Relevant bibliographies by topics / Proportional representation – United States

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Academic literature on the topic 'Proportional representation – United States'

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Published: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Proportional representation – United States"

Volkomer, Walter E., and Douglas J. Amy. "Real Choices/New Voices: The Case for Proportional Representation in the United States." Political Science Quarterly 109, no. 2 (1994): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152648.

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Amy, Douglas J. "Proportional Representation and the Future of the American Party System." American Review of Politics 16 (January 1, 1996): 371–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.371-383.

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Few laws have had a more direct impact on American political parties than the requirement that elections be conducted in single-member districts, with the winner being the candidate with the plurality of the vote. This common electoral arrangement has played a significant role in determining the structure of the United States party system and in shaping the behavior of our parties. It is also an arrangement that has largely been taken for granted by most citizens and political scientists.

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Rae, Douglas W. "Using District Magnitude to Regulate Political Party Competition." Journal of Economic Perspectives 9, no. 1 (February 1, 1995): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.9.1.65.

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This is an essay about the use of districting systems to regulate electoral outcomes and the evolution of party systems. By changing the number of seats from each district, a balance can be struck between the often conflicting goals of minority representation and defractionalization. Defractionalization is the process of forming broad-based governing majorities. Special attention is given to the electoral systems of Italy, Spain, and the United States. In the case of the United States, the author recommends a proportional representation system that mixes high-magnitude districts that encourage minority representation and low-magnitude districts that promote defractionalization.

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Resnick, Ilyse, Nora Newcombe, and Micah Goldwater. "Reasoning about fraction and decimal magnitudes, reasoning proportionally, and mathematics achievement in Australia and the United States." Journal of Numerical Cognition 9, no. 1 (March 31, 2023): 222–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jnc.8249.

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There is strong evidence from research conducted in the United States that fraction magnitude understanding supports mathematics achievement. Unfortunately, there has been little research that examines if this relation is present across educational contexts with different approaches to teaching fractions. The current study compared fourth and sixth grade students from two countries which differ in their approach to teaching fractions: Australia and the United States. We gathered data on fraction and decimal magnitude understanding, proportional reasoning, and a standardized mathematics achievement test on whole number computation. Across both countries, reasoning about rational magnitude (either fraction or decimal) was predictive of whole number computation, supporting the central role of rational number learning. However, the precise relation varied, indicating that cross-national differences in rational number instruction can influence the nature of the relation between understanding fraction and decimal magnitude and mathematics achievement. The relation between proportional reasoning and whole number computation was fully mediated by rational magnitude understanding, suggesting that a key mechanism for how reasoning about rational magnitude supports mathematics achievement: proportional reasoning supports the development of an accurate spatial representation of magnitude that can be flexibly and proportionally scaled, which in turn supports children’s mathematics learning. Together, these findings support using measurement models and spatial scaling strategies when teaching fractions and decimals.

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Yoon, Jiso, and Amber E. Boydstun. "Dominating the news: government officials in front-page news coverage of policy issues in the United States and Korea." Journal of Public Policy 34, no. 2 (February 24, 2014): 207–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x14000051.

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AbstractWhat determines which political actors dominate a country’s news? Understanding the forces that shape political actors’ news coverage matters, because these actors can influence which problems and alternatives receive a nation’s public and policy attention. Across free-press nations, the degree of media attention actors receive is rarely proportional to their degree of participation in the policymaking process. Yet, the nature of this “mis”-representation varies by country. We argue that journalistic operating procedures – namely, journalists’ incentive-driven relationships with government officials – help explain cross-national variance in actors’ media representation relative to policymaking participation. We examine two free-press countries with dramatically different journalistic procedures: United States and Korea. For each, we compare actors’ policymaking participation to news coverage (using all 2008New York TimesandHankyoreh Dailyfront-page stories). Although exhibiting greater general discrepancy between actors’ policymaking and media representation, diverse actors are over-represented in United States news; in Korea, governmental actors are dominant.

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Park, See Hyun. "A Directly-Elected House of Lords: A Proposal for Reform." LSE Law Review 4 (June 1, 2019): 122–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.61315/lselr.35.

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This article proposes a possible reform of the House of Lords, namely to its composition and functions. By examining previous reform attempts as well as the current criticisms and issues facing the United Kingdom’s upper chamber, the article contends that the House of Lords is necessary due to the benefits of a bicameral legislature that it offers to the United Kingdom. The article provides arguments in favour of the implementation of direct elections and addresses criticisms of this scheme. Subsequently, this article argues in favour of a system of party-list proportional representation; it reviews other electoral systems, examines the merits of party-list proportional representation and offers successful examples of its current implementation by other states. Finally, the article offers a prediction of the overall effects on the relationship between the House of Commons and the House of Lords if direct elections are implemented.

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Guo, Lei, and Hong Tien Vu. "Media vs. reality." Agenda Setting Journal 2, no. 1 (March 29, 2018): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/asj.16020.guo.

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Abstract This study advances agenda-setting theory by applying it to understand the media influence on the public’s perception of health issues. The longitudinal analysis compared news indices, public opinion polls, and reality indicators in the United States from 2001 to 2010. The results show that news media, especially print media, did have some agenda-setting effects on the public’s health priorities. However, the coverage had little to do with reality and, ironically, the media representation of certain health issues showed an opposite trend to that of the reality indicators. These findings call into question the responsibility of journalists in providing a complete and proportional representation of health concerns.

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Dwyer, Alexander J., Lindsey Mortensen, Beverly R. Wuertz, and Frank G. Ondrey. "Abstract LB139: Disparities in oral precancerous lesion surveillance in the United States upper Midwest." Cancer Research 84, no. 7_Supplement (April 5, 2024): LB139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7445.am2024-lb139.

