qu’il n’est pas toujours possible de déterminer précisément, avec pour conséquence une inévitable incohérence dans la reconstruction des généalogies. Cependant, à l’aide de la Social Network Analysis, une discipline sociologique visant à l’étude des réseaux relationnels, on peut en partie gommer la contrainte induite par l’incapacité à déterminer la nature précise des liens. Cette discipline permet également de mettre en évidence l’importance de certains individus au sein de ces réseaux, par le biais de calculs mathématiques.À partir de l’étude particulière d’un certain nombre de cas, sélectionnés tout au long de la période, il paraît possible de faire la lumière sur les stratégies mises en place par la monarchie pour s’attacher la fidélité de cette élite sacerdotale, avec plus ou moins de succès. On peut également dessiner les contours de l’évolution de ces réseaux relationnels de prêtres, avec comme point de mire l’expansion territoriale et économique de leur pouvoir. Il s’agira aussi de comprendre l’importance particulière de certains temples de Haute-Égypte qui émergent régulièrement de la documentation
In Ancient Egypt, the administration of provincial worships exceeded the theological frame. Temples were economical regional centres due to the importance of their properties. In this way, besides being responsible for the liturgy, high priests had to administer a large land beyond the sacred temenos. In this context, of the New Kingdom’s ones (1539-1077 B.C.) were among the State’s most powerful dignitaries. Among them, the first prophet of Amun in Thebes soon became an inescapable representative of the State, for his worship's power and wealth continuously increased during the whole period. This omnipotence consequently led to the seizing of Upper Egypt as early as the end of the New Kingdom. In spite of the predominance of Amun’s temple, other provincial worships continued to prosper due to their economic and geostrategic importance. This thesis goal is to bring to light the social mechanisms which allowed their administrators to advance and remain in the highest spheres of the Pharaonic state, and to understand in which ways the monarchy relied on these local potentates in order to guarantee their authority on the Nile Valley. The kinship anthropology contributes to determining the vectors for keeping the power, such as marriage or the transmission of sacerdotal charges. But it also permits to put into perspective the reality of family relationships mentioned in the available sources. As a matter of fact, it appears that it is not always possible to precisely determine those links, which consequently limits the reconstitution of genealogies. However, the Social Network Analysis – a sociological discipline which studies social ties – allows to improve the understanding of family links. It also permits to bring to light the importance of some of these characters among those networks by the means of calculations. From the study of a number of cases chosen from the whole period, it seems possible to enlighten the monarchy’s strategies to grant itself the fidelity of this sacerdotal elite, with more or less success. The evolution of the priests social networks, as long as the expansion of their properties and power, can also be sketched. At last, the aim is also to understand the peculiar importance of certain temples of Upper Egypt, which regularly emerge from the documentation

Le mot « harem » renvoie immanquablement à un imaginaire orientaliste construit autour du sérail turc. Le « harem » dans l’Égypte ancienne appelait donc à une redéfinition en s’appuyant sur les attestations connues de l’Ancien Empire jusqu’aux périodes tardives. Les deux expressions qui servent à le désigner, jpt nsw et pr xnty, permettent tout autant d’évoquer la communauté des femmes et des enfants qui y résident, le bâtiment qui les abrite que l’institution toute entière, privilège royal. À l’origine, le « harem » constitue des quartiers privés dans le palais du roi, puis peut au Nouvel Empire caractériser des « harems » séparés du lieu de résidence du pharaon, mais encore intégrés au complexe palatial, parallèlement à la création de « harems » en dehors du complexe palatial. Le « harem » connaît alors un essor considérable tant du point de vue architectural qu’institutionnel, sans doute en raison notamment de la mise en place de mariages diplomatiques avec les filles de souverains étrangers. C’est à cette époque, sous le règne de Thoutmosis III, qu’est bâti le « harem » de Mi-Our, situé à l’entrée sud de la dépression du Fayoum, qui regroupe les seuls vestiges conservés d’une telle structure architecturale, ainsi qu’une documentation inscrite et méritait donc une attention particulière. Nous nous sommes par ailleurs attachée à l’examen des habitants du « harem » ainsi qu’au personnel chargé de l’administrer. Ce dernier a fait l’objet d’une étude prosopographique exhaustive pour déterminer de quelle manière cette entité administrative était hiérarchisée, mais également dans le but de comprendre la microsociété que constituait une telle institution
The word "harem" invariably refers to an orientalist fantasy built around the Turkish harem. The "harem" in Ancient Egypt was then due for a redefinition based on the known attestations dating from the Old Kingdom to the Late Period. The two expressions used to designate it, jpt nsw and pr xnty, allow to evoke at the same time the community of women and children who live there, the building that houses them, as well as the institution as a whole, which is a royal privilege. Originally, the "harem" constitutes private quarters in the king’s palace; then during the New Kingdom, it can characterize "harems" separated from the pharaoh’s residence but still integrated into the palace complex, along with the creation of "harems" outside the palace complex. The "harem" then experienced a considerable growth both in terms of institution as well as of architecture, probably due in part to the setting up of diplomatic marriages with daughters of foreign rulers. It is under the reign of Thutmose III that was built the "harem" of Mi-wer, located at the southern entrance of the Fayyum depression. The fact that it includes the only remains of such an architectural structure as well as a written documentation therefore deserved a specific attention. We also examined the inhabitants of the "harem" and the employees who were in charge of its administration. These people are the subject of an exhaustive prosopographical study conducted to determine how this administrative unit was organized but also to understand the microsociety that was such an institution

