Journal articles on the topic 'Propaganda, Communist – Poland'
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1
Szostak, Sylwia, and Sabina Mihelj. "Coming to terms with Communist propaganda: Post-communism, memory and generation." European Journal of Cultural Studies 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2016): 324–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549416682247.
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This article has two main aims. First, it seeks to contribute to existing research on the mediation of post-communist memory by considering the Polish case and specifically by focusing on audience memories of an iconic television series produced in communist Poland, Four Tankmen and a Dog (TVP, 1966–1970), set during World War II. Second, the article pays particular attention to the generational stratification of audience memories, and thereby makes a contribution to recent literature that examines the links between generation and mediated remembering. The analysis draws on life-course interviews with viewers of two different generations, conducted in Poland in 2014. The results indicate that the ways in which Polish audiences remember communist-era programming, and specifically the extent to which they perceive such programming as propaganda, vary significantly with generation. We argue that these differences stem from generationally specific experiences in the past, which gave rise to distinct modes of engaging with the communist era and its heritage.
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Friedrich, Klaus Peter. "Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944)." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.180.
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Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about.
At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover
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Kaźmierczak, Janusz. "The Community That Never Was: The European Defense Community and Its Image in Polish Visual Propaganda of the 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 4 (October 2009): 118–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.4.118.
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Communist propaganda was sharply critical of all integration attempts made in Western Europe. In numerous political posters and cartoons published in Poland, the brunt of the criticism was borne by the European Defense Community (EDC) from October 1950, when the idea of military integration was first proposed by French Prime Minister René Pleven, until August 1954, when a vote in the French National Assembly effectively killed the project. Through a contextualized discussion of selected posters and cartoons, which are reproduced in the text, this article relates Polish visual anti-EDC propaganda to aspects of Communist ideology, Soviet geostrategic interests, and Polish domestic politics and shows how the propaganda was intended to help the Communist authorities achieve specific goals.
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Krimmer, Maren. "Soviet War Memorials in Poland – An International Legal Analysis." osteuropa recht 65, no. 4 (2019): 422–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2019-4-422.
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Cultural property recently came to the public attention during the debate on monuments and memorials in Poland following the “de-communization law” enacted in 2016. The “Law on the Prohibition of Propaganda of Communist or Other Totalitarian Regimes through Naming Buildings, Objects and Public Utility Installations, dated 1 April 2016” implies banning communist propaganda or other totalitarian regimes and mostly concerns Soviet monuments and memorials erected in Poland after the Second World War by the USSR. This law not only concerns the protection of cultural heritage, but there is also an existing Polish-Russian bilateral agreement listing certain objects as cultural property. This article analyses the interpretation of the bilateral treaty between Russia and Poland concerning the protection of cultural property, and further examines whether or not Poland’s actions conform with the 1992 Polish- Russian treaty. Furthermore, this article sheds light on the 1970 UNESCO Convention and thus the current status of the customary international law in regard to the destruction of cultural property.
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ŁUKASIEWICZ, SERGIUSZ. "High treason. The activity of The Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius in 1930–1935." Journal of Education Culture and Society 3, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20121.82.93.
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The purpose of this paper is to attempt to explain the activities of the Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius during the fi rst half of the thirties of the twentieth century. The author’s aim is to show the organisation, theory and practice of this illegal party. Further-more, the intention is to present the activities of Vilnius police towards communist sym-pathizers and activists. Founded in 1923 in Vilnius, the Communist Party of Western Belaruswas a branch of The Communist Party of Poland. This organization like the polish communist party was illegal. Its aim was to combat the Polish state and to perform electioneering for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Although the name of the party could indicate a desire for independence of Belarus, in practice it was for the removal of the north eastern provinces of the Second Republic of Poland to the USSR. CPWB activity had a special dimension in Vilnius. As the region’s largest city and former capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Vilnus was home for many nations, religions and cultures. Moreover, Vil-nius was the most important fi eld for communist action. Given the number of inhabitants, industrialized multi-ethnic character, communists had the opportunity to develop wide subversive and conspiratorial work. In addition, the city was the great centre of production and distribution of communist publications, which allowed the spread of propaganda in both its administrative boundaries and in the Vilnius Voivodeship.
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Szymkowska-Bartyzel, Jolanta. "A Good Man Among Bad Americans." Ad Americam 18 (January 30, 2018): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.18.2017.18.05.
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Przekrój was one of the most popular culture magazines published in Communist Poland. It was addressed to intellectual elites. For many years it saved much of its independence and neutral character. The paper presents the image JFK in the magazine that generally did not deal with politics and avoided the communist propaganda. Content analysis of the weekly’s issues from the period of 1960-1964 show several discourses in which JFK was presented to Przekrój readers.
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Buchowski, Michał, David B. Kronenfeld, William Peterman, and Lynn Thomas. "Language, Nineteen eighty-four, and 1989." Language in Society 23, no. 4 (September 1994): 555–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500018194.
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ABSTRACTThe article examines the fact that the push for democracy and the end of Communist rule in Central Europe was phrased in terms of traditional European notions of freedom and democracy, in spite of longlived Communist attempts to redefine these and related terms in order to make them a Communist reality. Communist language usage was forcefully brought home to the West by George Orwell in Nineteen Eighty-Four, especially in his notion of “doublethink”. We use the semantic theory of David Kronenfeld, along with Leon Festinger's theory of cognitive dissonance and Jean Piaget's views of how children's cognitive systems develop (including natural language), to derive a theoretical explanation for the failure of the Orwellian prediction and of the Communist linguistic efforts on which it was predicated. The explanation involves Ferdinand de Saussure's central idea that language is an interlinked system which is crucially social, and points to the critical role of childre's early language learning (in mundane, everyday contexts) on the development and structuring of their adult system. (Extensionist semantics, politics and language, cognitive dissonance, Central Europe, Poland, George Orwell, propaganda, language change)
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Hrabovec, Emilia. "The Holy See and Czechoslovakia 1945—1948 in the Context of the Nascent Cold War." ISTORIYA 12, no. 8 (106) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016710-0.
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The spectre of Communist expansion as a result of the Second World War represented for Pope Pius XII one of the greatest concerns. The unambiguously pro-Soviet orientation of the Czechoslovak government in exile and the crucial influence of Communists in the inner architecture of the restored state convinced the Holy See that Czechoslovakia was already in 1945 fully absorbed into the Soviet sphere of influence. This fact strengthened the Pope’s conviction of the necessity to resume relations with Prague as soon as possible and to send a nuncio there who would provide reliable information and protect the interests of the Church threatened both by open persecution and by propaganda manoeuvres in favour of a “progressive Catholicism”. The importance of the relations with Czechoslovakia stood out also in the international perspective, in which Czechoslovakia, in contrast to Poland or Hungary, seemed to be the last observatory still accessible to the Vatican diplomacy in the whole East-Central Europe. The year 1947 represented a caesura in the relations between the Holy See and Czechoslovakia. In the international context, this year was generally perceived by the Vatican as a definitive reinforcement of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. In the Czechoslovak framework, the greatest importance was ascribed to the political crisis in Slovakia in autumn 1947, during which the Communists definitively took over the political power in Slovakia. The lost struggle over the predominantly Catholic Slovakia, that for some time had been considered by the Vatican one of very few hopes for the defence of Christian interests in the Republic, was perceived by the Holy See as a dominant breakthrough on the way to the total Communist transformation of Czechoslovakia. While in the immediate post-war period the Holy See had tried to come to terms with Czechoslovakia also at the price of some compromises, in winter 1947/1948 the last hopes for a diplomatic solution vanished and were replaced by the conviction that in the confrontation with Communism not diplomatic, but spiritual weapons — prayer, testimony, martyrdom — were of crucial importance.
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Verdery, Katherine. "Nationalism and National Sentiment in Post-socialist Romania." Slavic Review 52, no. 2 (1993): 179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499919.
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For western observers, a striking concomitant of the end of communist party rule was the sudden appearance of national movements and national sentiments. We were not alone in our surprise: even more taken aback were party leaders, somehow persuaded by their own propaganda that party rule had resolved the so–called "national question." That this was far from true was evident all across the region: from separatism in Slovenia, Croatia, Slovakia and the Baltic and other Soviet republics; to bloodshed between Romania's Hungarians and Romanians, and between Bulgaria's Turks and Bulgarians; to Gypsy-bashing in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria; and widespread anti-Semitism–even in countries like Poland where there were virtually no Jews.
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Kula, Marcin. "Czy komunizm tkwił w nas? Rozumowane wspomnienia historyka o dawnym zakładzie pracy." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 54, no. 4 (December 22, 2010): 153–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2010.54.4.9.
