To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Propaganda, Soviet – History.
Journal articles on the topic 'Propaganda, Soviet – History'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Propaganda, Soviet – History.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Piirimäe, Kaarel. "“Tugev Balti natsionalistlik keskus” ning Nõukogude välispropaganda teel sõjast rahuaega ja külma sõtta [Abstract: “The strong Baltic nationalistic centre” and Soviet foreign propaganda: from war to peace and toward the Cold War]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (September 10, 2019): 305–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.03.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: “The strong Baltic nationalistic centre” and Soviet foreign propaganda: from war to peace and toward the Cold War
This special issue focuses on censorship, but it is difficult to treat censorship without also considering propaganda. This article discusses both censorship and foreign propaganda as complementary tools in the Soviet Union’s arsenal for manipulating public opinion in foreign countries. The purpose of such action was to shape the behaviour of those states to further Soviet interests. The article focuses on the use of propaganda and censorship in Soviet efforts to settle the “Baltic question”– the question of the future of the Baltic countries – in the 1940s. This was the time when the wartime alliance was crumbling and giving way to a cold-war confrontation.
The article is based on Russian archival sources. The Molotov collection (F. 82), materials of the department of propaganda and agitation of the Central Committee (CC) of the CPSU (F. 17, opis 125), and of the CC department of international information (F. 17, opis 128) are stored in the Russian State Archive of Socio-political History (RGASPI). The collection of the Soviet Information Bureau (F. R8581) is located at the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). The article also draws on previous research on Soviet propaganda, such as Vladimir Pechatnov’s and Wolfram Eggeling’s studies on the work of the Soviet Information Bureau (SIB) and on discussions in the Soviet propaganda apparatus in the early postwar years. However, this article digs somewhat deeper and alongside general developments, also looks at a particular case – the Baltic problem in the Soviet contest with the West for winning hearts and minds. It analyses Soviet policies without attempting to uncover and reconstruct all the twists and turns of the decision-making processes in Moscow. The archival material is insufficient for the latter task. Nevertheless, a look into the making of Soviet propaganda, the techniques and practices utilised to bring Soviet influence to bear on an important foreign-policy issue (the Baltic problem), is interesting for scholars working not only on propaganda and censorship but also on the history of the Soviet Union and Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
The Baltic question was related, among other things, to the problem of repatriating people from the territories of the Soviet Union who had been displaced during the Second World War and were located in Western Europe at the war’s end. Moscow claimed that all these displaced persons (DPs) were Soviet citizens. This article helps correct the view, expressed for example by the Finnish scholar Simo Mikkonen, that the Soviet propaganda campaign to attract the remaining 247,000 recalcitrants back home started after a UN decision of 1951 that condemned repatriation by force. This article clearly shows that propaganda policies aimed at the DPs were in place almost immediately after the war, resting on the war-time experience of conducting propaganda aimed at national minorities in foreign countries. However, Mikkonen is right to point out that, in general, repatriation after the Second World War was a success, as approximately five million people in total returned to the USSR. The Baltic refugees were a notable exception in this regard.
Research shows that despite displays of obligatory optimism, Soviet propagandists could critically evaluate the situation and the effectiveness of Soviet agitation. They understood that war-time successes were the result of the coincidence of a number of favourable factors: victories of the Red Army, Allied censorship and propaganda, the penetration by Soviet agents of the British propaganda apparatus, etc. They knew that the British media was extensively controlled and served as a virtual extension of Soviet censorship and propaganda. Nevertheless, the Soviets were wrong to assume that in the West, the free press was nothing but an empty slogan. Moscow was also wrong to expect that the Western media, which had worked in the Soviet interest during the war, could as easily be turned against the Soviet Union as it had been directed to support the USSR by political will. In actual fact, the Soviet Union started receiving negative press primarily because earlier checks on journalistic freedom were lifted.
The Soviet Union may have been a formidable propaganda state internally, but in foreign propaganda it was an apprentice. Soviet propagandists felt inferior compared to their Western counterparts, and rightly so. In October of 1945, an official of the SIB noted jealously that the Foreign Department of the British Information Ministry had two thousand clerks and there were four hundred British propagandists in the United States alone. Another Soviet official in the London embassy noted in February of 1947 that they had so few staff that he was working under constant nervous strain.
Soviet propagandists were aware of the problems but could not effect fundamental changes because of the nature of the Stalinist regime. The issue of foreign journalists working in Moscow was a case in point. The correspondents were handicapped in their work by extremely strict censorship. They could report mostly only those things that also appeared in Soviet newspapers, which was hardly interesting for their readers in the West. There had been suggestions that some restrictions should be lifted so that they could do more useful work and tell more interesting and attractive stories about the Soviet Union. Eventually, during Stalin’s first postwar vacation in the autumn of 1945, Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov took the initiative and tried to ease the life of the press corps, but this only served to provoke the ire of Stalin who proceeded to penalise Molotov in due course. This showed that the system could not be changed as long as the extremely suspicious vozhd remained at the helm. Not only did correspondents continue to send unexciting content to newspapers abroad (which often failed to publish them), the form and style of Soviet articles, photos and films were increasingly unattractive for foreign audiences. Such propaganda could appeal only to those who were already “believers”. It could hardly convert.
Moscow considered the activities of Baltic refugees in the West and the publicity regarding the Baltic problem a serious threat to the stability of the Soviet position in the newly occupied Baltic countries. Already during the war, but even more vigorously after the war, the Soviet propaganda apparatus realised the importance of tuning and adapting its propaganda messages for audiences among the Baltic diaspora. The Soviet bureaucracy expanded its cadres to enable it to tackle the Baltic “threat”. Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian officials were dispatched to the central organs in Moscow and to Soviet embassies abroad to provide the necessary language skills and qualifications for dealing with Baltic propaganda and working with the diaspora.
The policy was to repatriate as many Balts as possible, but it was soon clear that repatriation along with the complementary propaganda effort was a failure. The next step was to start discrediting leaders of the Baltic diaspora and to isolate them from the “refugee masses”. This effort also failed. The “anti-Soviet hotbed” of “intrigues and espionage” – the words of the Estonian party boss Nikolai Karotamm – continued to operate in Sweden, the United States and elsewhere until the end of the Cold War. All this time, the diaspora engaged in anti-Communist propaganda and collaborated with Western propaganda and media organisations, such as the Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and even Vatican Radio. In the 1980s and 1990s, the diaspora was instrumental in assisting Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to regain their independence from the collapsing Soviet Union. They also helped their native countries to “return to Europe” – that is to join Western structures such as the European Union and NATO. Therefore, the inability to deal with the Baltic problem effectively in the 1940s caused major concerns for the Soviet Union throughout the Cold War and contributed to its eventual demise.
2
Наталія Василівна Рудницька. "PROPAGANDA AND AGITATION INFLUENCE ON THE SOVIETIZING PROCESS OF THE LIFE OF POLES AND JEWS IN THE VOLYN PROVINCE IN THE 20'S OF THE XXTH CENTURY." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111820.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the role of the Bolshevik propaganda and agitation in the period of the Soviet power formation, methods and forms of work with the population of polyethnic Ukraine and technologies of mass consciousness manipulation. It is emphasized that the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921 activated the national and socio-political life of the Poles and Jews in Ukraine, in particular in the Volyn province. But the civil war and the Bolshevik aggression led to the destruction of Ukraine's independence, the Sovietization of all spheres of life, in particular Polish and Jewish communities, began. Communist ideology equated national movements with nationalism, fought against them with all possible means. It is noted that the confrontation between the communist party leadership and the Polish and Jewish population was inevitable because the Bolsheviks tried to monopolize and control the ideological, political, spiritual and economic life of national communities. Some Poles and Jews supported the Bolshevik slogans and the policy of the Soviet power, but many of them were not able to compromise and adapt to the needs of a rigid communist ideology.It is highlighted that propaganda was supposed to interpret the Bolshevik ideological slogans and ideas, and campaigning to adjust the masses to decisive action. The complexity of the Bolshevik propaganda and agitation among the Poles and Jews was in the diversity of the social structure. The Soviet atheistic ideology as one of the Bolshevik activities among the Polish and Jewish population of Volhynia considered anti-religious propaganda and agitation, since Judaism and the Catholic Church had authority and great influence on everyday and social life.In an effort to favor the Polish and Jewish masses, the Bolsheviks supported national cultures, created a new system of education, stopped Jewish pogroms, made Poles and Jews legally equal to all Ukrainian citizens. But gradually Bolshevik propaganda and agitation, using various forms and methods of influence on Poles and Jews, reached the goal set by the authorities, turned citizens of the polyethnic region into the Soviet people.