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Abstract Objective: To determine whether geographic representation and race of patients in a regional oral cancer surveillance program (University of Minnesota Cancer Active Surveillance Population (UMN CASP)) mirror characteristics in the corresponding National Cancer Institute (NCI) designated comprehensive cancer center catchment. Introduction: Oral cancer poses a significant public health concern that may be mitigated through lesion surveillance. Representation of patients for clinical trials throughout an NCI cancer center catchment area is a crucial goal to promote improved health outcomes. This study investigates the demographic landscape of patients with preneoplastic oral lesions seen at the CASP. Methods: Through the UMN Clinical and Translational Sciences Institute, we queried 30 International Classification of Disease (ICD) 9 and 10 codes corresponding to 120 unique mucosal oral precancerous lesion descriptors of CASP patients. Automated extraction of electronic medical record (EMR) data for 4,496 patients treated by the senior author between 2011 and 2023 identified 1,375 patients with preneoplastic lesions. The proportion of patients residing in three-digit zip code regions of Minnesota were compared to 2021 American Community Survey state population data. Additionally, race data were compared between CASP patients and the UMN Masonic Cancer Center (MCC) patient catchment data. Results: CASP patients were over-represented relative to state population distributions within the Minneapolis-St. Paul metropolitan area and surrounding suburbs (region 554 p<0.0001 and region 551 p<0.0001). Under-representation of CASP patients was observed in all western and southern border regions (regions 559 p<0.0001, 560 p<0.0001, 561 p<0.0001, 562 p=0.0037, 565 p<0.0001, and 567 p=0.0006) as well as portions of central (563 p<0.0001), northern (566 p=0.0015), and north-eastern (558 p<0.0001) Minnesota. Proportional representation was observed in several regions of central (553 and 564), eastern (550), and north-eastern (557 and 556) Minnesota. Comparisons of CASP race data revealed a higher proportion of black patients (CASP 8.59% [95% CI 7.17-10.27%] vs. MCC 7.16% [95% CI 7.14-7.17%]) and a lower proportion of Asian/Pacific Islander patients (CASP 3.74% [95% CI 2.82-4.94%] vs. MCC 5.32% [95% CI 5.30-5.34%]) relative to MCC catchment patients. White, American Indian/Alaskan Native, and mixed-race groups were proportionally represented in both data sets. Conclusions: These data show that system wide EMR searches can be implemented to identify patients in an NCI cancer center catchment area with precancerous or other at-risk conditions for cancer. Importantly, Native patients were proportionally represented in the screening program while several rural locations were under-represented. This information can instruct the expenditure of additional resources for under-represented groups and permit streamlined enrollment of patients for cancer prevention clinical trials. Citation Format: Alexander J. Dwyer, Lindsey Mortensen, Beverly R. Wuertz, Frank G. Ondrey. Disparities in oral precancerous lesion surveillance in the United States upper Midwest [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2024; Part 2 (Late-Breaking, Clinical Trial, and Invited Abstracts); 2024 Apr 5-10; San Diego, CA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2024;84(7_Suppl):Abstract nr LB139.

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Sueyoshi, Mark, Tiarrah Salvi-Jackson, Utkarsh Shukla, Damian Archer, and Kathryn Huber. "Examining disparities in cancer pain-specific clinical trials." Journal of Clinical Oncology 40, no. 16_suppl (June 1, 2022): e18513-e18513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2022.40.16_suppl.e18513.

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e18513 Background: Clinical trials overall have been found to lack proportional representation of minority patient populations. This limits their generalizability as well as progress towards equitable care. This work examines the racial representation of cancer pain related clinical trials in the United States. Methods: All trials with posted results that had started between 1999 to 2019 on ClinicalTrials.gov were examined, excluding trials that included sites that were not within the United States and trials without demographic results posted on ClinicalTrials.gov. We calculated enrollment fractions (EFs) for each group as defined by the Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) database cancer prevalence by race. Results: As of February 10, 2022 there were 340 trials on ClinicalTrials.gov which were categorized as “Cancer Pain” related. 84 of these studies had posted results. An additional 19 were excluded due to having non-US sites and 31 were excluded due to absence of demographic data, leaving at total of 34 studies for this evaluation (n = 2,767 patients). Examination of clinical trial enrollment was separated by decade (1999-2009 and 2010-2019), utilizing available SEER cancer prevalence by race data for 2009 (as a comparator for 1999-2009) and most recent available 2018 data (as a comparator for 2010-2019). Total enrolled patients in cancer-specific trials between 1999-2009 was 817; 85.1% white, 7.6% black/African American, 1.8% Asian/Pacific Islander. When compared to the SEER 2009 prevalence for all cancer, the EF was 97.5%, 91.6%, and 83% for white, black and Asian groups respectively. Between 2010-2019 there were 1950 enrolled patients, 85.6% white, 9.9% black/African American, 2.1% Asian/Pacific Islander. When compared to the SEER 2018 prevalence for all cancer, the EF was 101.2%, 102.1%, and 61.8% for white, black and Asian groups respectively. Conclusions: In the examination of racial representation within cancer pain-specific trials relative to all cancer prevalence between 1999-2009 and 2010-2019, there appears to be a slight increase in relative representation of white participants (+3.7%), and an even greater increase in representation of black/African American participants (+10.5%). Asian/Pacific Islanders had a notable drop in relative representation (-21.2%). This data is suggestive that minority representation in cancer-pain specific trials has become more representative with regards to black/African Americans. However, there is a large relative decrease in Asian/Pacific Islander representation in cancer pain-specific trials. Given the importance of cancer pain management, it is vital that we move toward equitable accrual to these clinical trials such that they that accurately reflect racial groups in the United States population.