Cette thèse a pour ambition de contribuer à la reconstitution de la géographie religieuse et de l'histoire des XVIIe et XVIIIe provinces de Haute-Égypte, provinces communément désignées par l'appellation « nome cynopolite » à partir de l'époque ptolémaïque. Fondée sur une analyse diachronique des sources épigraphiques égyptiennes issues des domaines sacré et profane, son principal objectif est de déterminer à quel moment ces deux provinces ont fusionné, mais aussi d'appréhender le rôle joué par Hardaï, la Cynopolis des Grecs, dans cette modification territoriale. L'examen de la toponymie et des traditions cultuelles locales associé à une étude prosopographique des individus ayant œuvré dans les XVIIe et XVIIIe provinces de Haute-Égypte permettent ainsi d'éclaircir ces faits afin de mieux retracer l'histoire mouvementée de cette région
This thesis aims to contribute to the reconstruction of the sacred geography and history of the XVIIth and XVIIIth provinces of Upper Egypt commonly referred to as « Cynopolite nome » from the Ptolemaic period. Based on a diachronic analysis of the Egyptian epigraphic sources from the sacred and profane realms, its main purpose is to determine when these two provinces have merged but also to understand the role played by Hardaï, the Greek Cynopolis, in this territorial change. The examination of toponymy and local religious traditions together with a prosopographical study of individual office-holders in the XVIIth and XVIIIth provinces of Upper Egypt enable us to clarify these facts in order to better trace the eventful history of this region

Streszczenie Pracy Praca skupia się na rodzinach kapłanów, którzy złączyli swoje życie ze świątynią Amona w Karnaku pomiędzy końcem Egiptu faraońskiego (30 dynastia) a początkiem okresu ptolemejskiego. Celem pracy było odtworzenie wzajemnych relacji rodzinnych w efekcie czego powstały wielopokoleniowe drzewa genealogiczne. Ten temat nie był do tej pory rozważany w szerszym kontekście. Do chwili obecnej uczeni skupieni byli na pojedynczych kapłanach niż na ich rodzinach, co powodował że nie nie było możliwe poznanie pełnego kontekstu funkcjonowania opisywanych osób. Rekonstrukcja relacji rodzinnych na bazie dostępnych przekazów historycznych (np. sarkofagi, stele, papirusy) oraz analiza ich obowiązków w świątyni sprawiło możliwym zebranie wszystkich dostępnych tytułów kapłańskich oraz administracyjnych. To również sprawia że możliwe było określenie, które z tytułów kapłańskich były popularne w konkretnych rodzinach. Ważnym elementem pracy była rekonstrukcja kontaktów kapłanów ze sferą administracyjną świątyni, szczególnie funkcją skryby jako kluczowego dla działalności świątyni. Pozwoliło to zbudować model zależność pomiędzy poszczególnymi urzędami w omawianym okresie, co do tej pory nie było w sferze zainteresowań badawczych. Dzięki temu możemy zobaczyć jaki status mieli poszczególni kapłani. Dzięki tym badaniom możliwe było odtworzenie tradycji rodzinnych polegających na przekazywaniu swoich funkcji swoim potomkom by utrzymać swoje wpływy na terenie temenosu Amona w Karnaku na przełomie 30 dynastii oraz wczesnego okresu ptolemejskiego. Summary of Dissertation The work focuses on the families of priests who have connected their lives to the temple of Amun in Karnak between the decline of Pharaonic Period (30th dynasty) and the beginning of the Ptolemaic Period. The purpose of the work was, inter alia, to recreate their mutual family relationships, resulting in multigenerational family trees. This issue has not yet been addressed on a larger scale in this context. Until now, scholars have focused on individual priests rather than on their entire families, which meant that the full context of the discussed figures was not visible. The reconstruction of family relations based on available historical accounts (e.g. sarcophagi, stele, papyri) and the analysis of their duties in the temple made it possible to collect all their priesthood and administrative titles. Therefore, it was also possible to indicate which priesthood titles were most popular in specific priesthood families. An important element of the work was also the reconstruction of contacts of these priests with the sphere of temple administration, especially the function of the scribe as the key aspects of the temple. It helped to build a model of dependencies between individual administrative offices, which until now was not the subject of interest of the researchers of this period. It causes that we can finally see how the individual priests were placed on the ladder of dependence in the temple administration. Thanks to all these research, it was possible to recreate the family traditions of priests relying on the transfer of key functions to their children and relatives in order to gain more influence in the priests' milieu at the temenos of Amun at Karnak at the turn of the 30th Dynasty and the early Ptolemaic Period.