3
Drozdov, Viktor. "THE MANAGEMENT OF AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA ACTIVITIES IN IZMAIL REGION UkrSSR IN 1944–1945." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 9 (December 25, 2021): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112022.
Full textAbstract:
The work aims to study the formation of a system of ideological influence on the Izmail region’s population in 1944–1945. Based on archival sources and materials of the regional press, the tasks of agitation and propaganda activities, the general forms and methods used by the Communist Party to spread ideology among the population of the annexed region were revealed. The author paid particular attention to determining the role of the regional party leadership in managing and conducting agitation and propaganda. The methodology. The study is based on the principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, systematics, specificity, and reliance on historical sources. With the aid of the historical-typological method, it was possible to determine the main tasks, forms, and methods of agitation and propaganda. The historical-comparative method opens the way to reveal the peculiarities of ideological work with various categories of the citizens and to determine the specific features of the Communist Party’s agitation and propaganda activities in the Izmail region. The application of historical-systemic and historical-genetic methods contributed to the consideration of various measures to ideologize the population in co-relation, to identify the causal links between the methods and results of propaganda policy. The scientific novelty. For the first time, a comprehensive analysis of agitation and propaganda activities in the Izmail region after the territory was returned to the USSR has been carried out. The conclusions. The analysis of the party documentation of the Izmail regional committee of the Communist Party gives reason to assume that immediately after the region returned to the USSR, the Soviet leadership launched active information and propaganda activities among the population. During 1944–1945, a network of agitation teams, groups of lecturers and speakers was formed to spread communist ideology among various segments of the population, a system of party propaganda bodies was created, events to celebrate new Soviet holidays were organized, and radio broadcasting and adaptation for the cinema were organized. The media, cultural and educational institutions, Komsomol organizations, and pioneers played a significant role in propaganda activities. Propaganda and agitation departments established at the region, city, and district committees of the Communist Party were constantly monitoring the ideological activity progress.
4
Andrii Mahaletskyi. "THE MYTH OF THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR AS A TOOL OF RUSSIA’S PROPAGANDA INFLUENCE IN THE HYBRID WAR AGAINST UKRAINE." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 8 (December 30, 2020): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11208.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this paper is to observe the formation of Russia’s myth of the Great Patriotic War as a tool of Russian propaganda influence and its uses in the Russo-Ukrainian war. The research methodology. The study applies the principles of historicism and objectivity that are essential for revealing historical events in the state policy sphere. The historic and genetic method is employed to determine the sources, development and uses of the myth of the Great Patriotic War as an element of the Russian Federation’s propaganda. The historical and systematic method sustains the analysis of socio-political processes in their interrelation and causal dependence. The scientific novelty of the paper. The research determines the preconditions for the formation of the myth of the Great Patriotic War, its development and subsequent use by the Russian Federation for propaganda purposes in the hybrid war against Ukraine. Conclusions. President Putin’s rise to power in Russia and his goal to assert Russian strength and power in the world, active imperial ambitions, and attempts to maintain control over the post-Soviet space, supported by military actions, necessitated the revival and active use of the myth of the Great Patriotic War. Mythologization of the events of the Second World War became an element of ideological struggle and propaganda activity in Ukraine and other post-Soviet countries. Armed actions against Ukraine were preceded by the formation of the “victorious people” attitude in the Russian society, with the myth of the Great Patriotic War being its integral part. Therefore, the Kremlin has managed not only to distract the population from internal problems, but also achieved massive support for Russiaʼs hostilities on the territories of other countries. By pursuing the policy of “appropriating” victory in the war, the Russian government thereby diminishes the contribution of both the allied states and the former Soviet republics to the defeat of Nazism.
5
Олександр Вікторович Мосієнко. "PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGN AT THE SOUTH-WESTERN FRONT OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR: ANALYSIS OF HISTORIOGRAPHY." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11184.
Full textAbstract:
Modernity alongside with new technologies development, fundamental changes in the printing industry and informatization of society presented the mankind with such an invention as propaganda. It became an integral part of authoritarian and totalitarian political regimes of the XXth century. However, as a tool of consciousness manipulation, it was actively used by the empires during the "long" XIXth century. In the conditions of the First World War propaganda played a significant role in the mobilization processes and in the formation of the enemy's image. The article attempts to assess the effectiveness of the propaganda during the First World War. The article examines the researches that analyze the events of the war from the point of view of Soviet, modern Ukrainian and foreign historiography and contain descriptions of the propaganda campaign on the front line and in the rear. The state of modern historical research is highlighted and the prospects of further research are indicated. The study of the experience of the First World War and the information component of the fighting can be useful, given the fact that the Russian Federation today uses ideological stamps of that period.The analysis of existing studies on the issues of the First World War in general and its propaganda component in particular proves an increasing interest in the investigation of information warfare topic. Since 2014, the number of studies devoted to the First World War has increased in domestic and foreign research. The Ukrainian regions were a part of Austria-Hungary and Russia, so the usage of the Ukrainian national question in the propaganda of those states was significant. However, the issue of the propaganda war between the two empires is not covered comprehensively.The first study on this subject was of general practical character. The first foreign scholars who examined propaganda were mass communication specialists. For Soviet historical science, the priority task was to study the revolutionary events of 1917 and the period of the civil war. The events of 1914-1918 were interpreted only as an imperialist war, their study was conducted tendentiously. Modern historiography on the First World War reflects the main directions of the European historical school at the beginning of the XXIst century with a focus on social and socio-cultural history. Foreign historiography is represented by Russian, European and American authors. In their research considerable attention is paid to the topic of military psychology and cultural-anthropological aspects of war. The analysis of the extent of the given problem research in the studies of foreign historians suggests a sufficient level of its investigation. Modern historians pay much attention to the ideological aspect, the analysis of visual propaganda. The interest in considering the mechanisms for the formation of images of the enemy, its state and allies increased. A promising object of historical research is the study of the verbal and nonverbal aspects of the propaganda production of both empires.
6
Berard, Ewa. "The ‘First Exhibition of Russian Art’ in Berlin: The Transnational Origins of Bolshevik Cultural Diplomacy, 1921–1922." Contemporary European History 30, no. 2 (March 23, 2021): 164–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000661.
Full textAbstract:
The emergence of a Soviet cultural diplomacy in the 1920s was hardly predictable. Bolsheviks’ propaganda for ‘world revolution’ reduced the image of Soviet Russia to one of Leninist-proletarian victory, while the rejection of diplomatic tradition and a distrust of artists and intellectuals precluded any commitment to cultural action abroad. This article explores how, when and why a Soviet cultural diplomacy developed. It focuses on two episodes related to the famine of 1921, including, based on new archival evidence, the First Exhibition of Russian Art in Berlin in October 1922. The exhibition's spectacular success paved the way for Soviet cultural diplomacy that moved away from overtly communist propaganda in order to address Western avant-garde literary and artistic milieus.
7
Miljković, Marko. "Kitchen without the debate: The Yugoslav exhibition of consumer goods in Moscow, 1960." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.3.mlj.119-144.
Full textAbstract:
The Yugoslav exhibition of consumer goods in Moscow was the first of its kind organized by Yugoslavia in a communist country. It opened its door to the public on May 25, 1960, amidst the super-heated international political environment after the American U-2 spy plane was shot down over the Soviet Union. Following the colossal propaganda success of the 1959 U.S. National Exhibition in Moscow, the Yugoslavs managed to deliver yet another propaganda blow to the Soviet prestige, showcasing that even socialism outside the Soviet bloc and in close collaboration with the United States was not only possible but also better.
8
Mironov, B. N. "On the Illegitimacy of the Soviet Power." Modern History of Russia 12, no. 1 (2022): 8–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.101.