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FIVA, JON H., and DANIEL M. SMITH. "Political Dynasties and the Incumbency Advantage in Party-Centered Environments." American Political Science Review 112, no. 3 (February 22, 2018): 706–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000047.

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A handful of recent studies have investigated the causal effect of incumbency on dynasty formation in candidate-centered electoral contexts. We use candidate-level data and a regression discontinuity design to estimate the incumbency advantage and its relation to dynasty formation in the party-centered, closed-list, proportional-representation setting of Norway. The results indicate that the incumbency advantage exists even in this party-centered environment; however, in contrast to recent findings for the United States and the Philippines, we find no evidence that incumbency is important to the formation of dynasties. This finding underscores the need for more research into the role of internal party organizational networks in the perpetuation of political dynasties.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Proportional representation – United States"

Yang, Victor. "Unleashing power : pathways to inclusion and representation in U.S. AIDS activist organisations : a comparative case study of political representation in the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5b51086e-cd00-4d92-b39a-2865219ea5a1.

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The thesis proposes a theory for the development of substantive representation among social movement organisations (SMOs). Substantive representation (SR) is the extent to which political institutions advance the policy interests of their constituents, in particular the most disenfranchised. Despite their noble proclamations, institutions of representative democracy often fail to advance the interests of groups who have been ignored and absent at the proverbial table. The thesis establishes a causal process to explain the divergence in SR outcomes among informal SMOs, or all-volunteer groups that disavow formal hierarchy in favour of egalitarian modes of decision-making. It utilises a case study of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP), an umbrella organisation dedicated to ending the HIV/AIDS crisis in the United States and worldwide. It explains an anomalous story of SR attainment through the ACT UP Philadelphia chapter, compared to sister groups in New York City and Boston. The analysis draws from 92 semi-structured interviews, 13 months of participant observation, periodical review, and archival databases. ACT UP Philadelphia translated common SMO intentions of inclusivity into the uncommon rituals of practice. It forged a deliberate pipeline to invest not only in the presence but also the power of disenfranchised people with HIV, people too dark and poor to interest counterpart groups in other cities. Through an analytic retelling of ACT UP's history, the thesis argues that the fulfilment of SR depends on the ability of SMOs to appeal to member self-interest. Critically, SMOs can offer material incentives and nurture feelings of debt and obligation: causal steps to recruitment and sustainability of a heterogeneous membership. In building a crucial if contentious core of dissimilar people and partnerships, SMOs can unleash an oft-unrealised power for collective action and SR, by and for disenfranchised peoples who had thought change to be impossible.

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Lewis, Joshua Reid Lewis Shannon FitzPatrick. "Gender representation trends and relations at the United States Naval Academy /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FLewis%5FJ.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Leadership and Human Resources Development)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Janice H. Laurence, Gail F. Thomas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-96). Also available online.

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Faber, Jennifer A. "HOLOCAUST MEMORY AND MUSEUMS IN THE UNITED STATES: PROBLEMS OF REPRESENTATION." Connect to this document online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1114120239.

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Lewis, Joshua R. Lewis Shannon FitzPatrick. "Gender representation trends and relations at the United States Naval Academy." access online version, LEAD access online version, DTIC (Note: may not work with Internet Explorer), 2005. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA435528.

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Lewis, Shannon FitzPatrick. "Gender representation trends and relations at the United States Naval Academy." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1721.

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This study employed quantitative and qualitative methods to examine gender trends and the quality of gender interactions at the United States Naval Academy (USNA). In addition to gender, midshipmen demographics, experiences, personality types, interests, and graduation outcomes were compared within and across gender for graduation years, 1980, 1985, 1990, 1995, 2000, and 2004. Representation of women has increased to the current high of around 16%. Further, the data revealed similarities and differences between men and women in terms of their non-gender characteristics. Women's SAT scores and Cumulative Quality Point Ratios (QPRs) are on par with the men's. Proportionally, women are more likely to be extroverts and varsity athletes than are men. Women are less likely to be technical majors. Women are being afforded leadership experiences to the same extent as men. Perceptions regarding gender relations and cohesion were assessed through focus groups conducted with 110 midshipmen. Although gender representation has increased, and the Administration is credited with improving the explicit climate, there does not yet exist a completely gender-neutral or women "friendly" climate. The preponderance of findings regarding gender interactions at the Naval Academy suggests that male midshipmen have yet to fully accept female midshipmen. The Naval Academy must continue to confront the subsurface issues and dynamics persisting amongst male and female midshipmen. Recommendations include making an institutional commitment to improving gender interactions and company cohesion, securing alumni cooperation, and involving midshipmen in improving the gender climate.

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Beverung, Meghan Elizabeth Williams Stephen L. "Evaluation of gender representation of museum collection positions in the United States." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5046.

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Martin, James Paul. "When repression and elitism are democratic : the 'Republican' theory of representation and its twilight /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Sandri, Sarah, and Sarah Sandri. "Performance, Politics, and Identity in African Dance Communities in the United States." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12328.

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This thesis investigates the representation of African dance in the United States, particularly through African dance classes and public performances. It chronicles the motivations that catalyze participation for students and instructors and studies the effects of practice on Americans' understanding of Africa as an imagined place. My findings are based on ethnographic field research in community dance classes and dance troupes in Eugene, Oregon and southern New Hampshire and Vermont from 2009-2012. The project details dance practices produced for the stage in West Africa that are reinterpreted and re-produced in American dance class settings and then subsequently retranslated for the stage by Americans. It illustrates how West African griot culture, economic realities, and audience demand influence transnational dance instruction and suggests alternative ways of understanding concepts of representation, agency, and authorship. Further, it explores how American dance students apply narratives about African dance they learn in class to forge new communities that provide fulfillment absent in their daily lives. Ultimately, the thesis demonstrates how intersections between personal and social histories and performance and performativity in African dance communities in the United States can both reaffirm and disrupt official discourses about race, ethnicity, and artistic expression.

