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Journal articles on the topic 'Progressive Reform'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Murphy, William B. "The National Progressive Republican League and the Elusive Quest for Progressive Unity." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 8, no. 4 (October 2009): 515–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000147x.

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In January 1911, Senator Robert M. La Follette of Wisconsin announced the creation of the National Progressive Republican League (NPRL). Historians have dismissed this organization as a vehicle for La Follette's challenge to William Howard Taft for the Republican presidential nomination in 1912. This article asserts that a primary purpose of the NPRL was to offer progressives around the country a set of principles that would provide the progressive movement with greater cohesion while allowing for continued diversity in local reform agendas. The NPRL's president, Oregon senator Jonathan Bourne, was renowned as a spokesman for the series of direct democratic reforms known as the Oregon System, which La Follette and Bourne placed at the center of the NPRL platform. Bourne argued that these reforms, focused on altering the way in which candidates were nominated or elected to office, campaigns were funded, and legislation was produced, would provide progressives with a national “foundation” upon which various state and local reform agendas could be constructed. During the campaign of 1912, the league became a casualty of the political and personal conflict between Theodore Roosevelt and La Follette, but Roosevelt's Progressive Party later endorsed most of its agenda, and all elements of the NPRL platform found some political expression before or after 1912.

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2

Ingrassia, Brian M. "Public Influence inside the College Walls: Progressive Era Universities, Social Scientists, and Intercollegiate Football Reform." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 10, no. 1 (January 2011): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781410000034.

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At the height of the Progressive Era a number of social scientists, educational leaders, and politicians called for the reform of intercollegiate football. Since the 1880s football had become a popular spectacle, and many were concerned that it was corrupting the country's universities and college men. This article considers the progressive movement to reform football in the context of programs to make the modern American university useful at the turn of the century—including the Wisconsin Idea of state government developed in Madison and the University of Chicago's sponsorship of settlement houses, social work, and university extension. Although many progressives wanted the university to affect society, most were less enthusiastic about the prospect that elements of that society (what Wisconsin historian Frederick Jackson Turner dubbed “public influence”) would affect the university. Social scientists theorized the relationship between the university and the public and constructed an intellectual basis for football reform. Reforms proposed and in some cases adopted demonstrated ambivalence regarding football's academic and public role. Reformers wanted to preserve the popular, profitable, and potentially educational enterprise of football, but they also hoped to curtail its influence over burgeoning universities. The Progressive Era effort to control college football and channel it into constructive directions in many ways demonstrates the paradoxical nature of Progressive Era reform and inadvertently contributed to the institutionalization of “big time” intercollegiate athletics.

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3

Chalmers, David, and Dewey W. Grantham. "Southern Yuppies and Progressive Reform." Reviews in American History 13, no. 2 (June 1985): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702417.

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4

Fee, Elizabeth, and Theodore M. Brown. "Factory Injuries and Progressive Reform." American Journal of Public Health 94, no. 4 (April 2004): 540. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.94.4.540.

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5

Butler, Leslie. "Dead President and Progressive Reform." Reviews in American History 32, no. 3 (2004): 399–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2004.0054.

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6

Gitlin, Andrew. "Collaboration and Progressive School Reform." Educational Policy 13, no. 5 (November 1999): 630–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0895904899013005002.

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7

Anthony, Thalia, and Penny Crofts. "Special Edition: Limits and Prospects of Criminal Law Reform – Past, Present, Future." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v6i3.423.

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This special issue traces multifaceted readings of criminal law reform in the context of developments in Australia, North America and Europe. It addresses a range of criminal law legislative regimes, frameworks and issues confronting criminal law reform including as they relate to family violence, organisational liability for child sexual abuse, drug-driving and Indigenous under-representation on juries. In doing so, the articles variously assess the impacts of past criminal law reforms, current processes of reform, areas in need of future reform and the limitations of reform. It poses a number of challenges: Who does law reform serve? What principles should guide the work of criminal justice reform? What is the role and responsibility of universities in law reform? Who are the natural allies of academics in agitating for reform? Is reform of criminal law enough for progressive social change? Do public inquiries and law reform assist with progressive change or do they have the potential to undermine the struggle for more humane and equitable social responses?