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The author analyses the problem of soaking up, or internalising, communism in the times of the Peoples’ Republic of Poland (PRL) and claims that it constitutes a fascinating, though difficult, field of research. In order to impose some limits on the problem and make its analysis feasible, he uses his memories from his former workplace from the communist times, as a starting point for a study of manifestations of communism in everyday life. Paraphrasing the language of communist propaganda, the author analyses the title question in terms of mutual influences of “the base” (i.e. The History Institute and its institutional surroundings) and “the superstructure” (i.e. the faculty, and life histories of some of its members). He asks what was the influence of the milieu on the quality and scope of research conducted in the Institute. While the author asserts that communism was undoubtedly wrong, he also maintains that presenting a uniformly bleak view of the period makes it impossible to conduct rational analysis. For example, it makes it difficult to make sense of the last days of the regime, the birth of opposition, or the fact that the establishment was gradually giving way and losing ground. The author claims that, in spite of all their faults, the final appraisal of the activity of Polish historians is not unanimously negative. Their activity constituted a part in the historical processes unfolding around them, being at the same time one of its causes and its effect.
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Miodowski, Adam. "„Robotnica”, „Włościanka” i „Kobieta Sowiecka” – główne tytuły masowej sowieckiej prasy kobiecej szczebla centralnego (przed II wojną i po II wojnie światowej)." Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych, no. 1(10) (2021): 97–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/cnisk.2021.01.10.05.
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In Poland, there is a noticeable deficit of knowledge about the mass Soviet women’s press. After all, it for decades shaped the views and attitudes of millions of Russian, Ukrainian, Belarusian women and other residents of the Soviet Union. Such periodicals as “Robotnica”, “Włościanka”, “Kobieta Sowiecka”, being at the central level a part of a powerful propaganda machine, facilitated the Communist Party’s ‘piecemeal’ of women’s souls in the spirit of Marxist feminism. And its promoters, such as Nadezhda Krupska, Anna Ulyanova-Yelizarova, Inessa Armand, Aleksandra Kołłontaj and many others like them, so much that less known associates of Vladimir Lenin and his successors combined political and journalistic activity. The consequence of this situation was not only the instrumentalization of the women’s press politicized by the communist party, but also the limitation of its agency.
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Gawroński, Arkadiusz. "Ideological, educational and propaganda aspects of the 4th National Youth Spartakiad in 1975 in Bialystok." Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe 5, no. 3 (2022): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/sit.2022.03.03.
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During the communist Polish People’s Republic period, National Youth Spartakiads ranked among the biggest sporting events in the country. The competitions, in which young people participated, provided an ideal environment for exerting ideological and educational influence on them. This influence should be understood as actions taken by the state authorities aimed at shaping the awareness of the indicated social group and adopting by the members of this group the attitudes desired from the perspective of the party and state authorities of the People’s Republic of Poland. The communist authorities engaged co-operating socialist youth organisations to fulfil that task. The aim of this paper is to discuss the activities of youth organisations in terms of their ideological and educational impact during a major sporting event such as the 4th National Youth Spartakiad in 1975, using the example of the activities of youth organizations in the Białostockie, Łomżyńskie and Suwalskie Voivodships. The sources were archival materials found in the resources of the Archive of New Files in Warsaw and the State Archive in Białystok, as well as press materials published in the local newspaper “Gazeta Współczesna”. The article discusses the participation of youth organisations in the promotion of physical culture in the Polish People’s Republic, their propaganda activities and the methods of ideological and educational agitation adopted by these organisations during the 4th National Youth Spartakiad. The area of interest also included the use of the ideals of the Olympic movement to shape the attitudes of young people desired by the communist authorities.
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Andrzejak, Izabela. "Folk dance as a tool of socialist propaganda based on Paweł Pawlikowski’s Cold War." Dziennikarstwo i Media 15 (June 29, 2021): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2082-8322.15.4.
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The article addressed the issue of using folk dance as a tool of propaganda by the communist party. It is not uncommon to associate the activity of folk groups with the period of socialist realism and the years that followed in. Folk song and dance ensembles have always been a colorful showcase of the country outside of its borders and have often added splendor to distinguished national events with their performances. Nevertheless, their artistic activity was not motivated solely by the beauty of Polish folklore, for folk ensembles formed after World War II were often created to aid the goals of the communist party. Reaching for folk repertoire and transferring regional songs and dances to the stage was seen as opposition to the elite culture. Cultural reform made performances accessible to the working class, and folk song and dance expressed admiration for the work of people in the countryside. In addition to traditional songs from various regions of Poland, the repertoire of these ensembles also included many songs in honor of Stalin and about the Polish-Soviet friendship. Paweł Pawlikowski’s award-winning film, Cold War, which partially follows a song and dance ensemble (aptly named Mazurek), shows many of the dilemmas and controversies that the artists of this period had to face.
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Pauluk, Dorota. "A Woman in the Polish Model of Sex Education in the Stalinist and Post-Stalinist Period." Historia scholastica 8, no. 2 (December 2022): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2022-2-007.
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After the Second World War, Poland imposed a socialist system and Marxist ideology. Communist propaganda proclaimed the slogans of emancipation and equality of women through work. This situation changed the relationship between the sexes and how roles were performed. Moral changes, a demographic explosion, high divorce and abortion rates were a serious scratch on the image of an ideal society for the communists. Sexual education was to counteract the negative trends. The article aims to show the image of a woman that emerges from the publication of sex education during the period of Stalinism and post-Stalinism. The compact publications recommended by the Society for Conscious Motherhood (1946–1962), supported by the communist authorities, were selected for the analysis. The female themes are a mixture of scientific knowledge and Marxist ideology. Sex education aimed to prepare responsible wives and mothers who would reconcile traditional roles with professional work. The knowledge of rational fertility management (contraception) was to ensure the fulfilment of the roles. With an emphasis on emancipation and equality, women were also held responsible for the quality of sex life, the welfare of marriage, family and socialist society. The argument for such an approach was to result from the natural differences between the sexes. The results of the analysis showed inconsistency and inconsistency in the emerging image of a woman and expectations regarding the performance of social roles.
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Brzostek, Dariusz. "Constructing African future: Africa and African people in Polish science fiction of the socialist era." Przegląd Kulturoznawczy, no. 3 (49) (2021): 479–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843860pk.21.033.14353.
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The paper’s main objective is to analyse the visions of an African future in the Polish Socialist Era science fiction. Speculative fiction played an important part in the cultural landscape of socialist Poland, being integral to the popular culture as well as to communist propaganda. The image of a communist future was a major motif in the early Socialist Era science fiction narratives and also the impressive political forecast of the final worldwide triumph of the Communist Party. These narratives also included some interesting examples of the African future and the African people in the futuristic communist world: the Black communist and astronaut, Hannibal Smith, as the main character of The Astronauts [Astronauci, 1951] by Stanisław Lem; the African astronauts in The Magellanic Cloud [Obłok Magellana, 1955] by Stanisław Lem and the story of the African slaves’ rebelion against the capitalists on the space station Celestia in the novel by Krzysztof Boruńand Andrzej Trepka The Lost Future [Zagubiona przyszłość, 1953]. Lem’s novels were also adapter into films: The Magellanic Cloud as The Voyage to the End of the Universe (Ikarie XB-1, 1963, directed by Jindřich Polák), The Astronauts as First Spaceship on Venus (Der schweigende Stern, 1960, directed by Kurt Maetzig) – in which the Nigerian actor, Julius Ongewe, appeared as a very first African astronaut in the history of cinema.
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Kardela, Piotr. "Professor Waclaw Szyszkowski — a Lawyer, Anticommunist, One From the Generation of Independent Poland." Internal Security Special Issue (January 14, 2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8401.
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The article presents the activity of Wacław Szyszkowski, a lawyer, an emigration independence activist and an outstanding scientist, who fought in the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920 and, after Poland regained independence, was active in a secret Union of the Polish Youth “Zet” and a public Union of the Polish Democratic Youth. Until 1939 W. Szyszkowski was a defence lawyer in Warsaw, supporting the activities of the Central Union of the Rural Youth “Siew” and the Work Cooperative “Grupa Techniczna”. Published articles in political and legal journals, such as “Przełom”, “Naród i Państwo”, “Palestra”, “Głos Prawa”. During World War II — a conspirator of the Union for Defense of the Republic of Poland, soldier of the Union of Armed Struggle and Home Army, assigned to the Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the Home Army Headquarters. Fought in the Warsaw Uprising, after which he was deported by Germans to the Murnau oflag in Bavaria. For helping Jews during the occupation, the Yad Vashem Institute awarded him and his wife Irena the title of Righteous Among the Nations. After 1945, he remained in the West, engaging in the life of the Polish war exile in France, Great Britain and the United States. He received a doctorate in law at the Sorbonne. He belonged to the People’s Party “Wolność”, the Association of Polish Combatants. He was a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile. As an anti-communist, he was invigilated by the communist intelligence of the People’s Republic of Poland. In the 1960s, after returning to Poland, as a lawyer and scientist, he was first affiliated with the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University of Lublin, and then with Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. W. Szyszkowski is the author of nearly two hundred scientific and journalistic publications printed in Poland and abroad.
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Solová, Regina. "Profils du concept de Pologne dans la revue Polska en 1968. Étude des textes de propagande extérieure à destination des lecteurs du premier, du second et du tiers monde." Studia Romanica Posnaniensia 49, no. 4 (January 9, 2023): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strop.2022.494.009.