Full textAbstract:
Sociological polls and other sources, as well as electoral statistics, show that Soviet power in 1918– 1989 met the main criteria for legitimacy. In 1918–1929, the majority of voters, and in 1931–1989 over 83 % of the electorate, were loyal to the Soviet regime, trusted the communists and the general course and current policy, were satisfied with the status as ordinary builders of socialism, and believed in the socialist project. Official information on turnout and voting is trustworthy, although it has serious shortcomings and likely underestimates the scale of the protest vote (failure to appear, damage to ballots, voting against). Election results were influenced by electoral laws, propaganda, and control over the course of voting. However, clean elections have never happened anywhere. The legitimacy of power in any civilized country was supported by developed propaganda, and in the USSR it was not more powerful than, for example, in the USA or Germany. The study allows us to assume that until the mid-1980s the people’s confidence in Soviet power was ensured not so much by propaganda as, first, by achievements of the USSR, which were considered by the majority of the population to be real, significant, and deserving of respect; second, by faith in the socialist project; and third, by peculiarities of political culture of the peasantry and the proletariat inherited from pre-revolutionary times. From their perspective, the people interacted with authorities and participated in management. The socialist project for only a small minority represented only a grandiose myth, a gigantic propaganda campaign, and an adventure or scam of world-historical scale.
9
Антон Олександрович Сичевський. "POWER AND «OPIUM OF THE PEOPLE»: ANTI-RELIGIOUS AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA IN SOVIET UKRAINE IN 1944–1991." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 291–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111821.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the implementation mechanism and organizational system of anti-religious agitation and propaganda in Soviet Ukraine. The author recorded a conflict between the republican and all-union centers for religious cults regarding the implementation of religious policies and atheization of the population. It is analyzed how the change in the state leadership of the USSR in 1954 led to a radical reassessment of the ideological struggle with religion as a relic of class formations in the minds of people.It was established that in the 1960s cinematographic works were actively involved in anti-religious propaganda. The actual number of regional commissioners to the Council for Religious Affairs also increased, committees for assistance were set up in all cities and districts of the regions, public councils for the coordination of anti-religious work were organized under the regional committees of the Communist Party of Ukraine. It was found out that within the framework of the atheistic education of society, the Soviet leadership introduced the concept of Soviet «non-religious» holidays and rituals, honoring the leaders of communist labor. The structural formalization of organizations responsible for the introduction of the new Soviet rituals in the 1970s is analyzed.The article describes the employment of the media resource and state publishing houses that published millions of copies of atheistic periodicals and literature for the sake of «eradicating the religious consciousness of the masses» by the party leadership. The reduction of state influence on the affairs of believers since the mid-1960s and the harsh criticism of the liberal course in relation to religion at the All-Union Conference of Commissioners for Religious Affairs in 1972 are analyzed. It is proved that, despite the «Perestroika», the idea of religion as a reactionary ideology and the need to transform the society of mass atheism into a society of general atheism prevailed in atheistic education.The author found out that in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine a discussion on the importance of rethinking the strategy of religious policy to establish a dialogue with churches and guaranteeing believers the possibility of religious freedom began only in 1990.
10
Dolgova, Angela V. "The practice of terror by Soviet workers in the fight against banditry in the Osinsky District of the Perm Governorate during the Civil War." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 189 (2020): 202–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2020-25-189-202-212.
Full textAbstract:
During the Civil War, Soviet workers had to fight against desertion and banditry. Since the majority of the country’s population was the peasantry, a confrontation arose with the Soviet government of that part of it that could not accept it. More often than not, peasants fell under such Bolshevik propaganda labels as “white gangs” or “gangs of deserters”, which had spread through the efforts of the party-Soviet propaganda machine. According to archival documents, local Soviet workers used terror not only to suppress resistance, but also as a forced measure caused by the real military-political situation in the Perm Governorate. The fight for the establishment of the power of the Soviets was fought against banditry, not desertion, and was fierce. Consequently, the widespread thesis in the history of the Civil War in the Perm Governorate about mass desertion is nothing more than an assumption. The line of the Eastern Front passed next to the Osinsky District, so the most fierce fight unfolded here, which in turn had an impact on the military-political situation in the governorate as a whole.
11
Krasnozhenova, Elena, and Svyatoslav Kulinok. "Soviet and Nazi periodicals in the North-West of Russia during the Great Patriotic War." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 01 (January 1, 2021): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202101statyi08.
Full textAbstract:
The article considers the role of the periodical press in organizing propaganda work in the North-West of Russia during the Great Patriotic War. The evaluation of Nazi and Soviet publications is given. The content of the occupation newspapers is presented, and the reasons for the success of Nazi propaganda in the first months of the occupation of the region are analyzed. The authors show the shortcomings of Soviet propaganda periodicals during this period, trace its transformation by the winter of 1941, and note its contribution to the liberation of the territory of the North-West of Russia from the invaders.
12
Pushkarenko, Elena A. "ANTI-PARTISAN PROPAGANDA OF THE GERMAN AUTHORITIES IN THE OCCUPIED SOVIET BELARUS TERRITORY." Ural Historical Journal 76, no. 3 (2022): 179–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2022-3(76)-179-188.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the ideological aspects of the German struggle against partisans in the occupied territory of Soviet Belarus. The author, on the basis of previously unpublished documents of the National Archives of the Republic of Belarus (propaganda publications of the occupation authorities, orders and circulars of the heads of the German General Commissariat, reports of partisans) and a number of historical studies, analyzes the content of German propaganda materials, identifies its main thematic areas, determines the effectiveness of anti-partisan propaganda. The heads of the General District (W. Kube and C. von Gottberg) expressed a special opinion on the methods of anti-partisan struggle. They believed that punitive actions were ineffective and the main stake in the anti-guerilla struggle made on propaganda and involvement of the local population. The author concludes that the massive and large-scale propaganda influence of the German administration was neutralized by an extremely cruel occupation policy (namely, punitive actions of the SS against partisans and the civilian population living in the partisan zone, the genocide of Jews, which caused obvious rejection and fear) as well as partisan counter-propaganda. Attempts to involve the Belarusian population to combating partisans proved to be not very effective. Moreover, the very actions of the German occupation authorities — forced recruitment to work in Germany, as part of numerous collaborationist organizations — forced Belarusians to seek salvation among the partisans.
13
Chunikhin, Kirill. "At Home among Strangers: U.S. Artists, the Soviet Union, and the Myth of Rockwell Kent during the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 4 (October 2019): 175–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00910.
Full textAbstract:
After World War II, Soviet institutions organized many exhibitions of the American artist Rockwell Kent that bypassed the U.S. government. Promotion of Kent's work in the USSR was an exclusively Soviet enterprise. This article sheds new light on the Soviet approach to the representation of U.S. visual art during the Cold War. Drawing on U.S. and Russian archives, the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the political and aesthetic factors that resulted in Kent's immense popularity in the Soviet Union. Contextualizing the Soviet representation of Kent within relevant Cold War contexts, the article shows that his art occupied a specific symbolic position in Soviet culture. Soviet propaganda reconceptualized his biography and established the “Myth of Rockwell Kent”—a myth that helped to legitimate Soviet ideology and anti-American propaganda.
14
Mahaletska, K. "POSTWAR ANTI-SEMITISM ON THE TERRITORY OF THE UKRAINIAN SSR (1944-1947): ORIGINS, MANIFESTATIONS AND CONSEQUENCES." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 11 (December 1, 2022): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112041.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the article is a comprehensive analysis of the causes, manifestations, and scale of anti-Semitism in the first post-war years on the territory of Soviet Ukraine and its consequences in consciousness and social life.
Methodology. The general scientific and special historical methods (historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic) research applied in the work made it possible to reveal the peculiarities of anti-Semitism in the post-war period, to determine the relationships between the influence of Nazi propaganda on the eve/during the war and Soviet realities in which Jews the role of the "internal enemy" was fixed. Among the methods used in the research is the verbal history method.
Scientific novelty. An attempt was made to investigate the peculiarities of Stalin's national policy in the difficult transition period from war to peace (1944-1947) using the example of the so-called "Jewish question" on the basis of various sources – from official documents, memories that appeared in Soviet times, to oral history memories of living contemporaries of the events. The content of the policy and its influence on the formation of persistent anti-Semitic sentiments in Soviet society are outlined. The new attack on Jewry officially began only in 1948, before that this issue was in a state of limbo, which was also facilitated by the foreign political situation. Therefore, it is important to investigate the specifics of the manifestation of anti-Semitism in 1944-1947 and its subsequent impact on the situation of Jews.