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8

Reid, Debra. "Rural African Americans and Progressive Reform." Agricultural History 74, no. 2 (April 1, 2000): 322–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-74.2.322.

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9

Pollin, Robert. "A Progressive Program for Monetary Reform?" Monthly Review 45, no. 5 (October 7, 1993): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-045-05-1993-09_7.

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10

Miller, Gary J. "Progressive reform as induced institutional preferences." Public Choice 47, no. 1 (1985): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00119356.

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11

Abshari, Zhila, Glenn P. Jenkins, Chun-Yan Kuo, and Mostafa Shahee. "Progressive Taxation versus Progressive Targeted Transfers in the Design of a Sustainable Value Added Tax System." Sustainability 13, no. 20 (October 10, 2021): 11165. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su132011165.

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Value added tax (VAT) has proven to be the most stable and revenue productive of all components of the tax system. However, for such a tax system to be policy sustainable over time, taxpayers must consider it fair, and it must be viewed by the National Treasury to be productive in terms of raising substantial revenue and administratively feasible by the VAT-implementing agency. The VAT system in Belize has been a highly productive component of the revenue system, and it was designed to be progressive, but in arriving at this position, over 40% of the personnel of VAT tax administration are engaged in processing tax refunds to promote progressivity and to fight against the fraud that such a refund system incubates. This is an unsustainable position for any tax system to remain intact over time. This paper evaluates the attempt by the government of Belize to introduce progressivity into their single-rate VAT through zero rating and exemption from taxation of many goods and services that are major expenditure items of poor households. The distributional impacts are measured by a tax reform that eliminates all zero ratings except for exports and a few exemptions. By eliminating zero-rated items and significantly reducing the number of exempt items, the impact of the reform adds a regressive element, although overall, the VAT system remains progressive. However, 75% of the revenues raised by this reform would be paid by the top 40% of the income distribution. The increased revenues could finance an expansion of an existing transfer scheme that exclusively targets poor households. In addition, reforms would eliminate at least 40% of the personnel costs of administering the current VAT system.

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12

Leonard, Thomas C. "Retrospectives: Eugenics and Economics in the Progressive Era." Journal of Economic Perspectives 19, no. 4 (November 1, 2005): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533005775196642.

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During the Progressive Era, eugenic approaches to social and economic reform were popular, respectable and widespread. This essay documents the influence of eugenic ideas upon American economic reform, especially in the areas of immigration and labor reform, and tries to illuminate something of its causes and consequences.

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13

Leung, Marianne, and Jacquelyn Masur McElhaney. "Pauline Periwinkle and Progressive Reform in Dallas." Journal of Southern History 66, no. 4 (November 2000): 894. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2588053.

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14

Montgomery, Marian Ann J., Jacquelyn Masur McElhaney, and Elizabeth York Enstam. "Pauline Periwinkle and Progressive Reform in Dallas." Western Historical Quarterly 30, no. 2 (1999): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970524.

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15

Huggard, Christopher J., and Nancy J. Taniguchi. "Necessary Fraud: Progressive Reform and Utah Coal." Western Historical Quarterly 28, no. 3 (1997): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971031.

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16

Schachter, Hindy Lauer. "Women, Progressive-Era Reform, and Scientific Management." Administration & Society 34, no. 5 (November 2002): 563–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009539902237276.

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17

Goldman, Joanne Abel. "Necessary Fraud: Progressive Reform and Utah Coal." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 2 (January 1998): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1998.10527976.

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18

Walker, Larry. "Woodrow Wilson, Progressive Reform, and Public Administration." Political Science Quarterly 104, no. 3 (1989): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151276.

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19

Graebner, William, and Nancy J. Taniguchi. "Necessary Fraud: Progressive Reform and Utah Coal." Journal of American History 84, no. 2 (September 1997): 674. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952645.

