Academic literature on the topic 'Propaganda, Communist – Poland'
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Journal articles on the topic "Propaganda, Communist – Poland"
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Szostak, Sylwia, and Sabina Mihelj. "Coming to terms with Communist propaganda: Post-communism, memory and generation." European Journal of Cultural Studies 20, no. 3 (December 15, 2016): 324–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549416682247.
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This article has two main aims. First, it seeks to contribute to existing research on the mediation of post-communist memory by considering the Polish case and specifically by focusing on audience memories of an iconic television series produced in communist Poland, Four Tankmen and a Dog (TVP, 1966–1970), set during World War II. Second, the article pays particular attention to the generational stratification of audience memories, and thereby makes a contribution to recent literature that examines the links between generation and mediated remembering. The analysis draws on life-course interviews with viewers of two different generations, conducted in Poland in 2014. The results indicate that the ways in which Polish audiences remember communist-era programming, and specifically the extent to which they perceive such programming as propaganda, vary significantly with generation. We argue that these differences stem from generationally specific experiences in the past, which gave rise to distinct modes of engaging with the communist era and its heritage.
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Friedrich, Klaus Peter. "Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944)." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.180.
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Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about.
At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover
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Kaźmierczak, Janusz. "The Community That Never Was: The European Defense Community and Its Image in Polish Visual Propaganda of the 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 4 (October 2009): 118–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.4.118.
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Communist propaganda was sharply critical of all integration attempts made in Western Europe. In numerous political posters and cartoons published in Poland, the brunt of the criticism was borne by the European Defense Community (EDC) from October 1950, when the idea of military integration was first proposed by French Prime Minister René Pleven, until August 1954, when a vote in the French National Assembly effectively killed the project. Through a contextualized discussion of selected posters and cartoons, which are reproduced in the text, this article relates Polish visual anti-EDC propaganda to aspects of Communist ideology, Soviet geostrategic interests, and Polish domestic politics and shows how the propaganda was intended to help the Communist authorities achieve specific goals.
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Krimmer, Maren. "Soviet War Memorials in Poland – An International Legal Analysis." osteuropa recht 65, no. 4 (2019): 422–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2019-4-422.
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Cultural property recently came to the public attention during the debate on monuments and memorials in Poland following the “de-communization law” enacted in 2016. The “Law on the Prohibition of Propaganda of Communist or Other Totalitarian Regimes through Naming Buildings, Objects and Public Utility Installations, dated 1 April 2016” implies banning communist propaganda or other totalitarian regimes and mostly concerns Soviet monuments and memorials erected in Poland after the Second World War by the USSR. This law not only concerns the protection of cultural heritage, but there is also an existing Polish-Russian bilateral agreement listing certain objects as cultural property. This article analyses the interpretation of the bilateral treaty between Russia and Poland concerning the protection of cultural property, and further examines whether or not Poland’s actions conform with the 1992 Polish- Russian treaty. Furthermore, this article sheds light on the 1970 UNESCO Convention and thus the current status of the customary international law in regard to the destruction of cultural property.
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ŁUKASIEWICZ, SERGIUSZ. "High treason. The activity of The Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius in 1930–1935." Journal of Education Culture and Society 3, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20121.82.93.
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The purpose of this paper is to attempt to explain the activities of the Communist Party of Western Belarus in Vilnius during the fi rst half of the thirties of the twentieth century. The author’s aim is to show the organisation, theory and practice of this illegal party. Further-more, the intention is to present the activities of Vilnius police towards communist sym-pathizers and activists. Founded in 1923 in Vilnius, the Communist Party of Western Belaruswas a branch of The Communist Party of Poland. This organization like the polish communist party was illegal. Its aim was to combat the Polish state and to perform electioneering for the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Although the name of the party could indicate a desire for independence of Belarus, in practice it was for the removal of the north eastern provinces of the Second Republic of Poland to the USSR. CPWB activity had a special dimension in Vilnius. As the region’s largest city and former capital of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, Vilnus was home for many nations, religions and cultures. Moreover, Vil-nius was the most important fi eld for communist action. Given the number of inhabitants, industrialized multi-ethnic character, communists had the opportunity to develop wide subversive and conspiratorial work. In addition, the city was the great centre of production and distribution of communist publications, which allowed the spread of propaganda in both its administrative boundaries and in the Vilnius Voivodeship.