Conclusions. Having survived the hell of the war, the Jews faced difficulties in relations with the authorities and the population of their own country. Post-war anti-Semitism was caused by post-war devastation, the consequences of Nazi anti-Semitic propaganda during the occupation, Stalin's passive and uncertain position on the Jewish question, and the traditional, for a totalitarian system, desire to have an internal enemy. Hatred of the Jews of this period manifested itself in pogroms, problems in returning to work, difficulties in returning one's home and property. However, anti-Semitism became a component of state policy only in 1948.
15
Kudryavtseva, Regina-Elizaveta, Aleksei Kulik, and Marina Polyakova. "Soviet and Nazi propaganda during the Great Patriotic War." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2019, no. 12_3 (December 1, 2019): 191–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii201912statyi73.
Full text
16
Bobrovnikov, Vladimir. "Исламский дискурс визуальной пропаганды на советском Востоке между двумя мировыми войнами (1918 – 1940)." Islamology 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.07.2.03.
Full textAbstract:
Visual propaganda played an enormous role in the history of the twentieth century. Unlike the propaganda of nineteenth century, it was aimed not only at educated classes in the imperial centres, but also at subaltern masses living in the colonies of great powers, including the vast territories in the east and south of the former Russian Empire. Posters created for (and with the assistance of) Muslims between the two world wars in the Soviet Orient (i.e., in the Volga region, Crimea, Urals, and Siberia, on the Caucasus and in the Central Asia) represent an enormous and still poorly studied layer in the history of Soviet propaganda. So far, the posters have been studied primarily in the context of art history. But the creation of visual propaganda is critical for historical reconstructions as well. It is more important to understand posters’ language, historical context, attitude to public policy, cultural background, in other words—the discourse of propaganda. This is a part of life, even if semiofficial, the loss of which would simplify and impoverish the picture of the past. Discursive analysis of poster art allows one to understand the relationship between knowledge and power in society, the role of different social strata in its reproduction, and the aspects of perception and rejection of official propaganda.
17
Zake, Ieva. "Soviet Campaigns against “Capitalist Ideological Subversives” during the Cold War: The Latvian Experience." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 3 (July 2010): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00007.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses the Soviet Union's use of propaganda warfare during the Cold War, focusing on the specific case of Soviet Latvia. Archival materials from recently opened archives in the former USSR show that the Soviet Union pursued a methodical ideological campaign against certain groups of U.S. citizens, including the post-World War II political refugees from Latvia. The main institution charged with this task was the Liaison Committee for the Cultural Relations with Countrymen Abroad (LCCR), which was highly influential at the time. Archival materials allow scholars to examine the LCCR's history, methods, and goals, as well as its successes and failures. Among the findings in the article is the importance the Soviet Union attached to propaganda and to programs to counter and discredit “anti-Soviet” émigré organizations.
18
Rudenko, Oleksii. "The Making of a Soviet Hero: the Case of Spartacus." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 47, no. 3 (June 25, 2020): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763324-20201365.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article examines the process of establishing the image of ancient slave rebellion leader Spartacus in the early Soviet era, with a focus on the 1920s and 1930s. Although the image of Spartacus in Soviet historiography has been investigated by scholars, the process of acculturation and reception of his figure within toponymy, onomastics, sport, and history-writing has not been researched as a holistic approach of Soviet propaganda. This article traces how and why Spartacus’s image became the primary figure of the classical antiquity in Soviet propaganda of the 1920s. The article argues that it was not Soviet historiography in the 1920s that shaped his image to be embodied in the Soviet narratives and public space. Rather, art, local toponymy, and sports created and promoted a particularly Soviet reception of Spartacus in the 1920s and 1930s which provided implications for socialist Central-Eastern European countries in the post-World War II era.
19
Pushkarenko, E. A. "German Propaganda of Anti-Semitism in the Occupied Soviet Territory (on the Example of the General District of Belarus)." Modern History of Russia 12, no. 2 (2022): 303–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2022.203.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines anti-Semitic propaganda of German authorities in the occupied Soviet territory in the General District of Belarus. The author identifies the main directions of anti-Semitic propaganda, analyzes its content, determines the effectiveness of the ideological influence of the German occupation authorities on the Belarusian population, and proves that the occupiers tried to appeal to national feelings of Belarusians using anti-Semitism. The author concludes that the odious, false, anti-Semitic propaganda did not find a response among the Belarusian population of the district. Belarusians practically did not participate in the organization of the “new order”; in contrast to Ukraine and the Baltic States, it was difficult to create police battalions and a national administration. Mass actions of extermination of Belarusian Jews could not arouse any feelings among the witnesses, except horror and fear for their own lives. Together with the SS punitive expeditions against partisans and civilians, the genocide of the Jews leveled all the efforts of German propagandists and reduced the effectiveness of enemy propaganda to zero. A major role in exposing the content of Nazi propaganda and the true plans of the occupiers was played by partisan counter-propaganda and the very existence of a mass partisan movement. The occupiers’ calculations to incite hatred of Belarusians against Jews did not justify themselves: Belarusian and Jewish partisans fought shoulder to shoulder for the freedom of their common homeland — Soviet Belarus.
20
Stelnykovych, Sergii. "ZHYTOMYR NEWSPAPER “THE VOICE OF VOLYN” IN THE GERMAN INFORMATION SPACE (OCTOBER 1941-1943)." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 9 (December 25, 2021): 139–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112020.
Full textAbstract:
This paper aims to consider the newspaper “Voice of Volyn”, published in Zhytomyr in 1941-1943, as part of the German information space during the Second World War. The methodology of the study incorporates general scientific and special historical methods alongside with the fundamental principles of historical research: historicism, scientificity, objectivity, and systematicity. The principles of historicism and scientificity have contributed to the complex representation of the history of the newspaper “Voice of Volyn” in interconnection and interrelation with the events of that period. The principle of objectivity has facilitated the analysis of the discussed issue considering the objective historical regularities based on a comprehensive analysis of the existing specialized literature and sources. The principle of systematicity has allowed to obtain a holistic picture of the Zhytomyr newspaper “Voice of Volyn" as a component of the German information space on the occupied territory of Ukraine. The scientific novelty of the paper is conditioned by the fact that it is the first research discussing the history of the newspaper “Voice of Volyn” in the context of the German information space in 1941-1943 on the basis of a comprehensive range of historical sources. The author concludes that the activities of the newspaper “Voice of Volyn” can be divided into two periods: from October to the second half of November 1941, and from the second half of November 1941 until the end of the Nazi occupation. At the first stage, under the German military administration, the newspaper was controlled by the representatives of the independence movement, who exploited the newspaper to promote their own ideas. In the second stage, after the establishment of the German civil authorities, the newspaper “Voice of Volyn” was deprived of the independence movement’s influence and turned into an important information and propaganda press organ of the occupation authorities. The newspaper “Voice of Volyn” represented three directions of German propaganda: anti-Soviet propaganda; anti-Jewish propaganda; and propaganda aimed at supporting the occupation economic activities.
21
Сергій Володимирович Стельникович. "THE HISTORICAL MEMORY IN PROPAGANDA OF AUTONOMOUS MOVEMENT ON THE TERRITORY OF ZHYTOMYR-VINNYTSIA REGION IN THE SECOND HALF OF 1941." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 307–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111822.
Full textAbstract:
In the article, the activity of the Ukrainian autonomous movement with the aim of propaganda of historical memory among the population of Zhytomyr-Vinnytsia region (on the territories that during the Second World War were included into Zhytomyr district) in the second half of 1941 is analyzed. It is determined that in the historiography this issue wasn’t the subject of special interest. The propaganda of historical memory, which was conducted by the representatives of the autonomous movement, was an important condition for the national self-identification of the Ukrainian people, the awakening of their desire to fight for their own statehood in confrontation both with the USSR and with Germany. The main means of propaganda of historical memory were the popularization of the history of Ukraine through the activity of voluntary cultural-educational and sports organizations (Prosvita, Sich, the Union of Ukrainian Nationalist Students); thematic publishing projects («Small History of Ukraine» by I. Krypyakevych); publications on historical topics in the official periodicals, which at that time were under the control of the autonomous movement. It was important to introduce the course of Ukrainian history in educational programs of different types of educational institutions of Zhytomyr-Vinnytsia region, primarily in elementary and secondary schools. With the aim of propaganda of historical memory, representatives of the autonomous movement initiated honoring the historic events of the Ukrainian state creation, including those associated with the anti-Bolshevik struggle of the early 1920’s, as well as the renaming of streets that reminded of Soviet realities. In the second half of 1941 the theater became an institutional form of the revival of national memory and national culture on the occupied territory. The Nazis’ terror against the autonomous movement reduced the possibility of spreading the historical memory among the population of Zhytomyr-Vinnytsia region at the end of 1941.