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This paper examines the profiles of the concept of Poland based on a corpus of foreign propaganda texts published in French and Slovak in 1968. The texts analysed come from three magazines: La Pologne, Polsko and La Revue Polonaise, created by political decision of the communist leaders to disseminate a positive image of Poland abroad. The purpose of this study is to test the hypothesis that the three profiles of the concept of Poland, aimed at first, second and third-world audiences, are different from each other due to differences motivated by extra-linguistic factors, and in particular, the various objectives of the country’s foreign policy. The study is inspired by the work of the Lublin School of Ethnolinguistics on the linguistic representation of reality. Its methods make it possible to identify variants of the representation of an object through the examination of textual data, such as the ways of naming it, the semantic relations of synonymy and antonymy, or the series of its aspects mobilised in the discourse.
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Kuświk, Bartosz. "Scoutmaster Jan Poplewski – An Example of Attributing Financial Crime to Opponents of the Communist Regime." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 34, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sho-2016-0011.
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Abstract The article describes a failed attempt to attribute financial crime – embezzlement of the money belonging to the Greater Poland Headquarters of the Local Council of the Polish Scouting and Guiding Association – to scoutmaster Jan Poplewski. However, from the very beginning, the security services were interested in his anti-systemic activity, i.e. inspiring illegal activities among young scouts in the Stalinist period. This story serves as an example for exploring the underresearched problem of attributing various crimes to the opponents of the system, in order to discredit them and use this fact for propaganda purposes. The scale of this problem is impossible to estimate at present, but sometimes it is possible to describe individual cases – for example the case of scoutmaster Jan Poplewski.
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Vaišnys, Andrius. "Lithuania's Demarcation of Information from Poland's Solidarity Movement in 1980-1981." Studia Medioznawcze 22, no. 2 (May 4, 2021): 908–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33077/uw.24511617.sm.2021.2.650.
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The aim of the article: Despite the fact that everything we know in Polish history about the emergence of Solidarity [Polish: Solidarność], Polish trade unions, in 1980-1981, and the conflict with the communist totalitarian regime is described in sources as ‘the Polish Crisis’, the question remains open about the contemporaneous deepening communication crisis of the communist government in Lithuania, whose history had long – until the middle of the 20th century – been very closely linked to the development of Poland. From 1951 to 1989, Lithuania was separated from Poland by a double barbed-wire Soviet border barrier without any border crossing points. Nevertheless, the author proposes delving into what type of information control measures the Soviet regime used in influencing the Lithuanian people by undermining their interest in the workers’ strikes and the expanding trade union movement in Poland 40 years ago, trying to set Lithuanians against Polish society, and also how the media in the West helped renew the dialogue between Lithuanian and Polish diaspora organisations. Research methods: The author performed a content analysis of KGB documents in the Lithuanian Special Archives and examined the content of the Lithuanian SSR mass media and the mass media of the Lithuanian diaspora in the United States. Results and conclusions: The Soviet concept of security that was implemented by the repressive structure of the KGB was largely associated with the restriction of information, censorship and self-censorship of the population. However, it was also associated with the recruitment of Lithuanian citizens into ongoing cooperation with the secret service to collect data about Polish people who were ‘disloyal’ to the regime and transfer information to the security service of communist Poland, so the content of these reports must be disclosed. Cognitive value: Thus, the article provides the broader context, in which the content of the propaganda press is only one element of the system that controlled the public space.
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POLNIAK, Łukasz. "POLISH WAR MOVIES AS A CASE STUDY OF THE MYTH OF THE BEGINNINGS OF NEW STATEHOOD AS THE LEGITIMIST CATEGORY IN THE POLISH PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 160, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.2964.
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This article attempts to reconstruct the mythology surrounding the beginnings of state-hood of the Polish People’s Republic after the Second World War. As the means of conveying political propaganda, myths were primarily propagated in the Polish war movies of the period 1956 through 1989. The myth pertaining to the origin of statehood aimed to legitimize the roots of the communist system in Poland. As such, it is the part of a broader mythology which had developed over centuries in the national consciousness, the “myth of Polish statehood. It was used by the communists as propaganda after the Second World War. Its other mythological components include: permanence, reference to tradition and nationalism. Its main elements are: the portraying of the beginning of statehood as a drama, the myth of the army as an institution and the myth of the soldier as a charismatic figure, the myth of Western and Northern territories and the myth of Bieszczady mountains as the new Polish Eastern Borderlands, the myth of the lost patriot hero, the myth of the folk hero and the myth of widespread support for the new state authorities in years 1944-1947. It is important to note the attempts to connect the nationalistic (anti-German and anti-Ukrainian) threads with the elements of military ethos. It appears that after 1956 the current socialist realism was replaced by the myths of the beginning and the military ethics.
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SOWIŃSKA, Danuta. "Oskarżeni o współpracę z bolszewikami i działalność komunistyczną przed siedleckim Sądem Okręgowym w latach 1918-1939." Historia i Świat 1 (September 8, 2012): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2012.01.02.
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Interwar period in Poland was full of many phenomena, which are elements of the development of the new state. Among them was also condemn those that interfere destructively on the general public, and even were the factors threatening the sovereignty of the newly liberated country. In the former Polish Kingdom, attention is the problem of Polish citizens cooperate with the Bolsheviks during the 1920 war phenomenon is met with strong opposition of the broad masses of society and special interest of justice. The case list the Criminal Division of the District Court of Siedlce, early 20s Twentieth century, was the site of many processes, accused of favoring the Bolsheviks, against the Polish state. Each of the pending issues here, reveals another reason to establish this collaboration. Frequently it was the fear, the defendants rarely reveal ideological reasons. With time, these processes took place Lawsuits brought accused of belonging to a communist organization. Although the scale of their operations within the jurisdiction of the District Court of Siedlce was not large, it is especially in the early 30s became prominent among the workers and artisans. Also carried out active propaganda among young people, with an affected by unemployment and lack of prospects. Their goal was to overthrow the existing regime and take power in Poland. Therefore, any Communist activity, increase its vigilance of law enforcement and justice.
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Hołobut, Agata. "Three Lives of The Saint in Polish Voiceover Translation." Broadcasting with Intent 57, no. 2 (February 4, 2013): 478–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1013957ar.
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The article adopts a diachronic perspective on Polish screen translation. It compares the voiceover version of the British series The Saint broadcast on public television under the old regime with more recent ones, released twenty-five and thirty years later. The main aim is to analyse traces of socio-cultural manipulation in the consecutive portrayals of the Western reality, with special emphasis on translation practice in the communist era. The first section provides historical background for the research, discussing the role of translated programmes in the first decades of the Polish Television. The second section focuses on manipulative techniques, such as projection, caricature, generalisation and omission, used by the earliest translators of the series to adapt the audiovisual message to the needs of communist propaganda. Specific examples illustrate how the Western reality was distorted to criticise materialism and individualism, promote selfless collectivism and class struggle and shape appropriate civic attitudes. The final section presents a brief overview of symptoms of socio-cultural manipulation in the more recent versions of the series, used to adapt it to the changed socio-political situation in Poland.
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Kuisz, Jarosław. "Film, Law and Propaganda. Preliminary Remarks on the Law and Film Relations at the Beginning of the Communist Poland." Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte Österreichs 1 (2014): 465–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/brgoe2013-2s465.
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Antoniuk, Oleksii, and Yaroslav Antoniuk. "THE POLICY OF THE POLISH COMMUNIST POWER ON CHANGING CHURCH GOVERNANCE IN THE WESTERN AND NORTHERN LANDS OF POLAND (1945-1951)." European Historical Studies, no. 20 (2021): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.4.
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The article considers the policy of the Polish communist power, which aimed at eliminating the temporary condition of church government and establishing a permanent church administration in the Western and Northern lands of Poland in 1945-1951. The attention of the party-state leadership to the preparation of an appeal to episcopate and to the conduct of a broad propaganda campaign in the press to eliminate the temporary condition in the “reunited lands” has been traced. Under the influence of pressure and threats from the authorities, the temporary church administrators of Wroclaw, Gdansk, Gorzow, Olsztyn and Opole resigned their posts. The election of permanent capitular vicars of these dioceses, organized by the government on the direct instructions of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, indicates the determination of the authorities’ actions. Most of the newly elected diocesan leaders were clergymen who belonged to “patriotic priests”. The position of the episcopate on changing church governance in the Western and Northern lands of Poland has been highlighted. Trying to prevent further advance on church institutions of power structures, Primate S. Wyszynski, in agreement with the Main Commission of the Episcopate, allowed to take an oath “of allegiance to the Polish Republic and its People’s Democratic power” by five new capitular vicars. The difficulties of the negotiation process between the party-state leadership and the representatives of the episcopate have been clarified. Personal meetings between Primate S. Wyszynski and president of Poland B. Bierut were of particular importance for further church-state relations. Changes in the confessional sphere of state policy, which resulted in the direct intervention of the communist authorities in the personnel policy of the Catholic Church and the attempt to force the episcopate to recognize the supremacy of state power, have been analyzed.
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Kuliś, Jakub. "Transitions in the Way Germans and Polish-German Relations Were Presented in the Primary Schools of the Polish People’s Republic." Historia scholastica 8, no. 1 (August 2022): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2022-1-004.