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Paules, Marian Helen Boroujerdi Mehrzad. "United States relations with Iran: American identity, foreign policy, and the politics of representation." Related Electronic Resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Fox, Marion Blakely. "Minority differences in congressional representation : evidence from the U.S. House of Representatives /." Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Books on the topic "Proportional representation – United States"

Vincent, Gregory K. Proportional representation: A debate on the pitfalls of our electoral system. West Bridgford, Nottingham: Paupers' Press, 1994.

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Amy, Douglas J. Real choices/new voices: The case for proportional representation elections in the United States. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993.

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Hebert, J. Gerald. The realist's guide to redistricting: Avoiding the legal pitfalls. 2nd ed. Chicago, Ill: American Bar Association, Section of Administrative Law and Regulatory Practice, 2010.

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Hebert, J. Gerald. The realist's guide to redistricting: Avoiding the legal pitfalls. 2nd ed. Chicago, Ill: American Bar Association, Section of Administrative Law and Regulatory Practice, 2010.

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E, Vanderberg Martina, and American Bar Association. Section of Administrative Law and Regulatory Practice., eds. The realists' guide to redistricting. 2nd ed. Chicago, Ill: American Bar Association, 2010.

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Gerald, Hebert J., and American Bar Association. Section of Administrative Law and Regulatory Practice., eds. The realists' guide to redistricting: Avoiding the legal pitfalls. Chicago, Ill: American Bar Association, Section of Administrative Law and Regulatory Practice, 2000.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. Modern enforcement of the Voting Rights Act: Hearing before the Committee on the Judiciary, United States Senate, One Hundred Ninth Congress, second session, May 10, 2006. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2006.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on the Constitution. Voting Rights Act: The continuing need for section 5 : hearing before the Subcommittee on the Constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred Ninth Congress, first session, October 25, 2005. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2006.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on the Constitution. Voting Rights Act: An examination of the scope and criteria for coverage under the special provisions of the act : hearing before the Subcommittee on the Constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred Ninth Congress, first session, October 20, 2005. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2006.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on the Constitution. Voting Rights Act: Sections 6 and 8, the federal examiner and observer program : hearing before the Subcommittee on the Constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred Ninth Congress, first session, November 15, 2005. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Proportional representation – United States"

Richie, Rob, and Steven Hill. "This Time Let the Voters Decide: The Proportional Representation Movement in the United States." In Making Every Vote Count, edited by Henry Milner, 179–88. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442602717-019.

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Sprinkle, John H. "Visibility and Representation." In Heritage Conservation in the United States, 50–83. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003314790-3.

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Foster, Stephen, and Mike Evans. "Decolonizing Representation." In The Routledge Companion to Indigenous Art Histories in the United States and Canada, 275–83. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003014256-30.

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Rubinstein, Robert A. "Peacekeepers and Politics: Experience and Political Representation Among U.S. Military Officers." In Anthropology and the United States Military, 15–27. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403982179_2.

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Emigh, Rebecca Jean, Dylan Riley, and Patricia Ahmed. "Population Censuses for Legislative Representation in the United States." In Antecedents of Censuses from Medieval to Nation States, 145–72. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137485038_6.

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Svara, James H. "Representation and Governance: Redefining Roles for Large Council-Manager Cities in the United States." In Representation and Community in Western Democracies, 138–66. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230288065_8.

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Hebenstreit, Jörg. "From Democracy to Oligarchy? The Power of Property in the United States." In Mobilization, Representation, and Responsiveness in the American Democracy, 191–205. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24792-8_10.

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Frisch, Michael. "A Queer Reading of the United States Census." In The Life and Afterlife of Gay Neighborhoods, 61–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-66073-4_3.

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AbstractLGBTQ neighborhoods face change. Planning for these neighborhoods requires data about LGBTQ residential concentration. Some analysts have used US Census same-sex partner data to make judgments about LGBTQ neighborhoods. Two agency actions make this reliance problematic. The US Census was required to enforce the Defense of Marriage Act and reassigned some LGBTQ responses in a heteronormal way. The Census also assigned sex based upon patterns of names. These US Census actions of gay removal and sex assignment to datasets raise questions about the usefulness of the partner dataset. A queer reading of the census may give a better representation of neighborhood development and decline. Data are developed for four queer neighborhoods: the West Village in New York City, Center City Philadelphia, Midtown Atlanta, and Midtown Kansas City. The results show that queer attributes of these areas grew to about 1990. Some queer attributes may have declined some from their peak. The results raise questions about social surveys, the closet, and the direction of LBGTQ neighborhoods in the twenty-first century. LGBTQ displacement has occurred.

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Neely, Evan Robert. "William Cullen Bryant and the Semiology of Landscape Representation." In Political Economy, Race, and the Image of Nature in the United States, 1825–1878, 41–72. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032620817-3.

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Catalano, Theresa, and Jessica Mitchell-McCollough. "Chapter 10. Representation of unaccompanied migrant children from Central America in the United States." In Migration and Media, 239–62. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dapsac.81.11cat.

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Conference papers on the topic "Proportional representation – United States"

Kiedrowski, Brian, and Forrest Brown. "Continuous-Estimator Representation for Monte Carlo Criticality Diagnostics." In 2012 ANS Annual Meeting , Chicago, IL (United States), 24-28 Jun 2012. US DOE, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1044093.