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Szymkowska-Bartyzel, Jolanta. "A Good Man Among Bad Americans." Ad Americam 18 (January 30, 2018): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.18.2017.18.05.
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Przekrój was one of the most popular culture magazines published in Communist Poland. It was addressed to intellectual elites. For many years it saved much of its independence and neutral character. The paper presents the image JFK in the magazine that generally did not deal with politics and avoided the communist propaganda. Content analysis of the weekly’s issues from the period of 1960-1964 show several discourses in which JFK was presented to Przekrój readers.
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Buchowski, Michał, David B. Kronenfeld, William Peterman, and Lynn Thomas. "Language, Nineteen eighty-four, and 1989." Language in Society 23, no. 4 (September 1994): 555–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500018194.
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ABSTRACTThe article examines the fact that the push for democracy and the end of Communist rule in Central Europe was phrased in terms of traditional European notions of freedom and democracy, in spite of longlived Communist attempts to redefine these and related terms in order to make them a Communist reality. Communist language usage was forcefully brought home to the West by George Orwell in Nineteen Eighty-Four, especially in his notion of “doublethink”. We use the semantic theory of David Kronenfeld, along with Leon Festinger's theory of cognitive dissonance and Jean Piaget's views of how children's cognitive systems develop (including natural language), to derive a theoretical explanation for the failure of the Orwellian prediction and of the Communist linguistic efforts on which it was predicated. The explanation involves Ferdinand de Saussure's central idea that language is an interlinked system which is crucially social, and points to the critical role of childre's early language learning (in mundane, everyday contexts) on the development and structuring of their adult system. (Extensionist semantics, politics and language, cognitive dissonance, Central Europe, Poland, George Orwell, propaganda, language change)
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Hrabovec, Emilia. "The Holy See and Czechoslovakia 1945—1948 in the Context of the Nascent Cold War." ISTORIYA 12, no. 8 (106) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016710-0.
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The spectre of Communist expansion as a result of the Second World War represented for Pope Pius XII one of the greatest concerns. The unambiguously pro-Soviet orientation of the Czechoslovak government in exile and the crucial influence of Communists in the inner architecture of the restored state convinced the Holy See that Czechoslovakia was already in 1945 fully absorbed into the Soviet sphere of influence. This fact strengthened the Pope’s conviction of the necessity to resume relations with Prague as soon as possible and to send a nuncio there who would provide reliable information and protect the interests of the Church threatened both by open persecution and by propaganda manoeuvres in favour of a “progressive Catholicism”. The importance of the relations with Czechoslovakia stood out also in the international perspective, in which Czechoslovakia, in contrast to Poland or Hungary, seemed to be the last observatory still accessible to the Vatican diplomacy in the whole East-Central Europe. The year 1947 represented a caesura in the relations between the Holy See and Czechoslovakia. In the international context, this year was generally perceived by the Vatican as a definitive reinforcement of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe. In the Czechoslovak framework, the greatest importance was ascribed to the political crisis in Slovakia in autumn 1947, during which the Communists definitively took over the political power in Slovakia. The lost struggle over the predominantly Catholic Slovakia, that for some time had been considered by the Vatican one of very few hopes for the defence of Christian interests in the Republic, was perceived by the Holy See as a dominant breakthrough on the way to the total Communist transformation of Czechoslovakia. While in the immediate post-war period the Holy See had tried to come to terms with Czechoslovakia also at the price of some compromises, in winter 1947/1948 the last hopes for a diplomatic solution vanished and were replaced by the conviction that in the confrontation with Communism not diplomatic, but spiritual weapons — prayer, testimony, martyrdom — were of crucial importance.
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Verdery, Katherine. "Nationalism and National Sentiment in Post-socialist Romania." Slavic Review 52, no. 2 (1993): 179–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499919.
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For western observers, a striking concomitant of the end of communist party rule was the sudden appearance of national movements and national sentiments. We were not alone in our surprise: even more taken aback were party leaders, somehow persuaded by their own propaganda that party rule had resolved the so–called "national question." That this was far from true was evident all across the region: from separatism in Slovenia, Croatia, Slovakia and the Baltic and other Soviet republics; to bloodshed between Romania's Hungarians and Romanians, and between Bulgaria's Turks and Bulgarians; to Gypsy-bashing in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Poland and Bulgaria; and widespread anti-Semitism–even in countries like Poland where there were virtually no Jews.