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The aim of the article is to show the changes in the perception of Germans and Polish-German relations in the education of the People’s Republic of Poland. This problem is related to the changes in the domestic politics of post-war Poland and both German states. The paper is devoted to the evolution of the perception of Poland’s western neighbor from the post-war period to the end of the Polish People’s Republic, i.e. until 1989. The study presents the beginnings of the anti-German narration, caused by war trauma, which has intensified since 1949 due to pressure which has been exerted by communist government. The next part shows in which places the end of Stalinism and the takeover of power by Władysław Gomułka softened the perception of Federal Republic of Germany. The next phase was opened by the recognition of the western border of Poland by the Federal Republic of Germany on December 7, 1970. This event entailed a gradual liberalization of the recognition of the German problem in the curricula. Undoubtedly, this tendency deepened in the decade of Edward Gierek’s rule due to the problems of the Polish People’s Republic with the repayment of foreign debt, partly also in West Germany. In the early 1980s, the establishment of The Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarność brought a new quality. Thanks to them the methods of showing Germans (and Polish education as a whole) started a slowly evolution to eliminate the communist propaganda. The school subjects which received the most attention were history, German language, Polish language and geography, because during these lessons the issues related to Germany were most often discussed. The work was created on the basis of selected textbooks and curricula.
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Osińska-Szymańska, Maja, and Katarzyna Preuhs. "Polityczność feminatywów." Studia Polityczne 50, no. 3 (December 30, 2022): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2022.50.3.01.
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The article takes a diachronic look at feminatives in the Polish language from the sixteenth century to the present day. The authors recall the history of female forms in the language. Referring to pre-war journalism, discussions in the journal Poradnik Językowy [The Linguistic Guide] and the propaganda lexis of communist Poland, they prove that female forms are not foreign to the Polish language. They create a comprehensive list of reasons why feminatives have disappeared from Polish, taking account of both intra-linguistic and extra-linguistic factors. The authors refer to examples from contemporary media and public discourse to show gender asymmetry in the language and the mechanisms of its operation. The article ends with an attempt to fi nd a solution to the current situation based on the practices of the Polish feminist community and English-speaking communities.
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Lysiuk, Anatolij, and Maryia Sakalouskaya. "Modern Poland in the Eyes of Belarusians: Sociological Analysis." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 8 (December 28, 2020): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2020.8.32-46.
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The article studies set of views of the inhabitants of the bordering with Poland Brest and Grodno regions on the Polish experience of social modernisation in the post-communist period. It is pointed out a positive perception of the image of Poland, based on the recognition of the obvious successes achieved by Polish society. A significant part of the respondents believe that the greatest successes have been achieved by this country in the socio-economic area, and the main reasons of this are accession to the European Union, development of market economy institutions and creation of a democratic political system. The respondents believe that Polish experience can be used for their country development, including also moving beyond the Russia’s sphere of influence and joining the European Union. Comparing Polish and Belarusian paths of development, majority of Belarusians prefer Polish way of doing reforms. The number of Belarusians who feel anxiety about Poland’s accession to the Euro-Atlantic institutions has decreased over the past 20 years. The general growth of a positive attitude towards Poland and Poles in all appearances was noted, despite the intensive anti-Polish propaganda carried out in Belarus by state media. Sociological study shows that, according to the Belarusians, they have nothing to offer Poles regarding the organisation of economic and socio-political life, but they might be interested at the Belarusian experience in cleanup on the streets, as well as strengthening of tolerance in the society.
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Tanikowski, Artur. "Self-Patronage versus State Patronage: Polish and Polish-Jewish Artists React to the Trauma of March ’68." Ars Judaica: The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 95–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/aj.2020.16.7.
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Social tensions in communist Poland were exacerbated with the launching of anti-Zionist propaganda in June 1967. Warsaw students organized numerous protests after the authorities tightened censorship, and later banned the staging of Adam Mickiewicz’s Dziady at the National Theater, considering it to be anti-Soviet. Government forces stifled student protests with numerous arrests, at times causing serious injuries, dismissals from the university, and ultimately the expulsion of Polish citizens of Jewish origin from Poland. The restrictions affected Holocaust survivors who were employed in art schools and cultural institutions. This group included Artur Nacht-Samborski, Jonasz Stern, Eugeniusz Eibisch, and Gizela Szancerowa, among others. Notable artistic testimonies of the experience of March ’68 events and their effects were left by painters and sculptors from the Warsaw Academy of Fine Arts, its students, graduates, and lecturers: Witlod Masznicz, Artur Nacht-Samborski, Krystiana Robb-Narbutt, Ewa Kuryluk, Jerzy Jarnuszkiewicz, and others in his studio - Barbara Falender, Henryk Morel, Grzegorz Kowalski, and Krzysztof M. Bednarski. In Cracow, artists belonging to the Wprost (Explicit) group, including Maciej Bieniasz, Zbylut Grzywacz, Leszek Sobocki, and Jacek Waltoś, commented on the events of March ’68 boldly and on an ongoing basis.
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Solová, Regina. "Traduction – représentation – exploitation." Między Oryginałem a Przekładem 25, no. 45 (August 26, 2019): 139–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/moap.25.2019.45.07.
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Translation – Representation – Exploitation. The Polish Events of 1980-1981 in the Magazine Polska: czasopismo ilustrowane
The magazine Polska: czasopismo ilustrowane was created to present the cultural, economic and social events of People’s Poland to foreign readers. The Polish original of the monthly and its western editions (German, English, Spanish, French, and – until June 1981 – Swedish) were produced by the services of the Polish Agency Interpress, responsible for the publication and foreign dissemination of the magazine in accordance with the objectives of state propaganda.The aim of this contribution is to examine how the Polish events of 1980-1981 were represented in the monthly, taking into account that the propaganda policies of the communist countries used to vary depending on both the socio-political events and the target audience. The analysis of a selection of texts from the Polish edition (the translations faithfully imitated the original) published between August 1980 and November 1981 shows that the representation of the Polish thaw (the strikes, the creation of the trade union “Solidarity”, and the authorities’ reaction) was dominated by the pro-government point of view, and that the liberalization of the editorial line lasted for only four months. The exploitation of the magazine for propaganda purposes was more important than the desire to adapt it to the intended audience.
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Omatowski, Cezar M. "“I Leapt over the Wall and They Made Me President”: Historical Context, Rhetorical Agency and the Amazing Career Of Lech Walesa." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 155–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.8.1.0155.
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Abstract The rise of Lech Walesa from shipyard electrician to leader of “Solidarity,” international icon of freedom, and first president of democratic Poland was closely bound up with rhetoric. Walesa's idiosyncratic verbal style galvanized the masses and successfully confronted communist propaganda. The revolution of the workers on the Baltic coast was to a large extent a revolution in language. Walesa was also a skilled negotiator. As president, however, he was a controversial figure; his conception of democracy as a continuing war of words is widely credited with spelling the end of the idealistic “Solidarity” era. Today, allegations remain that Walesa was an agent provocateur and that the Polish revolution may have been a provocation that got out of hand. Some allege that Walesa's myth was a creation of Western media, a function of people's desires, and an accident of the historical moment. While there is no proof that any of these allegations are true and the documentary record reveals Walesa's undeniable rhetorical prowess and political talent, his case provides material for reflection on the relationship between history, rhetoric, and political agency.
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Mazurkiewicz, Adam. "Prehistoria nowych mediów w wersji krajowej (uwagi na marginesie lektury monografii Piotra Sitarskiego, Marii B. Gardy i Krzysztofa Jajki „Nowe media” w PRL)." Literatura i Kultura Popularna 28 (October 7, 2022): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0867-7441.28.14.
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The article presents the monograph by Piotr Sitarski, Maria B. Garda, and Krzysztof Jajko Nowe media w PRL [New Media in the Polish People’s Republic]. The authors of the book presented how technological development was assimilated by society in the final stage of the existence of the Polish People’s Republic. Individual chapters describe the process of social assimilation of video, microcomputers, and satellite television in Poland. Referring to social history, the authors show the beginnings of the Polish digital society in the 1980s. They do this using modern methodologies from history of technology, social history, and oral history. The aim of the article is to show the processes discussed in the book against the background of social and political changes of the epoch. The documents cited (Uchwała generalna VI Kongresu Techników Polskich [Resolution of the VI Congress of Polish Technicians]) and events (Rok Nauki Polskiej [Year of Polish Science], II Kongres Nauki [II Congress of Science]) allow us to see the links between the modernization of the Polish and communist propaganda. The technology was aimed to certify the strength of the socialist system.
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Żak, Marek. "INDOKTRYNACJA POLITYCZNA FUNKCJONARIUSZY MILICJI OBYWATELSKIEJ W LATACH 1945–1948 NA PRZYKŁADZIE ZIEMI LEGNICKIEJ." PRZEGLĄD POLICYJNY 1, no. 121 (March 1, 2016): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5677.