Le mot « harem » renvoie immanquablement à un imaginaire orientaliste construit autour du sérail turc. Le « harem » dans l’Égypte ancienne appelait donc à une redéfinition en s’appuyant sur les attestations connues de l’Ancien Empire jusqu’aux périodes tardives. Les deux expressions qui servent à le désigner, jpt nsw et pr xnty, permettent tout autant d’évoquer la communauté des femmes et des enfants qui y résident, le bâtiment qui les abrite que l’institution toute entière, privilège royal. À l’origine, le « harem » constitue des quartiers privés dans le palais du roi, puis peut au Nouvel Empire caractériser des « harems » séparés du lieu de résidence du pharaon, mais encore intégrés au complexe palatial, parallèlement à la création de « harems » en dehors du complexe palatial. Le « harem » connaît alors un essor considérable tant du point de vue architectural qu’institutionnel, sans doute en raison notamment de la mise en place de mariages diplomatiques avec les filles de souverains étrangers. C’est à cette époque, sous le règne de Thoutmosis III, qu’est bâti le « harem » de Mi-Our, situé à l’entrée sud de la dépression du Fayoum, qui regroupe les seuls vestiges conservés d’une telle structure architecturale, ainsi qu’une documentation inscrite et méritait donc une attention particulière. Nous nous sommes par ailleurs attachée à l’examen des habitants du « harem » ainsi qu’au personnel chargé de l’administrer. Ce dernier a fait l’objet d’une étude prosopographique exhaustive pour déterminer de quelle manière cette entité administrative était hiérarchisée, mais également dans le but de comprendre la microsociété que constituait une telle institution
The word "harem" invariably refers to an orientalist fantasy built around the Turkish harem. The "harem" in Ancient Egypt was then due for a redefinition based on the known attestations dating from the Old Kingdom to the Late Period. The two expressions used to designate it, jpt nsw and pr xnty, allow to evoke at the same time the community of women and children who live there, the building that houses them, as well as the institution as a whole, which is a royal privilege. Originally, the "harem" constitutes private quarters in the king’s palace; then during the New Kingdom, it can characterize "harems" separated from the pharaoh’s residence but still integrated into the palace complex, along with the creation of "harems" outside the palace complex. The "harem" then experienced a considerable growth both in terms of institution as well as of architecture, probably due in part to the setting up of diplomatic marriages with daughters of foreign rulers. It is under the reign of Thutmose III that was built the "harem" of Mi-wer, located at the southern entrance of the Fayyum depression. The fact that it includes the only remains of such an architectural structure as well as a written documentation therefore deserved a specific attention. We also examined the inhabitants of the "harem" and the employees who were in charge of its administration. These people are the subject of an exhaustive prosopographical study conducted to determine how this administrative unit was organized but also to understand the microsociety that was such an institution

The present thesis deals with the reign of Nyuserre, one of great Old Kingdom rulers who ruled in the mid-Fifth Dynasty (2402-2374+25 BC). A transformation of whole society of ancient Egypt came to pass during his reign as a consequence of the events in the late Fourth and early Fifth Dynasties, when the highest posts in the administrative system had passed over from members of the royal family to dignitaries of non-royal origin. This fact had been reflected in whole society and started numerous rivulets of change, which merged in a single river in Nyuserre's reign. The gradual transformation of Egyptian society from a kingdom to a state took place during this crucial period, and a number of innovations came about in various spheres (religion, society, administration, tomb architecture, etc.), mirroring a change in the participation in power. This situation was reflected primarily in dignitaries' tombs dated to the given period, which became indicators of the transformation of society. The research is focused on an analysis more than 100 tombs of high-ranking individuals and their family members, and particularly of their titulary, offering formulae, false doors (the central point of the funerary cult), etc. The individual chapters of the present thesis exemplify the most noticeable changes in...

This chapter examines the series of dynastic changes and military invasions in Egypt from the end of the New Kingdom to the reunification of the country under the rule of the Saïte pharaohs. The main evidence available at present for the study of prosopography and administration throughout the Libyan and Kushite periods comes from the Theban region and this shows a remarkable continuity through the various upheavals during the Third Intermediate Period. In the changes of the Third Intermediate Period there are traditional and innovative depictions that reflect unusual political geography and these changes must also reflect the self-identity of Libyans and Kushites, and the reactions of the Egyptian elite to foreign rulers.

Administration produces documents. In that respect Roman administration does not differ from its modem counterparts. An identifying mark of Roman administration is the libellous, submitted to the emperor or to an official by a petitioner-even when the petitioner presents himself in person before the emperor, as so many embassies and legates of cities did. All appointments to senatorial and equestrian offices were made in written form, by codicilli, letters of appointment, although we can be sure that governors of the great military commands, if setting out from Rome (or from the emperor's place of residence at the time) received their commission personally and orally from the emperor. However, all this material, with some unique exceptions outside Egypt (and a few other localities in the Roman Near East), has vanished completely. To reconstruct the working of Roman administration from what has survived is difficult and only in part possible; if we persist against the odds in trying to do so, we are bound to stumble continuously against the limits of the available evidence and of our knowledge alike. This chapter discusses the administrators and prosopographical material; and the contested existence of rules governing patterns of promotion.