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Kula, Marcin. "Czy komunizm tkwił w nas? Rozumowane wspomnienia historyka o dawnym zakładzie pracy." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 54, no. 4 (December 22, 2010): 153–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2010.54.4.9.
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The author analyses the problem of soaking up, or internalising, communism in the times of the Peoples’ Republic of Poland (PRL) and claims that it constitutes a fascinating, though difficult, field of research. In order to impose some limits on the problem and make its analysis feasible, he uses his memories from his former workplace from the communist times, as a starting point for a study of manifestations of communism in everyday life. Paraphrasing the language of communist propaganda, the author analyses the title question in terms of mutual influences of “the base” (i.e. The History Institute and its institutional surroundings) and “the superstructure” (i.e. the faculty, and life histories of some of its members). He asks what was the influence of the milieu on the quality and scope of research conducted in the Institute. While the author asserts that communism was undoubtedly wrong, he also maintains that presenting a uniformly bleak view of the period makes it impossible to conduct rational analysis. For example, it makes it difficult to make sense of the last days of the regime, the birth of opposition, or the fact that the establishment was gradually giving way and losing ground. The author claims that, in spite of all their faults, the final appraisal of the activity of Polish historians is not unanimously negative. Their activity constituted a part in the historical processes unfolding around them, being at the same time one of its causes and its effect.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Propaganda, Communist – Poland"
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Nowak, Barbara Agnieszka. "Serving women and the state the league of women in communist Poland /." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1091553624.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 277 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 264-277). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Robak, Kazimierz. "Cultural response to totalitarianism in select movies produced in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland between 1956 and 1989." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://digital.lib.usf.edu/?e14.2857.
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KAMINSKI, Bruno. "Fear management : foreign threats in the postwar Polish propaganda : the influence and the reception of the communist media (1944 -1956)." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/41785.
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Defence date: 14 June 2016Examining Board: Professor Pavel Kolár (EUI) - Supervisor; Professor Alexander Etkind (EUI); Professor Anita Prazmowska (London School Of Economics); Professor Dariusz Stola (University of Warsaw and Polish Academy of Science).
The idea of this dissertation ascends from the scholarly interest in developing the issue of the history of emotions. Among four basic emotions, this thesis explores the vital historical and social aspects of the emotion of fear. In particular, this thesis offers a complex introduction to the general problem of propaganda fear management in communist Poland. The concept of fear management is examined as a manipulation of the propaganda information, referring to both the real and artificially stimulated fears with a special focus on external dreads. The entire set of figures of foreign threats are investigated as rhetorical tropes of the 'external enemies of Poland', exploited by communist propaganda with the intention of legitimising the power of the postwar authorities and to delegitimise the alliance with the USA and its Western partners. In this thesis, the foreign threats are represented mainly by the 'German threat', 'American dread' and the 'danger provoked by Western spies'. Along with the examination of the various ways and circumstances in which the above propaganda strategy was applied, this dissertation addresses the crucial problem of the social attitude towards communist media efforts dedicated to manipulation with fear. All six chapters of this thesis offer conclusions dedicated to popular reception of particular propaganda campaigns exploiting a given threat. Analysis of these conclusions allows tracing the dynamic of social moods in relation both to propaganda activity and socio-political circumstances shaping the atmosphere within Polish postwar society. The parallel discussion of the implementation of, and social reaction towards, the propaganda fear management strategy allows general conclusions to be drawn concerning the effectiveness of communication between the communist authorities and society in the Socialist Bloc. Based on archival research, this thesis shows and interprets the efficiency of communist media attempts to manage the emotion of fear.
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Šafář, Ondřej. "Odraz národních povstání v NDR, Polsku a Maďarsku v letech 1953-1956 v soudobém československém tisku se zaměřením na deníky Rudé Právo a Mladá fronta." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350575.