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Funkcjonariusze Milicji Obywatelskiej od samego początku istnienia tej instytucji byli poddawani szeroko zakrojonej i intensywnej akcji indoktrynacji komunistycznej. Miała ona na celu odpowiednie ukierunkowanie poglądów politycznych poszczególnych członków tej formacji policyjnej. Zadaniem tym miał się zająć specjalnie do tego powołany korpus ofi cerów ds. polityczno-wychowawczych, którzy wedle założeń mieli pracować w każdej jednostce milicji w kraju. Problemy kadrowe MO w pierwszych latach jej funkcjonowania sprawiły, że selekcja kandydatów Keywords: Citizens’ Militia, Legnica, Poland 1945–1948, PRL, indoctrination, propaganda, communism Summary: From the very beginning of Citizen’s Militia its offi cials were subjected to wide range of strong communist indoctrination. Its main purpose was to channel political views of Militia members. That task was designed for special constituted corps of politicopedagogical offi cers who, according to postulates, were supposed to work in every Militia entity in the country. Understaffi ng of Citizens’ Militia in the fi rst years of its working caused, that the selection of candidates was less rigorous than in the subsequent years. Political work had to start from scratch and Nr 1(121) Indoktrynacja polityczna funkcjonariuszy Milicji Obywatelskiej… 143 pod kątem przekonań politycznych była o wiele mniej rygorystyczna, niż miało to miejsce w latach późniejszych. Praca polityczna musiała być rozpoczynana praktycznie od zera, a rola ofi cerów ds. polityczno-wychowawczych nabierała jeszcze większego znaczenia. Musieli oni odpowiednio „przeszkolić” swoich podopiecznych. Jednakże katastrofalne warunki funkcjonowania pierwszych jednostek MO (braki kadrowe, sprzętowe, liche umundurowanie, słaba aprowizacja, dziurawe fi nanse itd.) sprawiły, że działalność ofi cerów ds. polityczno- -wychowawczych była wybitnie utrudniona oraz z nadmiaru innych obowiązków wyraźnie zaniedbana
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Sroka, Piotr. "Ks. Andrzej Dziełak „Gdyby nie kardynał kominek, nie byłoby Jana Pawła II”. Wspomnienie o Bolesławie Kominku i Orędziu biskupów Polskich do biskupów niemieckich." Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej 1 (October 30, 2011): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.26774/wrhm.17.
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An account given by Rev. Andrzej Dziełak is one of over a dozen such narratives written down for a scientific conference “Cardinal Kominek – a forerunner of the Polish-German reconciliation” which was organized by The Memory and Future Institute (Wrocław, 4th December 2008). These conference documents give us insight into circumstances and consequences of the Polish bishops addressing the German bishops. In some parts, these documents are focused in the narrative of Rev. Andrzej Dziełak, who in 1965 was a clerical student in the Higher Seminary in Wrocław. For contemporary clerics Cardinal Kominek was an indisputable authority, both moral and intellectual. Every Saturday during a seminary meeting he would share with them his observations on the situation of the Catholic Church in those days in Poland and abroad, and on complex relations with the communist state. Still, the Pastoral Letter of the Polish bishops to the German bishops turned out to be a huge surprise to the Catholic clergy of Wrocław, especially since at the beginning they did not have the text of the document at their disposal. Rev. Dziełak admits that at the beginning the message conveyed in the Letter was received with reluctance by a great part of the congregation. This was due to the recent war and a successful propaganda of the communist government. However, right from the beginning, clerics had no doubts as to the identity of the author of the groundbreaking document – they knew that it was prepared by a bishop of Wrocław who was the most knowledgeable person in the Episcopate regarding German issues.
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Bal, Wojciech, and Magdalena Czałczyńska-Podolska. "Architecture and Recreation as a Political Tool—Seaside Architectural Heritage of the Worker Holiday Fund (WHF) in the Era of the Polish People’s Republic (1949–1989)." Sustainability 14, no. 1 (December 24, 2021): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14010171.
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The Worker Holiday Fund (WHF) was set up just after the Second World War as a state-dependent organization that arranged recreation for Polish workers under the socialist doctrine. The communist authorities turned organized recreation into a tool of indoctrination and propaganda. This research aims to characterize the seaside tourism architecture in the Polish People’s Republic (1949–1989) against the background of nationalized and organized tourism being used as a political tool, to typify the architecture and to verify the influence of politics on the development of holiday architecture in Poland. The research methodology is based on historical and interpretative studies (iconology, iconography and historiography) and field studies. The research helped distinguish four basic groups of holiday facilities: one form of adapted facilities (former villas and boarding houses) and three forms of new facilities (sanatorium-type, pavilion-type and lightweight temporary facilities, such as bungalows and cabins). The study found that each type of holiday facility was characterized by certain political significance and social impact. Gradual destruction was the fate of a significant part of WHF facilities, which, in the public awareness, are commonly associated with the past era of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL) as an “unwanted heritage”.
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Antoniuk, Ya. "UVO AND OUN UNDERGROUND ACTIVITY IN THE TERRITORY OF POLISSYA VOIVODESHIP (1928 – 1939)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 128 (2016): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2016.128.1.01.
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The article examines characteristic features of Ukrainian Military (UVO) and Ukrainian Nationalists Organizations (OUN) cells creation and activity in the territory of Polissia voivodeship, the Second Polish Republic. That is to say, on the lands which now belong to Belorussia. It is proved that local indigenous population – 'Polishchuks' – actively supported the Ukrainian national liberation movement. The first UMO cells emerged there almost simultaneously with the neighboring Volyn. Moreover, Kovel district became the spread center of Ukrainian nationalists influence on the north. At that time the main OUN means of activity was 'dark-blue line' tactic, when they achieved the influence on legal Ukrainian organizations and propaganda spreading. The strong position among communist underground organizations, which were the main rivals of Ukrainian nationalists, was the regional peculiarity of the locality. It was ascertained that Polissia district leadership's flexibility of UNO allowed to conclude a temporary truce with them and to form the largest anti-Poland rebellion unit in the West part of Ukraine, called 'Polissia Lozovi Cossaks'. Afterwards, it appeared as the precursor of transformation of liberation movement to more extensive level and rise of the first Ukrainian Rebellion Army subordinate units in the territory of Polissia district.
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Pogorzelska, Marzanna. "Sto lat metody projektów w Polsce." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 36 (October 15, 2018): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2017.36.10.
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A Hundred Years of the Project Method in PolandThe text presents the development of the project method in Polish education throughout the last century. The project method was introduced into Poland after regaining independence, and it was implemented during the inter-war period (1918–1939) in some schools, both in urban and rural environments. Nevertheless, the method was at that time treated as a pedagogical novelty andexperiment, rather than a natural part of school life. After 1945, education, like other aspects ofsocio-political life, was influenced by the communist propaganda, and the project method, supporting autonomy, democracy and empowerment, was not promoted as a valuable educational approach. After 1989, when progressive trends appeared in Polish schools, the project method gained somepopularity but it was not until 2008 when it was granted national and formal recognition. Then, the new core curriculum was developed, and the project method became an obligatory part of school reality. The revival of the project method was connected with the alarming findings concerning social capital in Poland. In this situation, making students cooperate within projects seemed aremedy for the decreasing social capital. As the author points out, formal introduction of the method does not necessarily mean its effective accomplishment, which should be accompanied by spontaneity and authentic engagement. What is more, as the author shows, after decades of theabsence of this method in Poland, and the lack of the relevant socio-cultural background, teachers might find it difficult to implement a project so as to contribute to the increase of social capital. All these areas need further investigation. Nevertheless, the author hopes that the text will contribute tobetter understanding of contemporary challenges and opportunities related to the implementation of the idea of projects in Polish education.
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Miodowski, Adam. "The monthly magazine «Praca Kobiet» about the activities of organizations related to the Women’s International Democratic Federation (March – December 1946)." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-2-71-83.
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The research on women’s history presented in this publication supplements the gap existing in polish historiography. The gap includes not only knowledge about the activities of women's organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation (including the polish Social-Civic League of Women). The same applies to the assessment of the role of women in political, social and cultural changes taking place in Poland (and in the world) in the first years after the end of World War II. The main purpose of this publication is to show the historical conditions of the activities of the Social-Civic League of Women, as well as similar organizations in other European, African and North American countries. The basic source used in the research process is the monthly «Praca Kobiet» (and additionally the periodical «Nasza Praca»). The work uses a methodology typical for studies based on press sources. Their list includes the following methods: analytical-empirical, deductive-nomological, deductive-hypothetical and classical method of content analysis. The effect of the undertaken research is to establish that the information articles on the activities of organizations associated in the Women’s International Democratic Federation published on the pages of the «Praca Kobiet» monthly were in fact agitation and propaganda. The polish feminist press manipulated facts and thus influenced the formation of pro-communist and anti-Western views of women. The topic is not exhausted and needs to be continued. Further research will require a wider use of press sources not only from Poland, but also from other countries.
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Wigura, Karolina. "Alternative Historical Narrative." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 27, no. 3 (December 27, 2012): 400–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325412467456.