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20

Smith, Duane A. "Necessary Fraud: Progressive Reform and Utah Coal." Utah Historical Quarterly 65, no. 2 (April 1, 1997): 188–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/45062352.

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21

Booley, Ashraf. "Progressive Realisation of Muslim Family Law: The Case of Tunisia." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 22 (October 24, 2019): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2019/v22i0a2029.

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From the time when women's rights were not placed high on the agenda of any state to the time when women's rights are given top priority, Tunisia's gender-friendly legislation requires a fresher look. One would be forgiven for thinking that Tunisia's reforms started after they gained independence from France in the 1950's. In fact, it was during the French Protectorate that reformers started rumours of reform, arguing amongst other issues for affording women more rights than those they were granted under sharia law, which governed family law in Tunisia. After gaining its independence, Tunisia promulgated the Code of Personal Status, which was considered a radical departure from the sharia. It is considered to be the first women-friendly legislation promulgated in the country. It could be argued that Tunisian family law underwent, four waves of reform. The first wave started during the French Protectorate. The second wave started in the 1950's with the codification of Tunisia's family law, which introduced women-friendly legislation. The third wave started in the 1990's with changes to the Code of Personal Status, and the latest wave commenced in 2010. In this article, I analyse the initial, pioneering phases of the reforms resulting from the actions of a newly formed national state interested in building a free society at the end of colonial rule, as well as reforms that have taken place in the modern state since the Arab uprising in Tunisia. As a result of the various waves of reforms, I argue that Tunisia should be seen as the vanguard of women-friendly legislation in the Arab world.

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22

Zhou, Guanghui. "Political Reform in China in the 1990s: Implications for the Future." Chinese Public Administration Review 2, no. 1-2 (March 2003): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v2i1.2.36.

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Chinese political reform in the 1980s was concentrated largely on reversing many of the affects of the Cultural Revolution, such as the “personality cult” and the altitude of “what I say goes,” and improving efficiency through streamlining administration and delegating power to the lower levels. The reforms of that decade demonstrate a certain passivity and vacillation. In comparison, the political reforms enacted in the 1990s tended to be theoretically conscious, entailing a progressive advancing political reform, which promoted change at many levels, concerning relationship between micro and macro, central and local, and state and society. Autonomy, internationality, and progressiveness were the key characteristics of Chinese political reform in the 1990s. In the near future, political reform in China will begin storming age-old fortifications, and only through uninterrupted institutional innovation can China effectively avoid a cataclysm from an “explosion of participation.”

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23

Zhou, Guanghui. "Political reform in China in the 1990s: Implications for the future." Chinese Public Administration Review 2, no. 1/2 (November 1, 2016): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v2i1/2.36.

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Chinese political reform in the 1980s was concentrated largely on reversing many of the affects of the Cultural Revolution, such as the "personality cult" and the attitutde of "what I say goes." and improving efficiency through streamlining admininstration and delegating power to the lower levels. The reforms of that decade demonstrate a certain passivity and vacillation. In comparison, the political reforms enacted in the 1990s tended to be theoretically conscious, entailing a progressive advancing political reform, which promoted change at many levels, concerning relationship between micro and macro, central and local, and state and society. Autonomy, internationality, and progressiveness were the key characteristics of Chinese political reform in the 1990s. In the near future, political reform in China will begin storming age-old fortifications, and only through uninterrupted institutional innovation can China effectively avoid a cataclysin fron am "explosion of participation."

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24

Balatsky, E. V., and N. A. Ekimova. "Fiscal and Social Effectiveness Assessment of the Personal Income Tax Reform in Russia." Journal of Applied Economic Research 20, no. 2 (2021): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/vestnik.2021.20.2.008.