22
Федулин, Александр, Aleksandr Fedulin, Вардан Багдасарян, and Vardan Bagdasaryan. "Monumental sculpture and battle of ideologies: history and current challenges." Service & Tourism: Current Challenges 7, no. 4 (December 24, 2013): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1866.
Full textAbstract:
Genesis of phenomenon «battles of monuments» is investigated in the article. Particular historic role of monumental sculpture in ideological propaganda is proved. «Crucial points» of «battles of monuments» in history and modern life are revealed. Ideological component of battle against Soviet symbolics is considered.
23
Viazinkin, Aleksei Y., and Kuzma A. Yakimov. "Soviet Youth and Trotskyism in the Days of the “Great Terror” of the 1930s in the USSR: Based on Archival Sources." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2022): 1185–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-4-1185-1197.
Full textAbstract:
The use of the negative image of L. D. Trotsky in the Soviet propaganda during the Great Terror of the 1930s in the USSR had a significant impact on the formation of political consciousness of the Soviet youth. The article analyzes archival historical sources that reflect the complex nature of mutual relations between Soviet propaganda, repressive machine, Soviet youth, and propaganda figure of L. D. Trotsky in the days of the Great Terror. Despite the abundance of historical works devoted to the phenomenon of Soviet youth in the 1930s, the problem of attitude of the younger generation to Trotskyism remains little studied. Thus, the study is to fill the gap in scientific knowledge. It is based on principles of historicism and objectivity and uses historical, comparative, deductive, and retrospective methods. The reaction of the Soviet youth to the anti-Trotskyist rhetoric of Soviet propaganda and repression against those who were denounced as “Trotskyists” is reflected in a number of personal provenance sources (diaries, appeals), as well as in protocols and transcripts of the Komsomol conferences preserved in the fonds of the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History (RGASPI), the State Archive of Socio-Political History of the Tambov Region (GASPITO), and the State Archive of Socio-Political History of the Voronezh Region (GAOPIVO), which indicates the representativeness of the source base. Most documents are being introduced into scientific use by the authors. The authors conclude that the party and Komsomol control over the moods of the younger generation, which strengthened in the period of mass political repression, could not turn it into a monolithic and completely devoted social group. The Soviet leadership demanding from young people a hostile attitude towards Trotskyism often engendered bewilderment and resistance. The reason for accusing them of Trotskyism was mostly young people’s doubt in the possibility of building communism in one country. However, even Komsomol members were often puzzled by such accusations, having quite superficial notions on Trotskyism. The analysis of the sources suggests that the figure of Trotsky, proclaimed by the official propaganda the “enemy of the people,” still had significant authority for the youth. Among the young people, many doubted the legality of charges against Trotsky and were not afraid to talk about political merits of the convicted “leader.” Some linked their hopes for a brighter future with the name of Trotsky, never doubting his return to the Soviet Union in order to lead the state. Many saw in Trotsky a semi-legendary figure, a genuine revolutionary, whose merits to the common cause of revolution and socialist construction could not be overestimated. The historical analysis lays the foundation for a new scientific view on characteristic features of political thinking of the Soviet youth during the Great Terror.
24
Shin, Boram. "Red Army Propaganda for Uzbek Soldiers and Localised Soviet Internationalism during World War II." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, no. 1 (April 13, 2015): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04201003.
Full textAbstract:
During World War II, the Red Army, which had been a predominantly Slavic institution, felt the need to ‘learn the languages’ of its non-Slavic Central Asian soldiers when a large number of recruits from Central Asia arrived at the front. The Red Army authorities mobilised Central Asian political and cultural apparatuses to produce propaganda materials targeting these non-Slavic soldiers. The mobilised Uzbek propagandists and frontline entertainers reinterpreted the Soviet motherland (rodina) using the local metaphor of the Uzbek fatherland (el/yurtt/o‘tov). In this process of reimagining the Soviet/national space, Soviet heroism and internationalism, promoted as a part of Soviet patriotism, reshaped the Uzbek national identity as an Asiatic liberator. This paper explores the propaganda materials and frontline entertainment tailored to the Uzbek Red Army soldiers and traces the nationalised war hero narrative in Komil Yashin’s 1949 playGeneral Rahimov.
25
KOZYCKYJ, Andrij. "“The Uninformed and Not Implicated Leader”: Collectivization and the Famine of 1932–1933 in the Soviet Biographies of Joseph Stalin." Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, no. 22 (July 14, 2022): 88–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2021.22.3700.
Full textAbstract:
Biographies of J. Stalin were an important component of the official communist propaganda during all history of the USSR. The first edited in USSR biography of J. Stalin was prepared in 1936 by French writer Henri Barbusse. The first edition of an official “Short Biography” of J. Stalin prepared by Soviet authors appeared in 1939. Main conceptual schemes of these two books were repeated in popular biographies of J. Stalin by Anna Louise Strong and Dmitry Volkogonov, published after Second World War. The large influence of official Soviet concepts is also noticeable in the books of Roy Medvedev and Anton Antonov-Ovsienko, formally independent of the communist propaganda apparatus (these two books were published in the USA without permission of Soviet authorities). The USSR vigorously denied that the Holodomor had occurred. According to the main schemes of Soviet propaganda, J. Stalin did not have information about real problems of collectivization and scale of starvation of people in 1932–1933, as well as was not personally responsible for the large-scale victims of collectivization and the man-made famine Holodomor. All authors of Stalin’s biographies of the Soviet period emphasized the inevitability of collectivization and defended the thesis, that Soviet policy of dekulakization had support of a large number of people. All Soviet biographies of J. Stalin in different way deny of falsify the fact of Holodomor 1932–1933.
26
Krasnoshchekov, Nikita Alekseevich, and Konstantin Anatol'evich Solov'ev. "Political and administrative support of the American Exhibition of 1959 in Moscow." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2021): 10–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.4.36156.
Full textAbstract:
The topic of decision-making in the sphere of foreign policy propaganda and counter-propaganda in the USSR of the mid XX century is poorly studied within the Russian historiography. The object of this research is the administrative decision-making process by political and administrative authorities in the context of reversal of directions and development of the new techniques in the Soviet foreign policy. The subject of this research is the organization of work on counter-propaganda in the process of preparing and hosting the American Exhibition in Moscow in 1959. The goal consists in determination of specificity of administrative activity in the sphere of propaganda and counter-propaganda. The author set the following tasks: identification of the organizational-administrative forms of ideological activity on the organization of exhibition; determination of the algorithm for making administrative decisions in this sphere; description of the tasks solved by the administrative authorities at different stages of this process depending on the implemented techniques. Research methodology is based on the documentary analysis (informative and textological) using the materials from the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History. The main conclusion lies in revealing the specificity of decision-making at different stages conducting such activity. The first stage is the analysis of actions of the American side and the forecast of possible response of the Soviet citizens to the information acquired during exhibition. This resulted in the development of preliminary proposals on adopting the measures to reduce the propaganda effect of the exhibition. The second stage is the political decision-making on holding the counter-propaganda events, development and approval of the particular action plan at the session of the Municipal Committee of CPSU. This stages mars the establishment of the two blocks of measures were formed: distraction of the Soviet citizens from exhibition, and measures on reduction of the propaganda effect (counter-propaganda). The third stage indicates positive perception of the exhibition by the Soviet citizens, which did not fully resolved the set tasks, and thus, required additional measures that would give the appearance of the critical attitude of Soviet people towards the exhibition.