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“Polish Bishops’ Appeal to Their German Colleagues” of 18 November 1965 was one of the fifty-six letters written by the Polish Episcopate to episcopates all over the world on the occasion of the end of the Second Vatican Council. However, this one had a special character. In all letters, the brother bishops were first informed about one thousand years of Christianity in Poland, then an outline of the millennium history was given, emphasizing, if possible, common history. The Letter to the German Episcopate had a special significance symbolized by the famous words contained in it: “we grant forgiveness and we ask for forgiveness.” Twenty years after the end of the Second World War, in a communist Poland, where being anti-German (more precisely being anti-Western Germany) was an inherent feature of the official propaganda of the state, the Polish bishops undertook to write an alternative history of relations with the western neighbour. The article examines the Appeal, presenting the background of creating the document, recalling its text and interpreting the text, using keys derived from contemporary philosophy of forgiveness, such as for example Paul Ricoeur’s and Józef Tischner’s, as well as historical documents such as letters written by the authors of the Appeal. Thanks to the alternative history described by the letter, the Appeal has served for years not only as the first step on the way to German–Polish reconciliation but also as the first political declaration using the word “forgiveness” after the Second World War.
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Zvozdetska, Oksana. "Present-day Poland Media Landscape: Compliance with EU Regulations." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.116-127.
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The article gives an in-depth analysis of the modern Poland government policy in taking on public media and the European Union stance regarding these reforms.
The author argues that Poland public media have been the subject of political disputes since the 90s of the last century. Noteworthy, in October 2015 the newly elected Polish government, namely, the ruling Law and Justice party (known by its Polish initials as PiS) announced its public media to radically reform. To be more precise, the government aimed at replacing the current public media with a national broadcaster that would promote national interests under closer government control.
According to PiS elite, Polish public media is presently supervised by the National Media Council, an organization that consists of members elected by the president and the Lower House of the Polish parliament. This means that Poland’s public media is under direct control of the government. The reform of the public media has been part of PiS plans to re-orientate Polish society towards traditional values since the party came back to power. What is more, the heads of the ruling Law and Justice party consider that the present-day public media are the tools of propaganda of the ruling in 2007-2015 and currently the oppositional liberal party – the Civic Platform.
The researcher notes that the Polish government launched a new parliamentary initiative as a result of legislative changes, and eventually, the government has returned to the state-known media-dependent government-owned model in the past. Furthermore, from the point of view of a democratic state, law and its main provisions, this reform stipulates the authorities and the mass media symbiosis. However, public media should guarantee freedom of speech, information and creative independence and the separation of public media from politics. Remarkably, in a country, where public media used to be a tool of the communist dictatorship until 1989, media and constitutional reforms pose threats to civil liberties.
According to NGO ‘Freedom House’ research, freedom of the press suffers from oppression by the authorities, the government’s intolerance to independent or unbiased journalism, political influence on the media and restrictions on freedom of expression regarding Polish history and consciousness. Interestingly according to the latest studies done in 2017, Poland public media have become partially free for the first time since 1990.
To conclude, in December 20, 2017 the European Parliament adopted the resolution, backing the European Commission decision, to initiate the sanctions imposition on Poland over judicial reform. Consequently, the European Commission triggered a procedure against undermining and shrinking of democracy, violation of human rights, freedom of speech, as well as pluralism and the formation of a dependent judicial system in Poland.
Keywords: Republic of Poland, public media, freedom of the press, EU sanctions
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Szymoniczek, Joanna. "Polska opinia publiczna wobec Niemiec i wydarzeń 1968 roku w Niemczech." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 20 (March 30, 2012): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2012.20.04.
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The media system formed in Poland after the Second Word War was subordinated to political practice. The ruling communist party treated the radio, press and television as one of the most important tools for exercising power and controlling social processes. All the content being conveyed was scrupulously censored. The same applied to articles concerning the Federal Republic of Germany. Throughout the entire era of the People’s Republic of Poland, the RFG was ‘the villain of the piece’. The press published numerous articles in reminder of the Second World War and successive anniversaries of specific crimes, incessantly recalling their scale, the destruction and the number of victims. The texts frequently referred to the revisionist policy of the post-war RFG. West Germany was thus presented as a militaristic state, striving to obtain nuclear weapons and rockets, exerting pressure on her Western partners to push armament programmes and frustrating disarmament, a state where the left was suppressed and the German Communist Party was persecuted by the police while the Nazis (NDP) grew in strength. In view of Bonn’s obsession with regard to the re-unification of Germany, Poland, went the narrative, could not trust West Germany. Such an image of the RFG in the Polish media was congruent with the objectives of Poland’s foreign policy toward that country.In 1968, the events occurring in the FRG, the youth’s protest on a mass scale, the brutal methods of the police, the passing of emergency laws which restricted citizens’ freedoms, were reported accurately, emotionally and with a propaganda bias. These reports were given an additional emphasis by their tone, which was alarmist, often hysterical and with no shortage of loaded headlines, which usually made reference to the Second World War and the perpetual threat posed to both Poland and the other Eastern Bloc states by the FRG. There were few references in the Polish press to 1968 in Germany. They were recalled, in principle, only when criticising the Western life style and the ‘moral collapse of the West’, reporting terrorism-related events in Germany, in particular, the Red Army Faction in the 1970s and the appointment of Joschka Fischer as foreign minister of the FRG in 1998. On the other hand, mention was frequently made of the events related to the Second World War, associating them with the German expectations of apologies for the expulsions, statements puing a question mark over the Oder and Lusitian Neisse rivers, and so forth. Throughout these years, a relatively considerable amount of column space was devoted to the German political scene, expressing interest in particular elections. In the entire period analysed here, the Polish media were very eager to report German problems and troubles such as the titles. the fall of a government, economic woes, terrorism, the excesses of the young people, the defeat of Germany’s national football team, or the FRG’s ‘only’ winning a silver medal in the Olympics. Pre-1989, this willingness to pesent the FRG unfavourably is highly visible; later it becomes less direct, though it can still be perceived in some of the titles.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Bobowski, Sławomir. "Tematyka ukraińska w powojennym polskim filmie fabularnym do 1989 roku." Studia Filmoznawcze 37 (September 14, 2016): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.37.7.
Full textAbstract:
UKRAINIAN THEMES IN POLISH CINEMA UNTIL 1989In postwar Poland three films were created that alluded directly to the fights of the Polish Communistic Army against the Ukrainian Uprising Army and the Polish Home Army, which took place in Bieszczady at the end of the Second War and in the following several months. These were: Sergeant Major Kaleń Ewa and Czesław Petelscy, 1961, The Ruptured Bridge Jerzy Passendorfer, 1962, Woolves’ Echos Aleksander Ścibor-Rylski, 1968. They were all made to create the myth of Bieszczady, to achieve a propaganda effect. They also all have a form close to that of the western which was a very popular genre in Poland in the time of their making. This form was to make the realization of the mythologizing and propaganda task easier. In Sergeant Major Kaleń the main topic is a military conflict between some troops of the Polish Communistic Army and Ukrainian insurgents just after the end of the Second World War. The movie was an attempt to show the complicated social-political situation of the period in the south-eastern edge of Poland — in Bieszczady. But it was an attempt strongly ideological and dishonest from the point of view of the historical and political truth. The movie has an interesting protagonist, it depicts quite suggestively some human types from Bieszczady of those times, but it is not just in showing “the Ukrainian question” as well as the Polish Home Army and its brave and tragic “cursed soldiers”. Although it should be pointed out that from the historical-political perspective the film is much more honest than the novel by Jan Gerhard Łuny w Bieszczadach [The Glow in Bieszczady] of which it was an adaptation. The Ukrainians and the soldiers of the Polish Home Army in the film by the Petelskis are cruel and ruthless, and only the soldiers of the Communist Polish army are good and honest people. The Ruptured Bridge is also an image touching upon the matter of Polish-Ukrainian struggles just before the end of the Second World War and shortly after that, but it is mainly a splendid film of adventure with some distinctive features of western and criminal-spy-sensational genre. It was based on the short story Śniegi płyną The Snows Are Flowing by Roman Bratny. This is a really good movie that is not as strongly soaked with communistic propaganda as the previous one that does not show the soldiers of UPA Ukrainian Uprising Army as monsters. It is rather universal in its message its epicenter is the beautiful — brave and heroic — attitude of a shire officer who is also an engineer. Similarly to Sergearnt Major Kaleń the literary prototype was much more historically and politically dishonest than its screen adaptation. In Bratny’s short story visible are some postcolonial accents. The Ukrainians are showed as a society culturally retarded, primitive, wild, while Passendorfer’s film seems to suggest that this possible cultural latency of Ukraine was caused by the historical faults of Russia and Poland that in the past had treated Ukraine as their colony. Besides Passendorfer shows this “wildness” of the Ukrainian soldiers in some romantic aura of “Ruthenian falcons”. In turn, Woolves’ Echos is an unpretentious adventure film, lacking political-historical ambitions, successfully shot from its beginning to an end in a western convention. The plot takes place in Bieszczady, a few years after the Second World War. When we measure the gravity of problems separating Poles and Ukrainians after WWII, problems which had never been solved or explored in the Polish People’s Republic, then Woolves’ Echos appears to be compromising for the director, producers and for the Polish People’s Republic’s film authorities of those times. Tadeusz Lubelski once wrote: “The authors [of the movie] did not see to any authentication of the complicated story matters, the most important of which was the real conflict on the Polish-Ukrainian frontier”. Two more movies with clear Ukrainian motives were made in the later years of film development in the Polish People’s Republic. Mr. Wołodyjowski Jerzy Hoffman, 1969 and Mazepa Gustaw Holoubek, 1975. The first one was an adaptation of a novel with the same title, written by Henryk Sienkiewicz. The second movie was a film adaptation of a romantic drama written by Juliusz Słowacki also with the same title. In Sienkiewicz’s novel, the last volume in his trilogy which is very significant for the shape of cultural and historical relations between Poles and Ukrainians, we can find a few very pro-Ukrainian-and-Polish motives e.g. a widely depicted beautiful story of a difficult Polish-Ukrainian relation between Muszalski and Dydiuk — from consuming hatred up to fervent friendship. In Holoubek’s Mazepa, in turn, the pro-Ukrainian/pro-Ruthenian accent is strongly visible. Eponymous Mazepa — in the time of the action of Słowacki’s play and — of course — film, being a pageboy of the Polish King Casimir — is along with the protagonist Zbigniew the most noble and upstanding character in the movie. They are both also the most tragic heroes of the play, personalizing the sacrifice of young people — the Poles and the Ruthenians — that the lordly Poland quite often made in its history to last in its colonial shape.Translated by Sławomir Bobowski
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Bobowski, Sławomir. "Українська тематика у повоєнному польському ігровому кіно до 1989 року." Studia Filmoznawcze 37 (September 14, 2016): 179–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-116x.37.8.