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The reform of personal income tax (PIT) that began in 2021, consisting in the introduction of a progressive scale with a rate of 15% on incomes of over 5 million rubles a year instead of the previously established 13%, assumes a preliminary economic assessment. The purpose of the article is to develop and test analytical coefficients for assessing the fiscal and social effectiveness of the income tax reform. For this purpose, global (macroeconomic) and local (industry-level, project-level) performance indicators are introduced. As a global fiscal efficiency measure, it is proposed to use the ratio of additional budget revenue generated by the introduction of a progressive personal income tax scale to public expenditures (the expenditure part of the consolidated budget). If the received amount of additional budget revenue from the introduction of the progressive personal income tax scale is more than 1% of gross domestic product (GDP), then the reform has the property of global fiscal efficiency; otherwise, the fiscal effect of the reform is considered insignificant. Similarly, the concept of a global indicator of social efficiency is introduced in the form of the share of the change in the coefficient of funds before and after the tax reform to the original value of the coefficient of funds. Then the following heuristic rule can be used: if the coefficient of funds after the introduction of the progressive personal income tax scale changes by more than 25% compared to its value before the reform, then the tax reform itself has the property of global social efficiency; otherwise, the social effect of the reform is considered insignificant. If the additional revenue received thanks to the reform makes it possible to multiply the socially significant areas of the national project «Healthсare», then the reform has the property of local social and fiscal efficiency. The calculations carried out using data from the international database World Inequality Database allowed us to make the following conclusions. The initiated personal income tax reform does not have the properties of global fiscal and social efficiency, but it is important for the fundamental acceleration of the national project «Healthсare». This allows us to speak about its local social and fiscal efficiency. The proposed analytical tools can be used in the system of state regulation in the design of tax reforms.

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25

Boeckler, Annette M. "Prayer Book Reform in Europe, Continued." European Judaism 49, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490108.

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AbstractThe classic bibliography of European Progressive prayer books appeared in 1968 (Jakob J. Petuchowski, Prayerbook Reform in Europe). It provided a chronological bibliography of prayer book publications in Europe from the very first in 1816 until ‘The Service of the Heart’, published in 1967. Based on these sources Petuchowski depicted the typical features of Progressive Jewish liturgy and their developments. European Progressive Jewish liturgy has developed a lot since then. During the last forty-eight years several new liturgical issues and themes arose. These will be described in the second part of this article. The first part aims to present a complete chronological bibliography of European Progressive liturgy from 1967 till 2015.1

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26

Elizondo, Carlos. "In Search of Revenue: Tax Reform in Mexico under the Administrations of Echeverría and Salinas." Journal of Latin American Studies 26, no. 1 (February 1994): 159–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00018885.

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This paper analyses two efforts of the Mexican Federal Government to implement a tax reform. The first was made by the Echeverría administration (1970–6). The second is currently taking place under the Salinas government, in office since December 1988.My aim is to understand what economic, ideological and political conditions give rise to a successful tax reform. I will focus on government relations with business, in particular with big business; and on the nature of the proposed tax reforms (each of which had different distributional costs). The question is how these factors affected the outcome of the two reforms. While Echeverría's progressive reform was subsequently replaced by an increase in tax rates, the second, that of Salinas, has, so far, been successful.

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27

Huda, Miftahul. "Ragam Bangunan Perundang-Undangan Hukum Keluarga di Negera-Negara Muslim Modern: Kajian Tipologis." Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 11, no. 1 (February 22, 2018): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/mnh.v11i1.1267.

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The reality of the difference in applying Islamic law in the context of marriage law legislation in modern Muslim countries is undeniable. Tunisia and Turkey, for example, have practiced Islamic law of liberal nuance. Unlike the case with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates that still use the application of Islamic law as it is in their fiqh books. In between these two currents many countries are trying to apply the law in their own countries by trying to bridge the urgent new needs and local wisdom. This is widely embraced by modern Muslim countries in general. This paper reviews typologically the heterogeneousness of family law legislation of modern Muslim countries while responding to modernization issues. Typical buildings seen from modern family law reforms can be classified into four types. The first type is progressive, pluralistic and extradoctrinal reform, such as in Turkey and Tunisia. The second type is adaptive, unified and intradoctrinal reform, as in Indonesia, Malaysia, Morocco, Algeria and Pakistan. The third type is adaptive, unified and intradoctrinal reform, represented by Iraq. While the fourth type is progressive, unifiied and extradoctrinal reform, which can be represented by Somalia and Algeria.