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Pakšytė, Ieva, and Daiva Jurevičienė. "STUDY ON THE ELIGIBILITY OF VENTURE CAPITAL FUNDS IN THE UNITED STATES MARKET." In 12th International Scientific Conference „Business and Management 2022“. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bm.2022.778.

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Experience shows that 9 out of 10 start-ups and SMEs do not survive in the market and fail at an early stage. This study aims to fill a gap on how start-ups and SMEs are affected by venture capital fund investments, i.e., identifying the criteria for selecting a potentially best VCF, ensuring the success of the investment and reducing pos-sible bankruptcy risk. The object is VCFs in the United States. The data was used from a publicly available statistical database Crunchbase. Using the complex proportional assessment method CORPAS for evaluating and ranking VCF criteria and the cluster analysis – for identifying similarities between VCFs and dividing VCF into clusters, the inves-tigation determines the crucial criteria. The most important are: Years in business of VCF; The number of employees working for VCF; The fund’s marketing strategy. The study results can help further to develop an evaluation system of VCF eligibility criteria.

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"Perspectives on Historically Marginalized Doctoral Students in the United States and South Africa." In InSITE 2019: Informing Science + IT Education Conferences: Jerusalem. Informing Science Institute, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/4210.

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[This Proceedings paper was revised and published in the 2019 issue of the International Journal of Doctoral Studies, Volume 14] Aim/Purpose: This work expands discussions on the application of cultural frameworks on research in doctoral education in the United States and South Africa. There is an emphasis on identifying and reinterpreting the doctoral process where racial and cultural aspects have been marginalized by way of legacies of exclusions in both contexts. An underlying premise of this work is to support representation of marginalized students within the context of higher education internationalization. Background: Decades of reporting provide evidence of statistical portraits on degree attainment. Yet, some large-scale reporting does not include representation of historically marginalized groups until the 1970’s in the United States, and the 2000’s for South Africa. With the growth of internationalization in higher education, examination of the impact of marginalization serves to support representation of diversity-focused discussions in the development of regional international education organizations, multilateral networks, and cross-collaborative teaching and research projects. Methodology: Qualitative research synthesis of literature focused on a dimensional framework of diversity provides a basis for this discussion paper regarding the potential of Sankofa as a cultural framework for examining the historically marginalized doctoral experience in the United States and South Africa. Contribution: A major contribution of this work offers critical questions on the use of cultural frameworks in doctoral education in the US and South Africa and broader dynamics of higher education internationalization. Findings: Sankofa reveals critical insight for reinterpretation of the doctoral process through comparison of perspectives on the historically marginalized doctoral experience in the United States and South Africa. They include consideration of the social developments leading to the current predicament of marginalization for students; awareness of the different reporting strategies of data; implementation of cultural frameworks to broaden the focus on how to understand student experiences; and, an understanding of the differences in student-faculty relationships. Recommendations for Practitioners: Recommendations for practitioners highlight the application of cultural frameworks in the development and implementation of practical strategies in the support of historically marginalized doctoral students. Recommendations for Researchers: Recommendations for researchers consider the application of cultural frameworks in the development of scholarship supporting historically marginalized doctoral students within a global context. Impact on Society: Intended outcomes for this work include increasing awareness about historically marginalized doctoral students. Recommendations are focused on improving their academic and career experiences in the United States and South Africa with global implications for this student population. Future Research: Future research should consider the application of cultural frameworks when examining the historically marginalized doctoral experience within global, national, and local contexts.

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Portone, Teresa. "A stochastic operator model-form uncertainty representation of missing microstructural information." In Proposed for presentation at the AGU Fall Meeting 2022 held December 12-16, 2022 in Chicago, IL United States. US DOE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/2006212.

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Boeva-omelechko, N. B., and V. O. Pakus. "Contrasting Representation of the Economic Situation in the United States in the Election Discourse of B. Obama and D. Trump." In XI Международная научная конференция "Слово, высказывание, текст в когнитивном, прагматическом и культурологическом" аспектах. Издательство Челябинского государственного университета, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47475/9785727118047_28.

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Cahyaningtyas, Aldila, Ully D. Putri, Bayu Kristianto, and Irid Agoes. "Representation of Muslim Groups in the United States on the Houston Chronicle and LA Times during the 2016 Presidential Election." In Proceedings of 3rd International Conference on Strategic and Global Studies, ICSGS 2019, 6-7 November 2019, Sari Pacific, Jakarta, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.6-11-2019.2297304.

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Barbosa de Morais, Renan, Mário César San Felice, Pedro Henrique Del Bianco Hokama, and Gabriel Ávila Casalecchi. "O Problema do Poder Efetivo na Câmara dos Deputados." In Computer on the Beach. São José: Universidade do Vale do Itajaí, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/cotb.v12.p125-132.

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Proportionality in political representation is an essential theme forrepresentative democracy. In Brazil, this debate appears in the contextof non-proportionality between a federative unit’s populationsize and its number of representatives in the Chamber of Deputies.In other words, the number of deputies in a state is not proportionalto its number of inhabitants, which violates the "one man, one vote"principle.Discussions around this disproportionality have motivated scholarsto develop empirical research that aims to identify the causesand consequences of the phenomenon and to analyze the impactthat the rule introduces in the political process. This article seeksto contribute to this debate by measuring the effective power ofeach Brazilian federation’s entity and proposing alternatives ofdistribution for the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies.To this end, we use a mathematical concept from game theory,called Power Index, which allows quantifying the existing representationaldiscrepancies. After evaluating several distributions, wesolved the Inverse Power Index Problem (IPIP) to obtain a distributionof chairs that reduces such disparities. To solve the IPIP, whichis computationally hard, we use an evolutionary heuristic. As anobjective function to minimize the discrepancy, we use the linearShapley rule, in which the power index of each state is proportionalto its population.