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UNIVERZITA KARLOVA V PRAZE FAKULTA SOCIÁLNÍCH VĚD Institut komunikačních studií a žurnalistiky Ondřej Šafář Odraz národních povstání v NDR, Polsku a Maďarsku v letech 1953-1956 v soudobém československém tisku se zaměřením na deníky Rudé právo a Mladá fronta Diplomová práce Praha 2016 Abstract The thesis "Reflection of national uprisings in East Germany, Poland and Hungary in the years 1953-1956 in contemporary press in Czechoslovakia, focusing the study on daily newspapers Rude právo and Mladá fronta" concentrates on the way, how the media reflected uprisings that took place in the 50s in neighbouring countries under the Soviet sphere of influence. The thesis describes the political development in Czechoslovakia from the end of World War II until 1956. The thesis also describes the development, structure and governance of the Czechoslovakia media in this period of time, including the history of the monitored dailies Rudé právo and Mladá fronta. The thesis also focuses on the background and the process of the three uprisings in East Germany, Poland and Hungary. Following part introduces basic theoretical concepts (including ideology, propaganda, hegemony and discourse) as a background for the practical part, which is a qualitative research of journals Rudé právo and Mladá fronta at selected periods of time...
Books on the topic "Propaganda, Communist – Poland"
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Krawczyk, Andrzej. Pierwsza próba indoktrynacji: Działalność Ministerstwa Informacji i Propagandy w latach 1944-1947. Warszawa: Instytut Studiów Politycznych PAN, 1994.
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Krawczyk, Andrzej. Pierwsza próba indoktrynacji: Działalność Ministerstwa Informacji i Propagandy w latach 1944-1947. Warszawa: Instytut Studiów Politycznych PAN, 1994.
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Dudek, Adriana. Mechanizm i instrumenty propagandy zagranicznej Polski w latach 1946-1950. Wrocław: Atla 2, 2002.
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Instytut Pamięci Narodowej--Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, ed. Centralna prasa Polski Podziemnej wobec komunistów polskich, 1939-1945. Warszawa: Instytut Pamięci Narodowej--Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, 2009.
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Wojdon, Joanna. Textbooks As Propaganda: Poland under Communist Rule, 1944-1989. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
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Wojdon, Joanna. Textbooks as Propaganda: Poland under Communist Rule, 1944-1989. Routledge, 2017.
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Wojdon, Joanna. Textbooks As Propaganda: Poland under Communist Rule, 1944-1989. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.
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Rocznice bitwy pod Grunwaldem w Polsce Ludowej. Olsztyn, Poland: Ośrodek Badań Naukowych im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego w Olsztynie, 2011.
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Vu, Tuong. Workers under Communism. Edited by Stephen A. Smith. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199602056.013.027.
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This essay compares the experience of workers and workplace politics under communism in the Soviet Union, Poland, East Germany, China, and Vietnam. State–labour relations in these contexts were fraught with tension from the start. Workers’ experience varied widely over time and space. Nevertheless, all workers were subject to state-imposed forms of domination at the workplace and in society at large. This domination was the effect of a powerful ideology, dense organizations, and social hierarchies that were mutually reinforcing. Many workers actively supported communist goals and were rewarded, but the system failed to motivate enough workers to make it work in the long term. Against the background of stagnant or declining living standards, propaganda failed to enlighten most workers while coercion could not produce disciplined and efficient ones. Socialist workers were disempowered but not powerless to manipulate and resist the system.
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Marchewczyk, Wojciech. Od „Indeksu” do „Hutnika”: Bibliografia druków ciągłych drugiego obiegu wydawniczego w Krakowie i Małopolsce 1976-1990. Edited by Adam Roliński and Andrzej Dróżdż. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788376389943.
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FROM INDEKS TO HUTNIK: BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE POLISH INDEPENDENT PRESS CIRCULATION IN CRACOW AND LESSER POLAND, 1976–1990 In response to the lying propaganda and aggressive communist censorship of the Polish People’s Republic, many communities, ideologically and socially diverse, started publishing independent prints outside the reach of the state control apparatus. They became part of the independent publishing movement existing in the years 1976–1990, whose impressive development fell in the 1980s. This book is the first comprehensive bibliography of the clandestine journals in Cracow and Lesser Poland. It is the result of many years of work of the Center for Research and Documentation of Polish Struggles for Independence in Cracow related to the acquisition and development of independent prints. The bibliography contains descriptions of over 750 Cracow and Lesser Poland titles of magazines, newspapers, services and bulletins published by various spontaneous structures of the anti-communist opposition – from the Independent Self-governing Labor Union “Solidarity” and related organizations through student and youth formations such as the Independent Students’ Association and the Federation of Fighting Youth to emerging new political parties (Confederation of Independent Poland and the Polish Independence Party) as well as other independent environments.