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28

Wang, James W. Y. "The Political Economy of Collective Labour Legislation in Taiwan." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 39, no. 3 (September 2010): 51–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261003900303.

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This article provides a seminal analysis of collective labour legislation in Taiwan. A chronological review of Taiwan's legislative process suggests that the context of incorporation, institutional framework, mechanisms for delivering reforms, and sequence of reforms together shape the legislative outcomes of labour reforms at the collective level. While most labour legislation was revised and passed after the preceding sequence of economic transition, the reform of collective labour rights was greatly constrained by the flexible labour-market structure. In order for politicians to form new alliances with labour organizations, legislation of collective labour rights was a strategy to cultivate support during electoral periods. Consequently, the industrial relations changed following the enactment of substantial reform-oriented labour legislation. Theoretically, the historical analysis of legislative procedure unveils evolutionary reform paths for collective labour rights in new democracies. At the same time, empirically, Taiwan demonstrates an alternative reform path in combination with incremental steps and progressive agendas. For new democracies of small economy, a window of opportunity for the progress in collective labour legislation remains open today, albeit with limitations.

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29

Hosseini, Roozbeh, and Ali Shourideh. "Retirement Financing: An Optimal Reform Approach." Econometrica 87, no. 4 (2019): 1205–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3982/ecta15088.

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We study Pareto optimal policy reforms aimed at overhauling retirement financing as an integral part of the tax and transfer system. Our framework for policy analysis is a heterogeneous‐agent overlapping‐generations model that performs well in matching the aggregate and distributional features of the U.S. economy. We present a test of Pareto optimality that identifies the main source of inefficiency in the status quo policies. Our test suggests that lack of asset subsidies late in life is the main source of inefficiency when annuity markets are incomplete. We solve for Pareto optimal policy reforms and show that progressive asset subsidies provide a powerful tool for Pareto optimal reforms. On the other hand, earnings tax reforms do not always yield efficiency gains. We implement our Pareto optimal policy reform in an economy that features demographic change. The reform reduces the present discounted value of net resources consumed by each generation by about 7 to 11 percent in the steady state. These gains amount to a one‐time lump‐sum transfer to the initial generation equal to 10.5 percent of GDP.

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30

Whitehead, Kay. "Kindergarten teachers as leaders of children, makers of society." History of Education Review 43, no. 1 (May 27, 2014): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/her-09-2012-0030.

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Purpose – In Australia as elsewhere, kindergarten or pre-school teachers’ work has almost escaped historians’ attention. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the lives and work of approximately 60 women who graduated from the Adelaide Kindergarten Training College (KTC) between 1908 and 1917, which is during the leadership of its foundation principal, Lillian de Lissa. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is a feminist analysis and uses conventional archival sources. Findings – The KTC was a site of higher education that offered middle class women an intellectual as well as practical education, focusing on liberal arts, progressive pedagogies and social reform. More than half of the graduates initially worked as teachers, their destinations reflecting the fragmented field of early childhood education. Whether married or single, many remained connected with progressive education and social reform, exercising their pedagogical and administrative skills in their workplaces, homes and civic activities. In so doing, they were not only leaders of children but also makers of society. Originality/value – The paper highlights the links between the kindergarten movement and reforms in girls’ secondary and higher education, and repositions the KTC as site of intellectual education for women. In turn, KTC graduates committed to progressive education and social reform in the interwar years.

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31

Boris, Eileen, and Ellen Fitzpatrick. "Endless Crusade: Women Social Scientists and Progressive Reform." History of Education Quarterly 31, no. 1 (1991): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368788.