27
Siromskyi, Ruslan. "Cultural exchange between Canada and Ukrainian SSR as an tool of Soviet propaganda." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.8.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the research is to analyze peculiarities of cultural exchange between Canada and the Ukrainian SSR in the 1960s and 1980s, which took place during the Cold War. The research methodology is defined by an interdisciplinary approach (history, culture, foreign relations) and is based on general scientific and special scientific methods, first of all, retrospection and historical comparison. The scientific novelty of the research is that on the basis of archival materials determined the forms and content of cultural exchange between the Ukrainian SSR and Canada, in particular its propaganda content. The Conclusions. During the Cold War the cultural sphere became an arena of confrontation, and art (or what was meant by it) became part of ideological propaganda campaigns. Cultural exchange was seen by the Soviets as a way of representing «achievements of socialist culture» to Canadian Ukrainians and as an effective propaganda tool. Formally, on the Soviet side, cultural exchanges were carried out by specially created organizations, which, however, were managed and financed through the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the International Department of the Committee of State Security (KGB). The request to maintain cultural ties with the Ukrainian SSR in Canada was largely due to the desire of the Ukrainian community overseas to maintain spiritual ties with the Motherland. Different approaches to the interpretation of cult exchange – from approval to complete denial – have provoked a lively discussion in the diaspora. Adherents of cultural programs from the Ukrainian SSR were Canadian left-wing organizations, such as the Association of United Ukrainian Canadians. The League of Liberation of Ukraine was a categorical opponent of the cultural exchange, whose representatives saw in the artists from the USSR Soviet emissaries called to «destroy» the Ukrainian community in Canada. Organizations within the Ukrainian Canadian Committee (UCC) condemned cultural exchange as a one-sided tool of Soviet propaganda, but viewed cultural ties as a way to influence Soviet artists. Because of one-sided Soviet cultural infiltration, on several occasions the UCC voiced its protest against Canada’s cultural exchanges with this country. Ukrainian Canadian artists, choirs and dance ensembles are not permitted to perform in Ukraine unless they were politically acceptable to the Soviet authorities.
28
Bulavin, Maksim V. "Reading in the System of the Soviet Antireligious Propagauda of 1920th - first half 1930th (on an example of Middle Urals)." Bibliotekovedenie [Russian Journal of Library Science], no. 2 (April 27, 2012): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2012-0-2-59-63.
Full textAbstract:
The researches in the history of religiousness and atheism of the soviet society demand the analysis of the methods used in the atheistic propaganda. The author of the article assesses the role of reading of antireligious literature in the system of atheistic propaganda in the Middle Ural in 1920-1930s and shows the factors strengthening or weakening its impact on the population.
29
Prosolova, E. V. "ANTI-AMERICAN PROPAGANDA IN THE SOVIET FEATURE CINEMA AT THE FIRST STAGE OF THE COLD WAR (1946–1953)." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 2 (2021): 130–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-2-130-141.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the history of the ideological struggle in the Soviet cinema in the period from 1946 to 1953. A particular attention is paid to the study of the era of «malokartinye» as a stage in the history of Soviet cinema, which influenced the further formation of the organization and control system over the release of film propaganda products. It analyze post-war cinema as a phenomenon that contains several interrelated elements and due to this is one of the most effective means of influence on the population in order to form the image of the enemy. The main tasks of creating anti-American film propaganda in 1946–1953 are determined in accordance with the foreign policy situation and the goals facing the Soviet leadership in this period. The conducted research allows the author to draw the conclusion on the formation at the indicated stage of a structured film narrative containing the image of the «American enemy».
30
Levin, Aleksey E. "Anatomy of a Public Campaign: “Academician Luzin's Case” in Soviet Political History." Slavic Review 49, no. 1 (1990): 90–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500418.
Full textAbstract:
In October 1985, when I first began research on the case of Academician Luzin, rumors had surfaced in the Soviet Union that new official regulations would require scientific articles containing no classified information to be published in Soviet journals before they could be cleared for publication abroad. The rumors were true. The effect of these new regulations clearly resembled the campaign against the mathematician Nikolai Nikolaevich Luzin, which had taken place fifty years before. Luzin was the victim of the first Soviet mass media campaign against such publication. The case against him appears to be an insignificant moment in the witch-hunting mania of the 1930s, since the propaganda was apparently aimed only at one full member of the Soviet Academy of Sciences and his alleged misconduct.
31
Shaw, Tony, and Denise J. Youngblood. "Cold War Sport, Film, and Propaganda: A Comparative Analysis of the Superpowers." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 160–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00721.
Full textAbstract:
Films and sports played central roles in Cold War popular culture. Each helped set ideological agendas domestically and internationally while serving as powerful substitutes for direct superpower conflict. This article brings film and sport together by offering the first comparative analysis of how U.S. and Soviet cinema used sport as an instrument of propaganda during the Cold War. The article explores the different propaganda styles that U.S. and Soviet sports films adopted and pinpoints the political functions they performed. It considers what Cold War sports cinema can tell us about political culture in the United States and the Soviet Union after 1945 and about the complex battle for hearts and minds that was so important to the East-West conflict.
32
Révész, Tamás. "A National Army Under the Red Banner? The Mobilisation of the Hungarian Red Army in 1919." Contemporary European History 31, no. 1 (October 19, 2021): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000187.
Full textAbstract:
This paper investigates the mobilisation of the Hungarian Red Army in 1919 by the short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic. It challenges the literature's existing interpretations, explaining the successful mobilisation of the regime with its ‘nationalist’ or ‘Bolshevik’ character. First, the paper examines the military policy of the regime, arguing that it was not a mere copy of the Russian communist model but was a unique combination of social-democratic and communist ideas. Second, it analyses the recruitment propaganda and demonstrates how it combined dogmatic Bolshevism with traditional elements of the wartime propaganda. Third, it investigates the methods used by the Hungarian Soviet Republic to mobilise the population both in Budapest and in the rural eastern countryside. It argues that the mobilisation was possible through the involvement of civil associations (mostly the trade unions) and the incorporation of the former Habsburg regiments in the new Red Army.
33
Moore, Paul. "‘And What Concentration Camps Those Were!’: Foreign Concentration Camps in Nazi Propaganda, 1933-9." Journal of Contemporary History 45, no. 3 (July 2010): 649–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009410366557.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines nazi propaganda on non-German ‘concentration camps’ in the years 1933—9. It shows how the regime publicized internment facilities in Austria, the Soviet Union and South Africa during the Boer War for rhetorical effect. This examination is placed within the context of extensive nazi propaganda concerning Germany’s own camps, demonstrating that the two propaganda strands worked not contrary to each other, but rather in a mutually reinforcing manner. In addition, the article will explore the legacy of this propaganda material in shaping popular attitudes with the onset of war and genocide.
34
Heiss, Mary Ann. "Exposing “Red Colonialism”: U.S. Propaganda at the United Nations, 1953–1963." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 3 (July 2015): 82–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00562.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1950s and early 1960s, the United States sought to challenge the Soviet Union's credibility as a champion of decolonization by casting Soviet control of Central Asia, the Baltic republics, and Eastern Europe in imperial terms, or what U.S. officials came to call “Red Colonialism.” Waged in large measure at the United Nations (UN) and other international forums, the Red Colonialism campaign sought to contrast the evolutionary nature of Western colonialism with the seeming permanence of Soviet domination. The campaign underscored the U.S. government's preoccupation with the Soviet threat at a time when much of the developing world was focused on other matters, such as national self-determination, racial equality, and economic development. This article looks at the genesis and nature of the Red Colonialism campaign and explains why a variety of factors ultimately prevented it from gaining much traction at the UN.
35
Лившин, Александр, and Игорь Орлов. "Советское «пропагандистское государство» в годы II мировой войны: ресурсные ограничения и коммуникативные возможности." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 39, no. 2 (2012): 192–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-03902004.
Full textAbstract:
Alexander Livshin and Igor Orlov The Soviet “Propaganda State” during World War II: Resource Constraints and Communication Capabilities “The new history of propaganda” studies the historical experience of using propaganda by different countries, including democratic ones, in the time of wars and other crises. It is evident that particular attention is paid to Nazi Germany and Stalinist USSR, the two excessively ideology-driven and politicized societies where propaganda played the role far beyond the boundaries of simple ideological indoctrination and manipulation of the public opinions and attitudes with the purpose of pushing the people towards a desired model of behavior. In both states propaganda became a fundamental core institution aimed at building and sustaining the social order. At the same time, if we consider the experience of Stalin’s USSR, then the usage of the term “propaganda state” introduced by Peter Kenez requires a significant caveat.