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Hackett, Gregory. "Representation of Fossil Power Generation Technologies in NREL’s Annual Technology Baseline." In Conference Name: 2023 USAEE/IAEE North American Conference Location: Chicago, IL, United States Start Date: 11/6/2023 12:00:00 AM End Date: 11/8/2023 12:00:00 AM. US DOE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/2370396.

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Sun, Shipeng. "Redrawing electoral maps to curb gerrymandering: a case study of New York State in 2022." In CARMA 2023 - 5th International Conference on Advanced Research Methods and Analytics. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carma2023.2023.16481.

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The delineation of electoral district boundaries is a fundamental component of democratic practice in the United States. However, gerrymandering—the manipulation of district boundaries to favor specific interest groups—undermines this process and often leads to contentious debates and legal battles. The primary objective of this study is to quantitatively evaluate four sets of New York State’s 2022 congressional district maps for signs of gerrymandering. These maps were proposed by the Independent Redistricting Commission (IRC), the State Legislature, and the State Court, respectively. The quantitative metrics employed integrate factors such as population distribution, state boundaries, and spatial topology to assess district compactness and to identify gerrymandering. The results indicate that the Court-drawn congressional districts exhibit considerably lower levels of gerrymandering than the maps proposed by the IRC and the State Legislature, which exhibit little disparity. As the Supreme Court of the United States has ruled that addressing partisan gerrymandering falls within the jurisdiction of the state, the findings of this study suggest that appointing special map masters by the State Court and reducing or eliminating the influence of political parties in redistricting could generate fairer electoral maps that promote equitable representation of the state's populace.

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Sheikh, Imran Ahmed, Omid Khandel, Mohamed Soliman, Jennifer S. Haase, and Priyank Jaiswal. "An Integrated Framework for Seismic Risk Assessment of Reinforced Concrete Buildings Based on Structural Health Monitoring." In IABSE Congress, New York, New York 2019: The Evolving Metropolis. Zurich, Switzerland: International Association for Bridge and Structural Engineering (IABSE), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/newyork.2019.0403.

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<p>In recent years, several locations in the United States have been experiencing a significant increase in seismicity that has been attributed to oil and gas production. As oil and natural gas production in the United States continues to increase, it is expected that the seismic hazard in these locations will continue to experience a corresponding upsurge. However, many urban structures in these locations are not designed to withstand these increasing levels of seismicity. Accordingly, it is crucial to develop methodologies that can help us quantify the seismic performance of these structures, establish their risk levels, and identify optimal retrofit strategies that will enhance the seismic resilience of these structures. In this context, structural health monitoring (SHM) plays an important role in understanding the seismic performance of structures. SHM can be used, in conjunction with finite element modelling, to provide a realistic representation of the structural performance during a seismic event. In this paper, a framework for seismic risk assessment of reinforced concrete buildings based on SHM is presented. The framework combines nonlinear finite element modeling and SHM data to establish the seismic fragility profile of the structure. The approach is illustrated on a multi- story reinforced concrete structure located on the Oklahoma State University Campus.</p>

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Reports on the topic "Proportional representation – United States"

Flabbi, Luca, Scott Abrahams, and Claudia Piras. Female Corporate Leadership in Latin America and the Caribbean Region: Representation and Firm-Level Outcomes. Inter-American Development Bank, January 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011717.

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This paper collects an original database of publicly listed companies to determine prevailing gender ratios among board members and executives in Latin America and the Caribbean region (LAC). Women are as under-represented in LAC as in the United States, but much less so in the Caribbean. It is then estimated whether companies with women board members are more likely to appoint women executives. This is the case in LAC, but the results are driven strongly by Caribbean companies. The paper finally estimates whether measures of female leadership at the firm are correlated with company performance, finding this to be the case only for board membership and only when the proportion of women on the board is greater than 30 percent. Again composition effects are important, with average results driven by Caribbean and Southern Cone companies. Overall, it is concluded that the LAC regions empirical regularities in under-representation of women in firm leadership positions are very similar to those found for high-income countries in Europe and North America.

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Lazonick, William. Investing in Innovation: A Policy Framework for Attaining Sustainable Prosperity in the United States. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp182.