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32

Fleischman, Richard K., and R. Penny Marquette. "MUNICIPAL ACCOUNTING REFORM c. 1900: OHIO'S PROGRESSIVE ACCOUNTANTS." Accounting Historians Journal 14, no. 1 (March 1, 1987): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.14.1.83.

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Despite the fact that municipal accounting was a significant and permanent reform of the Progressive era, historians have failed to accord accountants proper credit for their leadership roles. Ohio was an important Progressive state and is particularly suited to an investigation of the contribution made by accountants. Ohio was the first state to require uniform municipal accounting and one of the first to inaugurate budgeting. Municipal research bureaus in major Ohio cities were among the most dynamic in the nation, inspiring important steps forward in cost accounting, budgeting, and the installation of accounting systems. Progressive municipal administrations came to depend increasingly on expert accountants to devise new systems and to audit the results.

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33

Perry, Elisabeth Israels, and Ellen Fitzpatrick. "Endless Crusade: Women Social Scientists and Progressive Reform." American Historical Review 96, no. 3 (June 1991): 982. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162650.

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34

Sochen, June, and Ellen Fitzpatrick. "Endless Crusade: Women Social Scientists and Progressive Reform." Journal of American History 78, no. 1 (June 1991): 357. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078197.

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35

Horowitz, Helen Lefkowitz, and Ellen Fitzpatrick. "Endless Crusade: Women Social Scientists and Progressive Reform." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 1 (1992): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205531.

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36

Pfau, Michael. "Rhetoric and Reform in the Progressive Era (review)." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 9, no. 2 (2006): 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rap.2006.0051.

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37

Lécuyer, Christophe. "MIT, Progressive Reform, and "Industrial Service," 1890-1920." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 26, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 35–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27757756.

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38

Tunstill, Jane. "Editorial: In defence of progressive social work." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 18, no. 2 (May 5, 2016): 3–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v18i2.900.

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39

Young, Kevin, and Michael Schwartz. "A Neglected Mechanism of Social Movement Political Influence: The Role of Anticorporate and Anti-Institutional Protest in Changing Government Policy." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 19, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.19.3.91h76wxr70674775.

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Studies of the impact of social movements on government policy usually assume that the most effective strategy to win a reform is to directly pressure the elected politicians responsible for its legislation and implementation. We highlight an alternative, less intuitive way in which movements can exert political influence: by targeting the corporate and institutional adversaries of their proposed reforms. Such targeting can undermine their adversaries' ability or commitment to oppose the changes, thus relaxing the contrary pressure applied to politicians and reducing the resistance within government to progressive reform. We support this proposition by highlighting five instances in which mass pressure applied to institutional adversaries contributed to government policy change. Our analysis demonstrates that mass protest targeting large institutions whose leaders are not elected can be an effective and even primary strategy for compelling elected officials to enact and implement progressive policy change.

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40

Dorn, Jacob H. "Religion and Reform in the City: The Re-Thinking Chicago Movement of the 1930s." Church History 55, no. 3 (September 1986): 323–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166821.

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Historians have produced a rich and sophisticated literature on urban reform in the progressive era before the First World War. It includes numerous studies of individual cities, biographies of urban leaders, and analyses of particular movements and organizations. This literature illuminates important variations among reformers and their achievements, the relationships between urban growth and reform, and the functional role of the old-style political machines against which progressives battled. Similarly, there are many examinations of progressive-era reformers' ideas about and attitudes toward the burgeoning industrial cities that had come into being with disquieting rapidity during their own lifetimes. Some of these works go well beyond the controversial conclusions of Morton and Lucia White in The Intellectual Versus the City (1964) to find more complex—and sometimes more positive—assessments of the new urban civilization.

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41

R. McCann Jr., Charles, and Luca Fiorito. "Sidney Armor Reeve: Engineer, Inventor, Progressive, and Underappreciated Utopian." HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, no. 1 (July 2022): 83–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2022-001005.