36
Fitzgibbon, Jacqueline. "Justifying Jihad: US politics, propaganda and the Afghan Mujahedeen, 1979-1989." Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2011 (January 1, 2011): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2011.14.
Full textAbstract:
‘I believe that our public diplomacy represents a powerful force, perhaps the most powerful force at our disposal, for shaping the history of the world.’ (Ronald Reagan) The Afghan resistance to the Soviet occupation began in 1979 and culminated in the withdrawal of Soviet forces a decade later and was, many believe, instrumental in the disintegration of the Soviet Union shortly after. The administration of President Ronald Reagan (1981-1989), many influential members of Congress and vocal right-wing groups, wholeheartedly supported the anti-government and anti-Soviet resistance efforts of the Afghan mujahedeen. These insurgents were recast as ‘freedom fighters’ and supplied with military hardware, training and economic aid by the US, Pakistan, China, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Furthermore, the Reagan administration undertook a major public diplomacy programme to promote this view of the mujahedeen to justify American support and ensure that the rest of the world, including Afghanis, saw the rebels in ...
37
Kovalev, Boris, and Sergey Kulik. "The image of Belarus in the Russian North-West collaborationist press, 1942—1944." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-2 (October 1, 2020): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi24.
Full textAbstract:
In the occupied territory of Russia, Nazi propaganda services organized the publication of newspapers and magazines. Special attention was paid to the issue of forming a positive image of Nazi policy towards various Soviet peoples and territories. A significant emphasis was placed on highlighting events in Belarus, a republic bordering the North-West of Russia. The main thesis of Nazi propaganda was the assertion that there was a national revival of a new independent state, freed by German troops from their enslaver-Bolshevism.
38
Gil Guerrero, Javier. "Propaganda Broadcasts and Cold War Politics: The Carter Administration's Outreach to Islam." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 4–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00716.
Full textAbstract:
After the Islamic revolution in Iran in early 1979 and the hostage crisis that began at the U.S. embassy in Tehran later that year, the Carter administration launched a public diplomacy campaign specifically directed at Muslims, the first of its kind. The idea was to counter the narrative of a Western crusade against Islam while highlighting the differences between the United States and militant Islam. In time, the damage control effort was transformed into an attempt to rally Muslims—both outside and inside the Soviet Union—against Soviet Communism. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan created an opportunity for the United States to bolster its standing in the Islamic world. Influencing Muslim opinion was no longer just a matter of delegitimizing the discourse of radical Islam, but also one of using the growth of religious sentiment among Muslims against the Soviet Union. The initiative's spearhead was the increased multilingual radio broadcasts directed at Muslim audiences across the globe.
39
Kovalev, Boris N., and Sergey V. Kulik. "Иранская проблема в нацистской пропаганде на оккупированной территории Северо-Запада России (1942–1943 гг.)." Oriental studies 15, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 280–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-60-2-280-291.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The article analyzes the coverage of the Iranian problem in the collaborationist newspapers Za rodinu (‘For Motherland’) and Novyi put’ (‘New Way’). These periodicals were published and circulated both in the Baltic and Northwest Russia during the Nazi occupation (1941–1944). The publications have never been subject to scientific inquiry before. The period witnessed a subtle diplomatic game on the ‘Iranian front’ played by Nazi Germany and aimed at winning over both Iran and Soviet peoples (including those from Transcaucasia) to its side. That policy proved so active that it was implemented even in a very remote region — Northwest Russia. Materials and methods. The work analyzes articles of the collaborationist newspapers dealing with Iranian affairs. In Russian and foreign historiography examining various aspects of Nazi propaganda during World War II this aspect has not been considered properly yet. The guiding research principles include those of objectivity, comprehensive analysis, historicism, and source criticism. Results. The article scrutinizes into Nazi Germany’s propaganda policy on Iran as a factor in the strategic struggle against the Soviet Union and Great Britain. Particular attention is paid to the propaganda affirmations used by Germany after the arrival of Soviet and British troops in Iran. Geographically, special emphasis is laid on the Near East. Nazi Russian-language propaganda in the occupied territories of Russia made significant efforts to prove depravity of the Allies of World War II. Iran and its people were treated as victims of the Soviet-British occupation and potential allies of the Third Reich.
40
Fokin, A. A., and O. I. Sharafutdinova. "“LIFE” VS “IZVESTIA”: AMERICAN-SOVIET DISCUSSION OF THE 1958 USSR SUPREME SOVIET ELECTIONS." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(59) (2022): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2022-4-164-173.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses an attempt to use the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR as a tool to promote the political advantage of socialism. The turn of the 1950s and 1960s was marked by a desire to build a dialogue between East and West. The USSR demonstrated its openness and willingness to compete with the West not only with tanks, planes and missiles, but also on a symbolic field. One such aspect of the competition, which was supposed to prove the superiority of socialism, was the Soviet elections. Soviet propaganda actively emphasized that genuine democracy existed only in the USSR. At the same time, the Soviet leadership did not at all seek to hide the features of Soviet elections (such as almost 100% turnout and no alternative elections), but rather tried to show the progressive nature of the Soviet electoral system. The articles by American journalist Hedley Donovan in the “Life” magazine and by Soviet journalist Vladimir Kudryavtsev in the “Izvestia” newspaper, which show the perception of the principles of democracy by representatives of different systems, serve as material in the paper. They show that for an American, having one candidate on the ballot overrode all the advantages of the Soviet elections, while for the Soviet side, it was an important sign of democracy. The desire to use Soviet reality as a basis for propaganda, and disappointment in the outcome of the exchange show that for the Soviet side, the election campaign for the USSR Supreme Soviet was seen not only as a political spectacle, but rather as a real manifestation of the Soviet understanding of democracy. The Soviet leadership adopted the idea of the need to lift the iron curtain, and then the very reality of the Soviet system would be the best argument to confirm the advantages of socialism. The article analyzes the political language of the description of the Soviet electoral system and the problems of modern studies of this issue.
41
Pyzikov, Denis D. "THE HISTORY OF ORTHODOXY IN THE ARTICLES OF THE «YEARBOOK» OF THE STATE MUSEUM OF THE HISTORY OF RELIGION AND ATHEISM OF THE ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF THE USSR." Sovremennye issledovaniya sotsialnykh problem 13, no. 4 (January 31, 2022): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/2077-1770-2021-13-4-196-213.
Full textAbstract:
Nowadays the theme of the scientist’s place in the situation of ideological restrictions and censorship is still relevant. So, from this point of view, it is very important to speak about humanities in the USSR and separate propaganda and scientific research. Despite the politicization of the discourse, not all religious studies of the Soviet period were the product of agitation and propaganda of atheism. Materials on the history of Orthodoxy in the «Yearbook» of the Museum of the History of Religion and Atheism are considered as an example of a scientific approach.
The aim of this research is to determine the main topics and directions of research on the history of Orthodoxy in articles of periodical «Yearbook» of the Museum of the History of Religion and Atheism. Being an important part of the scientific potential of the St. Petersburg school of religious studies, the «Yearbook» covered topical issues on the history of religion in articles by the classics of Russian religious studies.
The author uses the method of analytical study of sources and the method of comparative historical analysis to study the problem.
As a result, we can conclude that, 1) depending on the object of research, the articles can be divided into thematic groups, 2) and the «Yearbook» itself was the personification of the creative and scientific work of the Museum of the History of Religion and Atheism of the USSR Academy of Sciences.
This suggests that we can look at Soviet religious studies through the wall of propaganda and discover science itself.
42
Cormac, Rory. "British “Black” Productions." Journal of Cold War Studies 24, no. 3 (2022): 4–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01087.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Recently declassified archival materials reveal that the United Kingdom conducted a sustained program of so-called black propaganda at the height of the Cold War. This article examines roughly 350 operations in which the British government spread propaganda through forgeries and front groups. Placing the campaign in its broader global history, the article demonstrates that British black propaganda mainly targeted Soviet activity in Africa and Asia as part of the postcolonial battle for influence. The British government engaged in black propaganda far more often than has previously been kown, including aggressive operations seeking to disrupt, attack, and sow chaos as much as simply to expose lies. Although much of the content was broadly accurate, the fake sources deliberately deceived audiences in order to encourage a reaction, incite violence, or foment racial tensions.