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“Sustainable prosperity” denotes an economy that generates stable and equitable growth for a large and growing middle class. From the 1940s into the 1970s, the United States appeared to be on a trajectory of sustainable prosperity, especially for white-male members of the U.S. labor force. Since the 1980s, however, an increasing proportion of the U.S labor force has experienced unstable employment and inequitable income, while growing numbers of the business firms upon which they rely for employment have generated anemic productivity growth. Stable and equitable growth requires innovative enterprise. The essence of innovative enterprise is investment in productive capabilities that can generate higher-quality, lower-cost goods and services than those previously available. The innovative enterprise tends to be a business firm—a unit of strategic control that, by selling products, must make profits over time to survive. In a modern society, however, business firms are not alone in making investments in the productive capabilities required to generate innovative goods and services. Household units and government agencies also make investments in productive capabilities upon which business firms rely for their own investment activities. When they work in a harmonious fashion, these three types of organizations—household units, government agencies, and business firms—constitute “the investment triad.” The Biden administration’s Build Back Better agenda to restore sustainable prosperity in the United States focuses on investment in productive capabilities by two of the three types of organizations in the triad: government agencies, implementing the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, and household units, implementing the yet-to-be-passed American Families Act. Absent, however, is a policy agenda to encourage and enable investment in innovation by business firms. This gaping lacuna is particularly problematic because many of the largest industrial corporations in the United States place a far higher priority on distributing the contents of the corporate treasury to shareholders in the form of cash dividends and stock buybacks for the sake of higher stock yields than on investing in the productive capabilities of their workforces for the sake of innovation. Based on analyzes of the “financialization” of major U.S. business corporations, I argue that, unless Build Back Better includes an effective policy agenda to encourage and enable corporate investment in innovation, the Biden administration’s program for attaining stable and equitable growth will fail. Drawing on the experience of the U.S. economy over the past seven decades, I summarize how the United States moved toward stable and equitable growth from the late 1940s through the 1970s under a “retain-and-reinvest” resource-allocation regime at major U.S. business firms. Companies retained a substantial portion of their profits to reinvest in productive capabilities, including those of career employees. In contrast, since the early 1980s, under a “downsize-and-distribute” corporate resource-allocation regime, unstable employment, inequitable income, and sagging productivity have characterized the U.S. economy. In transition from retain-and-reinvest to downsize-and-distribute, many of the largest, most powerful corporations have adopted a “dominate-and-distribute” resource-allocation regime: Based on the innovative capabilities that they have previously developed, these companies dominate market segments of their industries but prioritize shareholders in corporate resource allocation. The practice of open-market share repurchases—aka stock buybacks—at major U.S. business corporations has been central to the dominate-and-distribute and downsize-and-distribute regimes. Since the mid-1980s, stock buybacks have become the prime mode for the legalized looting of the business corporation. I call this looting process “predatory value extraction” and contend that it is the fundamental cause of the increasing concentration of income among the richest household units and the erosion of middle-class employment opportunities for most other Americans. I conclude the paper by outlining a policy framework that could stop the looting of the business corporation and put in place social institutions that support sustainable prosperity. The agenda includes a ban on stock buybacks done as open-market repurchases, radical changes in incentives for senior corporate executives, representation of workers and taxpayers as directors on corporate boards, reform of the tax system to reward innovation and penalize financialization, and, guided by the investment-triad framework, government programs to support “collective and cumulative careers” of members of the U.S. labor force. Sustained investment in human capabilities by the investment triad, including business firms, would make it possible for an ever-increasing portion of the U.S. labor force to engage in the productive careers that underpin upward socioeconomic mobility, which would be manifested by a growing, robust, and hopeful American middle class.

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Sheng, Chang, Weihua Huang, Mingmei Liao, and Pu Yang. Association of the Abdominal Aortic Calcification with All-Cause and Cardiovascular Disease-Specific Mortality: Prospective Cohort Study. World Journal of Surgery, April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.60123/j.wjs.2024.10.03.

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Background: Abdominal aortic calcification (AAC) is a prevalent form of vascular calcification associated with adverse cardiovascular outcomes. While previous studies on AAC and cardiovascular risk exist, many have limitations such as small sample sizes and limited clinical significance outcomes. This study aims to prospectively investigate the association between AAC and all-cause and cardiovascular disease (CVD)-specific mortality rates in a nationally representative sample of adults in the United States, using data from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES). Methods: The study, conducted on NHANES participants aged 40 years or older during the 2013-2014 cycle, assessed AAC using the Kauppila scoring system. Demographic characteristics, mortality data, and comorbid factors such as age, gender, diabetes, and hypertension were considered. Statistical analyses, including weighted percentages, Kaplan-Meier survival curves, and multivariable Cox proportional hazards regression models, were employed to evaluate the associations between AAC and mortality risks. Results: After analyzing a final sample of 2717 participants, the study found a significant association between severe AAC (SAAC) and higher all-cause mortality risk (HR 1.70, 95% CI 1.17-2.48). The dose-response relationship indicated an increased risk with higher AAC scores. However, no independent association was observed between AAC and cardiovascular mortality. Stratified analysis revealed variations in the AAC-all-cause mortality association based on gender and hypertension. Conclusion: This population-based study provides valuable insights into the prospective association between AAC and all-cause mortality, emphasizing the potential role of AAC assessment in identifying individuals at higher risk.

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Frisancho, Veronica, Evi Pappa, and Chiara Santantonio. When Women Win: Can Female Representation Decrease Gender-Based Violence? Inter-American Development Bank, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004513.

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Every day, three women are murdered in the United States by a current or former partner. Yet policy action to prevent gender-based violence has been limited. Previous studies have highlighted the effect of female political representation on crimes against women in the developing world. This paper investigates whether the election of a female politician reduces the incidence of gender-based violence in the United States. Using a regression discontinuity design on mixed-gender races, we find that the election of a female House Representative leads to a short-lived decline in the prevalence of femicides in her electoral district. The drop in femicides is mainly driven by a deterrence effect that results from higher police responsiveness and effort in solving gender-related crimes.

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Pfeifer Cruz, Claudia. Women in Multilateral Peace Operations 2023: What is the State of Play? Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/alfw9880.

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In the year 2000, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on women and peace and security stressed the link between gender equality and international peace and security. The resolution underscored the importance of the full and equal participation of women in all efforts towards peace and security, including UN peace operations. Following the resolution, organizations and member states involved in multilateral peace operations committed to increasing women’s participation. More than 20 years after the adoption of the resolution, some progress has been achieved but much remains to be done. This booklet provides an overview of women’s participation in multilateral peace operations, including data and trends regarding women’s representation in leadership roles, overall personnel and member states’ contributions. It looks at UN peace operations, European Union Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions and operations, and Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) field operations. Its objectives are to support the efforts to increase the representation of women in peace operations, and to inform and foster the debate on the future of the women and peace and security agenda in this context. The statistics presented in this booklet illustrate to what extent organizations and their member states are making progress towards increasing women’s representation in multilateral peace operations. Overall, they show that organizations are still falling short of their own strategic targets for women’s participation, signalling a clear need to redouble efforts to achieve these goals. They also highlight that gender equality remains particularly elusive within leadership roles, which calls for a focus on leadership as a critical component of any strategy aimed at enhancing women’s representation. Contents I. Women’s representation in multilateral peace operations: UN military personnel II. Women’s representation in multilateral peace operations: UN police personnel III. Women’s representation in multilateral peace operations: UN civilian personnel IV. Women’s representation in multilateral peace operations: OSCE field operations V. Women’s representation in multilateral peace operations: EU CSDP missions and operations

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Pfeifer, Claudia. Women in Multilateral Peace Operations in 2022: What is the State of Play? Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/kijm3695.