Full textAbstract:
UKRAINIAN THEMES IN POLISH CINEMA UNTIL 1989In postwar Poland three films were created that alluded directly to the fights of the Polish Communistic Army against the Ukrainian Uprising Army and the Polish Home Army, which took place in Bieszczady at the end of the Second War and in the following several months. These were: Sergeant Major Kaleń Ewa and Czesław Petelscy, 1961, The Ruptured Bridge Jerzy Passendorfer, 1962, Woolves’ Echos Aleksander Ścibor-Rylski, 1968. They were all made to create the myth of Bieszczady, to achieve a propaganda effect. They also all have a form close to that of the western which was a very popular genre in Poland in the time of their making. This form was to make the realization of the mythologizing and propaganda task easier. In Sergeant Major Kaleń the main topic is a military conflict between some troops of the Polish Communistic Army and Ukrainian insurgents just after the end of the Second World War. The movie was an attempt to show the complicated social-political situation of the period in the south-eastern edge of Poland — in Bieszczady. But it was an attempt strongly ideological and dishonest from the point of view of the historical and political truth. The movie has an interesting protagonist, it depicts quite suggestively some human types from Bieszczady of those times, but it is not just in showing “the Ukrainian question” as well as the Polish Home Army and its brave and tragic “cursed soldiers”. Although it should be pointed out that from the historical-political perspective the film is much more honest than the novel by Jan Gerhard Łuny w Bieszczadach [The Glow in Bieszczady] of which it was an adaptation. The Ukrainians and the soldiers of the Polish Home Army in the film by the Petelskis are cruel and ruthless, and only the soldiers of the Communist Polish army are good and honest people. The Ruptured Bridge is also an image touching upon the matter of Polish-Ukrainian struggles just before the end of the Second World War and shortly after that, but it is mainly a splendid film of adventure with some distinctive features of western and criminal-spy-sensational genre. It was based on the short story Śniegi płyną The Snows Are Flowing by Roman Bratny. This is a really good movie that is not as strongly soaked with communistic propaganda as the previous one that does not show the soldiers of UPA Ukrainian Uprising Army as monsters. It is rather universal in its message its epicenter is the beautiful — brave and heroic — attitude of a shire officer who is also an engineer. Similarly to Sergearnt Major Kaleń the literary prototype was much more historically and politically dishonest than its screen adaptation. In Bratny’s short story visible are some postcolonial accents. The Ukrainians are showed as a society culturally retarded, primitive, wild, while Passendorfer’s film seems to suggest that this possible cultural latency of Ukraine was caused by the historical faults of Russia and Poland that in the past had treated Ukraine as their colony. Besides Passendorfer shows this “wildness” of the Ukrainian soldiers in some romantic aura of “Ruthenian falcons”. In turn, Woolves’ Echos is an unpretentious adventure film, lacking political-historical ambitions, successfully shot from its beginning to an end in a western convention. The plot takes place in Bieszczady, a few years after the Second World War. When we measure the gravity of problems separating Poles and Ukrainians after WWII, problems which had never been solved or explored in the Polish People’s Republic, then Woolves’ Echos appears to be compromising for the director, producers and for the Polish People’s Republic’s film authorities of those times. Tadeusz Lubelski once wrote: “The authors [of the movie] did not see to any authentication of the complicated story matters, the most important of which was the real conflict on the Polish-Ukrainian frontier”. Two more movies with clear Ukrainian motives were made in the later years of film development in the Polish People’s Republic. Mr. Wołodyjowski Jerzy Hoffman, 1969 and Mazepa Gustaw Holoubek, 1975. The first one was an adaptation of a novel with the same title, written by Henryk Sienkiewicz. The second movie was a film adaptation of a romantic drama written by Juliusz Słowacki also with the same title. In Sienkiewicz’s novel, the last volume in his trilogy which is very significant for the shape of cultural and historical relations between Poles and Ukrainians, we can find a few very pro-Ukrainian-and-Polish motives e.g. a widely depicted beautiful story of a difficult Polish-Ukrainian relation between Muszalski and Dydiuk — from consuming hatred up to fervent friendship. In Holoubek’s Mazepa, in turn, the pro-Ukrainian/pro-Ruthenian accent is strongly visible. Eponymous Mazepa — in the time of the action of Słowacki’s play and — of course — film, being a pageboy of the Polish King Casimir — is along with the protagonist Zbigniew the most noble and upstanding character in the movie. They are both also the most tragic heroes of the play, personalizing the sacrifice of young people — the Poles and the Ruthenians — that the lordly Poland quite often made in its history to last in its colonial shape.Translated by Sławomir Bobowski
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Radomska, Magdalena. "Transformacja w sztuce w postkomunistycznej Europie." Artium Quaestiones, no. 29 (May 7, 2019): 409–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2018.29.15.
Full textAbstract:
The paper focuses on the ways of visualizing political and economic transformation in the works of artists from post-communist Europe mainly in the 1990s. Those works, which today, in a wide geographical context, may be interpreted as problematizing the idea of transformation, were often originally appropriated by such discourses of the post-transformation decade as the art of the new media and technology (Estonia), performance (Russia), feminism (Lithuania), body art (Hungary), and critical art (Poland), which marginalized the problem of transformation. Analyses of the works of artists from Lithuania, Estonia, Hungary, Bulgaria, and Russia make it possible to determine and problematize the poles of transformation in a number of ways, pointing at the inadequacy of those poles which traditionally spread from the end of totalitarian communism to democracy identified with free market economy. By the same token, they allow one to question their apparent antithetical character which connects the transformation process to the binary structures of meaning established in the period of the Cold War. The presented analyses demonstrate that the gist of the transformation was not so much the fall of communism, which is surviving in the post-1989 art of East-Central Europe due to the leftist inclinations of many artists with a Marxist intellectual background, but the collapse of the binary structure of the world. Methodologically inspired by Boris Buden, Susan Buck-Morss, Marina Gržinić, Edit András, Boris Groys, Alexander Kiossev, and Igor Zabel, they restore the revolutionary character of 1989 and, simultaneously, a dialectical approach to the accepted poles of the transformation. An example of ideological appropriation, which may be interpreted as problematizing the political transformation, is Trap. Expulsion from Paradiseby the Lithuanian artist Eglė Rakauskaitė. The first part of the paper focuses on Jaan Toomik’s May 15-June 1, 1992, interpreted in the theoretical terms proposed by Marina Gržinić and Boris Groys as a work of art that visualizes the concept of post-communism as excrement of the transformation process. Placed in the context of such works as In Fat(1998) by Eglė Rakauskaitė, 200 000 Ft(1997) by the Hungarian artist Kriszta Nagy or Corrections(1996-1998) by Rassim Krastev from Bulgaria, Toomik’s work is one of many created at that time in East-Central Europe, which thematized the transformation process with reference to the artist’s body. Krastev’s Correctionsproblematizes the transformation as a process of self-colonization by the idiom of the West, as well as a modification of the utopia of production, one aspect of which was propaganda referring to the body, changing it in an instrument that transformed the political order into a consumerist utopia where bodies exist as marketable products. The part titled, “The Poles of Transformation as a Function of the Cold War,” focuses on A Western View(1989) by the Bulgarian artist Nedko Solakov and This is my blood(2001) by Alexander Kossolapov from Russia. In a theoretical context drawn from the texts by Zabel, Buden, and Ekaterina Degot, Solakov’s work has been interpreted as problematizing the transformation understood as refashioning the world, no longer based on the bipolar division into East and West. The paper ends with an analysis of Cunyi Yashi, a work of the Hungarian artist Róbert Szabó Benke, which problematizes the collapse of the bipolar world structure in politics and the binary coding of sexual identity. In Szabó Benke’s work, the transformation is represented as rejection of the binary models of identity – as questioning their role in the emergence of meanings in culture.