Book chapters on the topic "Propaganda, Communist – Poland"
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"16 Attitudes Toward Various Communist Types in Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia." In Selected Writings on Media, Propaganda, and Political Communication, 309–15. Columbia University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/krac15896-023.
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Kozerska, Ewa, and Tomasz Scheffler. "State and Criminal Law of the East Central European Dictatorships." In Lectures on East Central European Legal History, 207–39. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.ps.loecelh_9.
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The chapter is devoted to discussing constitutional and criminal law as it existed in selected countries of Central and Eastern Europe between 1944 and 1989 (Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Romania, Hungary, and Poland). As a result of the great powers’ decisions, these countries came under the direct supervision of the Soviet Union and adopted totalitarian political solutions from it. This meant rejecting the idea of the tripartite division of power and affirming the primacy of the community (propaganda-wise: the state pursuing the interests of the working class) over the individual. As a result, regardless of whether the state was formally unitary or federal, power was shaped hierarchically, with full power belonging to the legislative body and the body appointing other organs of the state. However, the text constantly draws attention to the radical discrepancy between the content of the normative acts and the systemic practice in the states mentioned. In reality, real power was in the hands of the communist party leaders controlling society through an extensive administrative apparatus linked to the communist party structure, an apparatus of violence (police, army, prosecution, courts, prisons, and concentration and labor camps), a media monopoly, and direct management of the centrally controlled economy. From a doctrinal point of view, the abovementioned states were totalitarian regardless of the degree of use of violence during the period in question. Criminal law was an important tool for communist regimes’ implementation of the power monopoly. In the Stalinist period, there was a tendency in criminal law to move away from the classical school’s achievements. This was expressed, among other means, by emphasizing the importance of the concept of social danger and the marginalization of the idea of guilt for the construction of the concept of crime. After 1956, the classical achievements of the criminal law doctrine were gradually restored in individual countries, however – especially in special sections of the criminal codes – much emphasis was placed on penalizing acts that the communist regime a priori considered to be a threat to its existence. Thus, also in the field of criminal law, a difference was evident between the guarantees formally existing in the legislation and the criminal reality of the functioning of the state.
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Nowakowska-Wierzchoś, Anna. "„Zamiast pilnować garnków mieszają się do polityki”. Udział polskich emigrantek we Francji w strajkach i protestach ekonomicznych w latach 1920–1950." In Kobiety niepokorne. Reformatorki – buntowniczki – rewolucjonistki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/7969-873-8.02.
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In the twenties of the twentieth century to France arrived almost half million crowd of Polish emigration. Women largely accompanied traveling for work husbands but was there a single Polish women who decided abandon the family home and go out to another country in search of a work. Unemployed women was active on the social field. They organized a care on children, elders and care on Polish local and religious tradition. Economical crisis and arrival behind him labor strikes, threat of fascism, victory of the Popular Front and outbreak civil war in Spain meant that women themselves or through their husbands began to get involved in political and union activity. With poor education they did not read the classics leftist but political awareness gained standing under factories where strikes their husbands fighting with police and strike breakers. In period of German occupation they participated in strikes of houswifes. “Instead watch of pots” – like say one of French policeman they mingled to policy. After war they spread propaganda for a communist government in Poland. They lead agitation for a came back to country and restoration a country, believing that they built a equitable system for all. These women despite the lack of education, traditional education could motivate their neighbors to act, even if it is limited only to a closed Polish community. They went beyond the space of your own home to other women with whom co-created organizations, they take public voice, argued their political choices and to cooperate were acquiring another compatriot. It was not a feminist revolution, more faith in the power of women passed from mother to daughter, and refusal to hunger and insecurity of their offspring.
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Lenowitz, Harris. "The Struggle over Images in the Propaganda of the Frankist Movement." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 15, 105–30. Liverpool University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774716.003.0007.