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In the year 2000, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security stressed the importance of the full and equal participation of women in all efforts towards the maintenance and promotion of peace and security, including UN peace operations. Following the resolution, organizations and member states involved in multilateral peace operations affirmed their commitment to increase women’s participation in these activities. More than 20 years after the adoption of the resolution, some progress has been achieved in enhancing women’s representation in multilateral peace operations, but much remains to be done. This booklet provides data on aggregate personnel trends, annual snapshots of data on women’s representation in leadership, and annual averages of women personnel in peace operations and in member state contributions. It looks at UN peace operations, European Union Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions and operations, and Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) field operations. The objective is to support the efforts of multilateral organizations and their member states to increase the representation of women in multilateral peace operations. The statistics presented in the booklet aim to inform and foster the debate on the future of the women and peace and security agenda within the context of multilateral peace operations. They illustrate to what extent the organizations deploying multilateral peace operations and their member states are making progress towards increasing women’s representation in multilateral peace operations. This overview also enhances the transparency of multilateral peace operations and provides insights into recent trends and developments.

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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. Equality Denied: Tech and African Americans. Institute for New Economic Thinking, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp177.

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Thus far in reporting the findings of our project “Fifty Years After: Black Employment in the United States Under the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission,” our analysis of what has happened to African American employment over the past half century has documented the importance of manufacturing employment to the upward socioeconomic mobility of Blacks in the 1960s and 1970s and the devastating impact of rationalization—the permanent elimination of blue-collar employment—on their socioeconomic mobility in the 1980s and beyond. The upward mobility of Blacks in the earlier decades was based on the Old Economy business model (OEBM) with its characteristic “career-with-one-company” (CWOC) employment relations. At its launching in 1965, the policy approach of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission assumed the existence of CWOC, providing corporate employees, Blacks included, with a potential path for upward socioeconomic mobility over the course of their working lives by gaining access to productive opportunities and higher pay through stable employment within companies. It was through these internal employment structures that Blacks could potentially overcome barriers to the long legacy of job and pay discrimination. In the 1960s and 1970s, the generally growing availability of unionized semiskilled jobs gave working people, including Blacks, the large measure of employment stability as well as rising wages and benefits characteristic of the lower levels of the middle class. The next stage in this process of upward socioeconomic mobility should have been—and in a nation as prosperous as the United States could have been—the entry of the offspring of the new Black blue-collar middle class into white-collar occupations requiring higher educations. Despite progress in the attainment of college degrees, however, Blacks have had very limited access to the best employment opportunities as professional, technical, and administrative personnel at U.S. technology companies. Since the 1980s, the barriers to African American upward socioeconomic mobility have occurred within the context of the marketization (the end of CWOC) and globalization (accessibility to transnational labor supplies) of high-tech employment relations in the United States. These new employment relations, which stress interfirm labor mobility instead of intrafirm employment structures in the building of careers, are characteristic of the rise of the New Economy business model (NEBM), as scrutinized in William Lazonick’s 2009 book, Sustainable Prosperity in the New Economy? Business Organization and High-Tech Employment in the United States (Upjohn Institute). In this paper, we analyze the exclusion of Blacks from STEM (science, technology, engineering, math) occupations, using EEO-1 employment data made public, voluntarily and exceptionally, for various years between 2014 and 2020 by major tech companies, including Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Apple, Cisco, Facebook (now Meta), Hewlett Packard Enterprise, HP Inc., Intel, Microsoft, PayPal, Salesforce, and Uber. These data document the vast over-representation of Asian Americans and vast under-representation of African Americans at these tech companies in recent years. The data also shine a light on the racial, ethnic, and gender composition of large masses of lower-paid labor in the United States at leading U.S. tech companies, including tens of thousands of sales workers at Apple and hundreds of thousands of laborers & helpers at Amazon. In the cases of Hewlett-Packard, IBM, and Intel, we have access to EEO-1 data from earlier decades that permit in-depth accounts of the employment transitions that characterized the demise of OEBM and the rise of NEBM. Given our findings from the EEO-1 data analysis, our paper then seeks to explain the enormous presence of Asian Americans and the glaring absence of African Americans in well-paid employment under NEBM. A cogent answer to this question requires an understanding of the institutional conditions that have determined the availability of qualified Asians and Blacks to fill these employment opportunities as well as the access of qualified people by race, ethnicity, and gender to the employment opportunities that are available. Our analysis of the racial/ethnic determinants of STEM employment focuses on a) stark differences among racial and ethnic groups in educational attainment and performance relevant to accessing STEM occupations, b) the decline in the implementation of affirmative-action legislation from the early 1980s, c) changes in U.S. immigration policy that favored the entry of well-educated Asians, especially with the passage of the Immigration Act of 1990, and d) consequent social barriers that qualified Blacks have faced relative to Asians and whites in accessing tech employment as a result of a combination of statistical discrimination against African Americans and their exclusion from effective social networks.

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