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Nakhlik, Olesya. "MAN-CITIZEN-INTELLECTUAL IN THE INTERPRETATION OF UKRAINIAN AND POLISH EMIGRATION ON THE PAGES OF “CULTURE” BY J. GIEDROYC." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 259–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.259-266.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the elucidation of the points of view, considerations and discussions of Ukrainian and Polish emigrants from the circles united around the Parisian magazine “Culture” by J. Giedroyc on the deformation of a human-intellect- citizen in the Soviet totalitarian society. Immediately after its foundation, the well-known Polish emigration magazine “Culture” designated his pages as a place for the intellectual meetings of the authors describing the essence of Soviet totalitarianism, the importance of exposing illusions about the absence of the threat of sovietism to the countries of Western Europe, realizing that com- munism is in the same degree dangerous for European culture, as there was dangerous German Nazism before. First of all Polish and later Ukrainian intellectuals (writers, historians, publicists, journalists) focused their attention on reflections on the deforma- tion of the human-intellectualist-citizen in the totalitarian world. Articles by J. Ławrinenko, Julian Kardosz (E. Małaniuk), J. Sze- rech-Szewelow, Cz. Miłosz, G. Herling-Grudziński, J. Czapski and many other dissidents living in Western democracies, hold the necessary distance to look carefully at the methods of the Soviet repressive system and the effects of total propaganda. The research material consists of the texts of these authors from the post-war decade. Despite the fact that this is a relatively short moment in the decades-long dominance of the Soviet regime in a large part of European territories, even it reveals the scale of crimes committed against a man forced to live in the Soviet regime in the countries behind the Iron Curtain. Published in “Culture” texts belonging to various literary and non-literary genres show us the essence of totalitarianism existing in the homelands of their authors – it is total power over every citizen, manifesting from physical destruction (unjustified arrests, abductions, exiles to camps, shootings) to the spiritual humiliation by torture with the atmosphere of fear, terror, informing, uncertainty, indoctrination. The level of merciless means of maintaining this total power in Poland was somewhat weaker in comparison to Ukraine, but at the same time did not change its basic striving to suppress and eliminate any individual or collective opposition of the communist ideology. That is why it is particularly important to consider points of view, meditation and discussion of the Polish and Ukrainian perspectives on Soviet totalitarianism, its ideology, which has entered all aspects of human existence.
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Radziwiłłowicz, Dariusz. "Armia Czerwona w 1920 roku. Organizacja, stany osobowe, działalność propagandowa ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem frontu polskiego w świetle wybranych źródeł i polskich opracowań wywiadowczych." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6861.
Full textAbstract:
The Polish-Soviet War, which took place between 1919 and 1920, remains one of the most dramatic, yet also one of the brightest pages in the history of the Polish military. Not only did the Polish army achieve a spectacular victory that ensured Poland’s sovereignty and unrestrained development, but also, according to many historians and politicians, saved Europe from the flood of communism. Apart from the famous Battle of Warsaw, the warfare that lasted from February 1919 to October 1920 included the Kiev Offensive, the Battle of Komarów and the Battle of the Niemen River. The war with the Bolshevists was not just a conflict over the borders, but also concerned the preservation of national sovereignty, threatened by the Bolshevists' attempts to spread the communist revolution throughout Europe. The intention of the Polish side, on the other hand, was to separate the nations occupying the regions to the west and south of Russia and to connect them with Poland through close federal ties. The fate of the war was finally decided in August 1920 at the gates of Warsaw. The Polish Army, following the operational plans of the High Command approved by Józef Piłsudski, the Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army, pushed the Red Army east past the Neman River line with a surprising counter-attack. This battle saved Poland's independence and forced the Bolshevists to cancel their plans to spread the communist revolution to the countries of Central and Western Europe.
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Sołga, Przemysław. "Propaganda image of Christianity in Polish history textbooks from the Stalinist period." Nasza Przeszłość 136 (2021): 181–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.52204/np.2021.136.181-218.
Full textAbstract:
After taking power in Poland in 1944/1945 the communists started a gradual process of turning Poland into a totalitarian state that aimed at eradicating religion from social life. The construction of an atheist state was one of the main goals of the government, and increased in importance during the largest period of repression of the Stalinist period, i.e. 1948 - 1956. Atheistic propaganda combined with open hostility towards religious education in schools, also found its way into historical education. History textbooks of the period tried to picture the church and the history of Christianity in an immensly bad light, by omitting and twisting facts, or even by blatantly lying. Christianity and various historical figures associated with it were introduced as myths or false stories resulting from peoples’ backwardness and superstition. The church was considered responsible for civilizational stagnation, while the clergy was considered as the most morally abhorrent social class. However, convincing Polish society to detest the Catholic Church was a difficult task, as most Poles continued religious participation and practices. After the end of the Stalinist period atheistic propaganda was subdued, although in some form it continued till the end of the existence of the People’s Republic of Poland.
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Sitkiewicz, Paweł. "Animated Film and Socialist Realism in Poland, 1949–1955." Animation 17, no. 2 (July 2022): 209–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17468477221102501.
Full textAbstract:
When the doctrine of socialist realism was proclaimed in Polish cinema in November 1949, the production of animated films was only taking its first steps after World War Two. The industry lacked human resources, equipment, buildings, celluloid sheets, distribution system and success. Animators were forced to achieve new goals that were often both ambitious and contradictory. In this new reality, cartoons and puppet films had to be realistic and subordinated to the dominant political doctrine. Addressed to children exclusively, they presented educational and didactic features and were focused on several contemporary topics such as the construction of communism or official propaganda. At the same time, they were supposed to be artistic, technically perfect, addressed to the millions and compatible with Soviet animation practice from Soyuzmultfilm (which was the most important animation studio in the Soviet Union). This article identifies how Polish filmmakers strived to achieve these goals, and discusses the problems faced by young and inexperienced animators under Stalinist culture’s political pressure. The author examines the films produced in that period, verifies them against their assigned political tasks, and shows the absurdities of socialist realism in animation that wanted to reconcile contradictions such as entertainment and education, realism and fairy tales, artistic values and propaganda. Finally, the article explains the impact of these films on the future of Polish animation.
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Rakusa-Suszczewsk, Mikołaj. "Children as an Object of the Right-Wing Populist Politics and Discourse in Poland." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 25, no. 2 (July 5, 2021): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2021.4.
Full textAbstract:
In Central and Eastern Europe populist regimes are attracting attention as a result of the traumatic legacy of communism, the subsequent overburdening reforms and exhausting systemic transformation, resurgence of ever-lurking nationalism, regional conservatism, parochialism and cultural chauvinism, and/or as an example of the structural shortcomings of young democracies at the borders of civilization. The subject literature also indicates numerous and universal elements of populist governments, present as well in this part of Europe. Without prejudging the aptness and strength of these various concepts and arguments, this article is an attempt to include in these wideranging themes a particular issue that absorbs conservative populists, namely “childhood” and “children”. While the problem of children in politics has already received numerous interpretations, the importance of childhood in the right-wing populist discourse and politics has so far remained an issue discussed only occasionally. We put forward the thesis that children play an important and specifi c role in the right-wing populist superstructure – they constitute an illusory picture of the nation, an allegory of its renewal, as well as a convenient, though inconsistently used, instrument for achieving political, ideological and propaganda goals. Attitudes towards children can be an important characteristic of populism as such, and should be taken into account in research on the subject. We will illustrate these problems using the example of Poland and the populist Law and Justice (PiS) Party that is in power there now.
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Zieliński, Konrad. "The Anti-Semitic Riots on the Territories of the Kingdom of Poland at the Beginning of Independence." Studia Żydowskie. Almanach 3, no. 3 (December 31, 2013): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/sz.559.
Full textAbstract:
The last year of the Great War brought the enhancement of the activities of the political parties, both the Polish and the Jewish ones, as well as deterioration of Polish-Jewish rela-tions. The attitudes reluctant to cooperate with the Poles took hold among the Jews or rather a belief that there were no actual chances for the agreeable fixing of its principles. Another reason for the mutual grievances became forcing the national and cultural autonomy by some of the Jewish parties and the attempts to search for the adherents of such demands in the West. The events in Lvov (Lviv, Lemberg) and the growing Polish-Ukrainian conflict in the Eastern Galicia became yet another inflammatory point in the Polish-Jewish relations. The rumours, which reached the Kingdom of Poland saying that the Jews sympathised with the Ukrainians in Galicia and ‘shoot the Polish soldiers at the back’ added to the traditional accusations addressed at Jews (cooperation with the Germans and Austrians, sympathising with the communists), one more element, the consequences of which are hard to ignore. At the same time, the anti-Semitic propaganda has collected all the oppositional declarations of the Jews and their critical remarks about the Polish rules and then, distorting them consciously, presented the Jewish population as an element hostile to the Polish state, which in general was not true. In autumn 1918, the Jewish population greeted the liberation of the Polish lands with fear. Those were not groundless fears: one could notice, as early as in spring that year that the hostility towards the Jews undertook the increasingly severe forms. The serious anti Semitic riots took place in the Kingdom of Poland in November 1918, and some of them, like the one in Kielce and probably in a few other towns of the Kielce Province, were in fact pogroms. The next year brought a new wave of anti-Jewish pogroms and violence.