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This chapter describes a single aspect of an interrelated history — images of the messiah — as it relates to the interests of those involved in three messiah events. A Jewish ‘messiah event’ involves both the Jewish community — messiah, followers, and opponents — and the wider community within which they are located, which is, generally speaking, antagonistic, although occasionally it may include sympathizers and even supporters. Jewish supporters of a messiah and opponents from both communities alike make free use of one another’s traditions and documents relating to the messiah and millennial matters. A single religious context and a continuous history in Poland connect the messiah Shabbetai Tsevi with the messiah Jakub Frank and his daughter the messiah Eva Frank. Each group shares images throughout this history, including images of what is proper and sanctified and what is improper, despicable, and unholy, in a single stream fed by strange tributaries.
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Chojnowski, Andrzej. "The Jewish Community of the Second Republic in Polish Historiography of the 1980s." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 1, 288–99. Liverpool University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113171.003.0021.
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This chapter addresses the Jewish community of the Second Republic in Polish historiography of the 1980s. The problem of the ethnic minorities in the Second Republic – their socio-economic situation, their role in the political and cultural life of the country, their relations with the state – is one of the most neglected fields of post-war Polish historiography. The situation improved only slightly in the 1970s, minimally as regards the Jewish question; in Poland, this still remains the domain of highly specialized publications which do not reach the general reader. To be sure, the authors of synthetic or monographic studies concerning the history of the Second Republic have been unable totally to ignore the problem of the nationalities, although their approaches often give rise to reservations. For instance, when Andrzej Ajnenkiel published in 1980 the second volume of his political history of Poland, national minorities were treated sparingly. In describing the results of the 1931 census, the author briefly discusses the size and socio-professional structure of the Jewish population and the rising influence of the Zionist movement in the second half of the 1930s. Elsewhere, the Jewish population appears almost exclusively as the object of anti-semitic propaganda and pogroms organized by nationalists of both Polish and, more rarely, Ukrainian camps.
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Fidelis, Malgorzata. "Window to the World." In Imagining the World from Behind the Iron Curtain, 61—C3.F5. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197643402.003.0004.
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Abstract A new genre of youth magazines that covered a range of cultural developments in the West while also building connections between the Second World and the Third World is the topic of this chapter. These magazines were products of a socialist conception of mass culture that combined moderate entertainment with education and knowledge of the world. Through analyzing several youth magazines such as Radar, Around the World, and ITD, this chapter traces the specific ways domestic forms of modernity interacted with international youth culture. It examines youth magazines not as state-produced propaganda but as a site of conversation for different actors, including editors, journalists, censors, and readers. Youth magazines commanded extensive readership in all parts of Poland. Rather than “normalizing” society through creating a socialist culture of consumption, these magazines helped readers imagine themselves as part of a global community beyond the Iron Curtain.
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Hamburg, David A., and Beatrix A. Hamburg. "Media as an Educational System: Can the Media Help?" In Learning to Live Together. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195157796.003.0018.
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The media, even in democratic societies, have been faulted for glorifying violence, especially in the entertainment industry. And we have seen how the harsh use of hateful propaganda through the media, by nationalist and sectarian leaders, can inflame conflicts in many parts of the world. The international community can support media that portray accurate information on current events, show constructive relations between different groups, and report instances in which violence has been prevented. Foundations, commissions, and universities can work with broadcasters to help provide responsible, insightful coverage of serious conflicts. For example, through constructive interactions with the Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, CNN International moved to balance coverage of violence and strategies for peaceful conflict resolution. Social action for prosocial media may become an effective function of nongovernmental organizations, similar to their achievements in human rights. Research findings have established a causal link between children’s television viewing and their subsequent behavior in the United States and a variety of other countries (e.g., Australia, Finland, Israel, the Netherlands, Poland). Both aggressive and prosocial behaviors can be evoked, depending on the content of programs. There is no reason to assume that the impact of movies is substantially different. As early as age 2, children imitate behaviors (including violent behaviors) seen on television, and the effects may last into their teen years. Must violent content predominate forever? How can the media help to prevent deadly conflicts in the future? The proliferation of media in all forms constitutes an important aspect of globalization. Films, television, print, radio, and the Internet have immense power to reach people with powerful messages, for better and worse. At present, the United States is largely responsible for the output of film and television content seen by people worldwide. But advances in technology are making it increasingly feasible for media to be produced in all parts of the world—all too often with messages of hate, and they may become even more dangerous than the excessive violence in U.S. television and movies. Films have great, unused potential for encouraging peace and for nonviolent problem solving. They entertain, educate, and constitute a widely shared experience.