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Sidney Armor Reeve, professional engineer and amateur historian, economist, and sociologist, writing during what has been described as the Progressive Era, at-tacked the very foundations of the existing economic and social orders. He explic-itly criticized the dominant commercialism of the capitalist society as being a can-cer, a major cause of inequality and unemployment, offering instead a program of reform that, while some reviewers characterized it as consistent with the program of the socialists, presented something of an alternative vision, one recognizing the primacy of the Ultimate Consumer. His remedy, favoring as it did the central con-trol of the economy, shared at least commonalities with the reforms advocated by the socialist writers of the period, even as he himself rejected the label, unequivo-cally stressing points of fundamental disagreement.

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42

Jach, Theresa R. "Reform versus Reality in the Progressive Era Texas Prison." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 4, no. 1 (January 2005): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400003650.

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The state of Texas' determined effort to keep African-Americans performing plantation labor was at the heart of its prison farm system, from Reconstruction through the 1920s. State and penitentiary officials followed a practice of racialized labor control, demanding that African-American convicts perform plantation gang labor, not only to make the prison system profitable but also keep them involved in extractive agriculture. As the prison population grew, so did the abuse of convicts. The story of Texas’ penitentiary system shows the continuing tie between African-Americans, plantation labor, and racism in Texas, as well as other southern states. The sprawling farm system that developed in Texas made it unique in the South. When Progressive Era reformers confronted abuses in the Texas prison system, they had to contend with an overwhelming profit motive that made reform difficult, and warped reform measures they managed to push through the legislature. Among the initial goals of Texas prison reformers were an end to convict leasing and a ban on the use of the whip as punishment. The agenda of reformers collided with the goals of the Texas prison system, with unexpected results. Looking at reform measures after they passed the legislature illustrates how prison managers tried to circumvent regulations that hindered profitability.

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43

Lee, Mordecai. "A Progressive Era Idea for Reforming Government that Didn’t Make It: Recall of Judicial Decisions." Public Voices 13, no. 1 (November 18, 2016): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.50.

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As a reform movement and an academic discipline, American public administrationgenerally coalesced during the Progressive era (1890-1920). Progressive reforms for the public sector seeped deeply into the DNA of the field, including separation of civil servants from politics, reliance on expertise, fewer elected offices, and public reporting of agency activities. However, not all of the governmental reforms proposed during this era were enacted. One of the most controversial and least known was Theodore Roosevelt’s proposal in 1912 that the voters be able to have a referendum on major court decisions, permitting them to overturn those decisions. His idea was only enacted in Colorado, where it remained on the books until 1921. This article reviews the original concept and its history in Colorado.

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Nowotny, Kathryn, Zinzi Bailey, Marisa Omori, and Lauren Brinkley-Rubinstein. "COVID-19 Exposes Need for Progressive Criminal Justice Reform." American Journal of Public Health 110, no. 7 (July 2020): 967–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2020.305707.

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Payne, Elizabeth Anne, Noralee Frankel, and Nancy S. Dye. "Gender, Class, Race, and Reform in the Progressive Era." Journal of American History 80, no. 1 (June 1993): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079791.

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46

Blodgett, Geoffrey, and David Sarasohn. "The Party of Reform: Democrats in the Progressive Era." American Historical Review 96, no. 1 (February 1991): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164242.

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Tobin, Eugene M., and David Sarasohn. "The Party of Reform: Democrats in the Progressive Era." Journal of American History 77, no. 1 (June 1990): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078741.

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Skok, Deborah A. "The Historiography of Catholic Laywomen and Progressive Era Reform." U.S. Catholic Historian 26, no. 1 (2008): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cht.2008.0027.

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Plank, David N., Richard K. Scotch, and Janet L. Gamble. "Rethinking Progressive School Reform: Organizational Dynamics and Educational Change." American Journal of Education 104, no. 2 (February 1996): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/444121.

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Sklar, Kathryn Kish. "Organized Womanhood: Archival Sources on Women and Progressive Reform." Journal of American History 75, no. 1 (June 1988): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1889665.

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