43
SEVİNDİ, Koray. "IDEOLOGICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS IN SOVIET ANIMATION CINEMA." TURKISH ONLINE JOURNAL OF DESIGN ART AND COMMUNICATION 11, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 594–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.7456/11102100/017.
Full textAbstract:
In this study, the Soviet animation cinema's ideological discourses, which showed the consequences and reflections of the political ideology of the era, were examined. In line with the findings, it was considered that these animated films constitute a kind of cultural memory that exhibits the political history and social culture of the Soviets. The article's ideological discourse analysis method was applied by considering Teun A. van Dijk's study titled Ideological Discourse Analysis. As part of this research, because ideological discourses were analyzed, only short films with propaganda content were regarded among Soviet animations, and the scope of the study was restricted. Furthermore, the date range taken about the films was the term of Soyuzmultfilm, the official animation studio of the Soviet Union. The films created by the studio, which began its actions in 1936 until the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, were taken into account. The conclusions of discourse analysis were evaluated according to the headings 'self-identity', 'activity', 'goal', 'norm and value', 'position and relation' and 'resource' mentioned in the article Ideological Discourse Analysis, and the ideological discourses in Soviet animated cinema were analyzed.
44
Safonova, Nataliya V. "Orientalism of Soviet Posters." Oriental Courier, no. 4 (2022): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023834-5.
Full textAbstract:
The history of a rich poster’s tradition in the USSR is well studied. Despite the integrity of the Soviet poster genre, the Union’s regions had its own stylistic and thematic features. Moreover, there was a certain set of features and symbols typical for the depiction of Eastern regions’ inhabitants, which were used when referring to a particular republic on propaganda posters and posters dedicated to the “friendship of peoples”. The subject of this article, however, will not be the specifics of Soviet East’s depictions on posters intended for the citizens of our country, but the analysis of ideas about the East broadcasted to the West. The most popular representations of Eastern regions were romantic and orientalist images, which were fundamentally different from posters, made for “internal” use.
45
Shepherd, B. "The Nazi Occupation of the Soviet Union 1941-4: Exploitation and Propaganda." English Historical Review CXXVI, no. 519 (April 1, 2011): 386–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cer073.
Full text
46
Brian Lapierre. "The Body Soviet: Propaganda, Hygiene, and the Revolutionary State (review)." Journal of World History 21, no. 3 (2010): 547–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2010.0025.
Full text
47
Xiaochen, Liu. "Anti-revisionism struggle under the name of anti-imperialism: demonstration in front of the US Embassy in Moscow 1965." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-2 (December 1, 2020): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi27.
Full textAbstract:
With the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations in the 1960s the ideological struggle between the PRC and the USSR inevitably influenced Chinese students who were studying at that time in Soviet universities. Chinese students, who had a strong sense of political responsibility, actively responded to the domestic propaganda of anti-revisionism. The article deals with the demonstration of foreign students in front of the US embassy in Moscow in March 1965 and its violent suppression by the Soviet police - an episode of the conflict between the PRC and the USSR over leadership in Vietnam issue. On the base of archival materials the author reconstructs the course of events, analyzes the reasons and the consequences of the incident, which became a crucial moment in Sino-Soviet relations.
48
Kotelenets, Elena A., and Maria Yu Lavrenteva. "The British Weekly: a case study of British propaganda to the Soviet Union during World War II." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 24, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 486–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2019-24-3-486-498.
Full textAbstract:
The research investigates a publishing history of the Britansky Souyznik (British Ally) weekly (further - British Weekly) in Russian language, which was published in the Soviet Union by the UK Ministry of Information in the Second World War years and to 1950. This newspaper published reports from fronts where British troops fought against Nazi Germany and its allies, articles on British-Soviet military cooperation, materials about British science, industry, agriculture, and transport, reports on people’s life in the UK, historical background of British Commonwealth countries, cultural and literature reviews. British Weekly circulation in the USSR was 50,000 copies. The main method used for the research was the study of the newspaper’s materials, as well as the propaganda concepts of its editorial board and their influence on the audience. The researched materials are from archives of the Soviet Foreign Ministry as well as of the UK Ministry of Information and Political Warfare Executive (1940-1945), declassified by the British Government only in 2002, on the basis of which an independent analysis is conducted. The British Weekly played a bright role in the formation of techniques and methods of British foreign policy propaganda to Soviet public opinion in 1942-1945. Results of the research indicates that the British government launched foreign policy propaganda to the USSR immediately after breaking-out of World War II and used the experience of the British Weekly for psychological warfare in the Cold War years.
49
Doiar, Larуsa. "Journal "Soviet Lviv" (1945—1951): the role of regional periodics of the Ukrainian SSR in the development of Ukrainian studies." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 6 (June 24, 2021): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2021.6(299).45-50.
Full textAbstract:
The presented article continues a number of author's researches devoted to the history of domestic periodicals. The prepared publication raises the issue of periodicals published in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in the first years after the end of the Second World War. The subject of the study was the regional socio-political and literary-artistic magazine "Soviet Lviv", which was published for six years — from 1945 to 1951. The magazine of the Lviv branch of the Union of Soviet Writers of Ukraine became a worthy continuation of the pre-war editions of the western Ukrainian region, namely: the Galician magazine "Literature and Art" (edited by Oleksa Desnyak) and the almanac "Soviet Bukovyna" (edited by O. Kobylyanska). The publication of "Soviet Lviv" coincided with the appearance of the magazine "Soviet Transcarpathia". In general, these publications played an important ideological role — the latter were an effective mechanism for the Sovietization of the western Ukrainian lands annexed to the USSR. According to their functional purpose, magazines became a powerful tool of communist propaganda and agitation. So, it is not surprising that the editorial board of the magazine "Soviet Lviv" included not only the leaders of the local party authorities (in particular, the secretary of the Lviv regional committee of the CP(b)U for propaganda and agitation I. Mazepa), but also representatives of the highest circles of ideologically motivated Ukrainian writers (somehow, one of the co-authors of the National Anthem of the USSR "Long live Ukraine, beautiful and strong" M. Bazhan). At the same time, against the background of propaganda, the magazine quite persistently promoted publications of Ukrainian studies, including scientific ones, which was certainly facilitated by the presence in the editorial board of the famous Ukrainian Soviet literary critic, Academician of the USSR M. Vozniak. Based on the content analysis, the author came to the conclusion that the magazine "Soviet Lviv" was one of the centers of republican French studies and a platform for the popularization of the best examples of Ukrainian literary classics.
50
Kowalsky, Daniel. "The Spanish Republic’s Diplomatic Mission to Moscow during Civil War. Part 1." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 1 (2021): 212–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.113.
Full textAbstract:
The Spanish Civil War played a unique role in the Soviet Union’s geo-political strategies in the second half of the 1930s. The conflict marked the first occasion that Moscow had participated in a foreign war beyond its traditional spheres of influence. But Soviet involvement in the Spanish war went far beyond the sale of armor and aviation to the beleaguered Spanish Republic. While Moscow organized and supported the creation of the International Brigades, on the cultural front, the Soviets sought to roll out a broad program of propaganda, employing film, poster art and music to link the destinies of the Slavic and Hispanic peoples. If scholars have succeeded in recent years to rewrite the history of many components of Soviet participation in the Spanish Civil War, diplomatic relations between the Republic and Moscow remain an unexplored theme. This is the first instalment of a two-part article, unpublished official documents, as well as memoirs, newsreels, private letters and the press, to offer the first narrative history of the Republican embassy in Moscow. The diplomatic rapprochement between the USSR and Spain in 1933 is explored as a prelude to the exchange of ambassadors following the outbreak of the Civil War in summer 1936. The appointment of the young Spanish doctor Marcelino Pascua to a newly recreated Moscow embassy is examined in detail, up to autumn 1937. This article allows the reader hitherto unavailable access to the daily trials, disappointments and occasional breakthroughs experienced by the Spanish Republican ambassador in Stalin’s Soviet Union.