Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Progressive Reform'

For many year after the almost proximate Progressive and New Deal eras, historians accepted strong ‘continuity’ between these reformist periods. However, in 1955 Hofstadter’s The Age of Reform advanced a hypothesis of ‘discontinuity.’ He emphasized backward-looking morality in the Progressive era and the forward-oriented pragmatism of the New Deal. My thesis challenges this discontinuity school of thought, and is a contribution to scholarship because Hofstadter’s theory established a dominant paradigm about these eras. Historians as diverse as Graham Jr., Weinstein, Worster, and Katznelson have further stressed the differences between the Progressive and New Deal eras. Yet, while the discontinuity message articulated many truths, it obscures an alternative vision of the New Deal. This work demonstrates on the West Coast during the later New Deal, 1937-1942, Progressive era influence was substantial. General chapters focus on: the Progressive era; the 1920s; the early New Deal. Detailed chapters about the West Coast, 1937-1942, look at three policy areas, and include: conservation and national parks; monopoly reform and distribution of electricity from West Coast dams; social justice and responses to Dust Bowl migration. An ideological re-appraisal of the West Coast in the late New Deal is attempted. Firstly, from a Progressive era ideological viewpoint, issues conventionally judged peripheral in the three policy areas are re-conceptualized as significant policy successes. Secondly individuals and organizations shaping and implementing policies locally and nationally were either survivors of the earlier era or steeped in its beliefs. Thirdly, events on the West Coast, 1939-1940, which reproduced conditions in the Progressive era, tested whether New Dealers had learned from their predecessors’ mistakes. Consequently, the West Coast region is particularly apposite in a considered questioning of Hofstadter’s philosophical divide between the two reform eras.

MBA Professional Report
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This thesis provides a quantitative analysis of the impact of a flat tax rate on military members. The flat tax-rate proposal is the most popular alternative to our progressive tax system. The foremost experts on this topic are Robert E. Hall and Alvin Rabushka. They have made several claims regarding the flat tax, however, insufficient research has been conducted to determine the impact of the flat tax rate on the income of military members. This thesis will address the claims of Hall and Rabushka and provide a quantitative analysis of the effect of a flat tax rate on military members of various pay grades.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2004.
"A thesis presented to the University of Western Sydney in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy" "November 2004" Bibliography: p. 260-356.

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Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science

In the wake of the First World War, reformers across the Western world questioned laissez-faire liberalism, the self-oriented and market-driven ruling doctrine of the nineteenth century. This philosophy was blamed, variously, for the war, for industrialisation and for urbanisation; for a way of life shorn of any meaning beyond getting and keeping; for the too great faith in materialism and in science; and for the loss of a higher, transcendent meaning that gave a unifying altruistic or spiritual purpose to individual existence and to society as a whole. For many, the cure to these ills lay in reforming the liberal social framework in ways that made it more fulfilling to the whole person and that strengthened ties between individuals. Dartington Hall was an outstanding practical example of this impulse to promote holistic, integrated living. It was a well-financed, internationally-minded social and cultural experiment set up on an estate in South Devon in 1925 by American heiress Dorothy Elmhirst (née Whitney) and her second husband, Leonard, son of a Yorkshire squire-parson. The Elmhirsts' project for redressing the effects of laissez-faire liberalism had two components. Instead of being treated as atomised individuals in the capitalist market, participants at Dartington were to achieve full self-realisation through a 'life in its completeness' that incorporated the arts, education and spirituality. In addition, through their active participation in running the community, they were to demonstrate how integrated democracy could bring about the perfection of individuals and the progress of society as a whole. The Elmhirsts hoped that Dartington would provide a globally applicable model for a better way of life. This thesis is a close study of Dartington's interlinked constellation of experiments in education, the arts, agriculture and social organisation - experiments that can only be understood by tracing them back to their shared roots in the idea of 'life in its completeness'. At the same time, it explores how Dartington's philosophy and trajectory illuminate the wider reform landscape. The Elmhirsts' community echoed and cross-pollinated with other schemes for social improvement in Britain, Europe, America and India, as well as feeding into the broad social democratic project in Britain. Dartington's evolution from an independent, elite-led reform project to one split between state-led and communitarian reform matched the trajectory of other such enterprises begun in interwar Britain, making it a bellwether of changes in reformist thinking across the century.

Thesis advisor: Marc Landy
Prior to the passage of the 17th Amendment, senators were selected by state legislators, a measure designed to remove them from fluctuations of popular whim. By 1913, reformers, having assailed members of the Senate as insular to the changing needs of their constituents, pressed for fundamental, structural reform, including direct popular elections. But few works have assessed the nature of senatorial campaigns under the indirect regime. I research contemporaneous newspaper coverage and personal correspondences of individual senators to better glean their levels of sensitivity to re-election pressures — a significant qualitative contribution to the discourse. And I measure the extent to which a state’s political conditions influenced the tendency for senators to engage in public appeals for popular support. Senatorial elections were already pseudo-democratic before 1913, experiencing an emergent element of popular legitimacy as public sentiment meaningfully informed the process and conduits for public accountability were expanding. In stark contrast to prevailing perceptions, senators were keenly sensitive to electoral pressures. By cultivating popular support, they regularly tried to bolster their positions vis-a-vis powerful party leaders, state legislators, and pivotal decision-makers. But the strategy was risky as well, for a poor showing in the November elections invited intra-party challenges. Ultimately, my dissertation tells a story of how parties adapted to changing conditions to remain politically viable and survive in a new age, granting concessions to the electorate which were designed to promote greater popular participation whilst maintaining overall control over the process. The crusade for reforming the senatorial selection method was conducted on behalf of reformers who sought to redress perceived inequalities and dysfunction in the system. Debates over the balance between democratic self-government and the importance of whom Jonathan Rauch term “the middlemen” continue to percolate, colorizing the dispute within the Democratic Party over the role of superdelegates and efforts to abolish the Electoral College. And my research explores the intersection of democratic reforms and racialized politics with the adoption of the invidious “white primary” in South Carolina and the factors which gave rise to the race-baiting, populist demagogue Benjamin Tillman — the precursor to modern-day populists and illiberal democracies
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

Using the frames of analysis and language of political whiteness and anti-migrant hegemony, this paper examines the narrative of liberal immigration reformers transforming California’s political landscape within the period of 1994 to 2017. Taken as case studies the following articles of legislation are analyzed: Proposition 187 in 1994, the California Dream Act in 2010, the Trust Act in 2014, up to the present Senate Bill 54 in 2017. The paper finds that while California has experienced a recognizable shift in racial liberalism in rhetoric and legislation, its overall policy continues to work within the framework of anti-migrant hegemony that functions through criminalization and detention. The paper ends with the conclusion, informed by Gonzales’ writing in Reform without Justice, that the shift California has experienced is indicative of anti-migrant hegemony reconfiguring itself in changing social and political norms.

The Progressive Era in America from 1870 to 1920 introduced unprecedented change in the way Americans lived, worked, and thought about themselves in relation to the rest of the world. New platforms of charitable benevolence, religious activism, and legislative reform were enacted to meet the changed demographic landscape initiated by waves of new immigration from Europe. The tenor of religious worship shifted in mainstream and evangelical churches to reflect not only new ways of response to these changes, but new ideas of women as authoritative leaders in secular and religious institutions. Charismatic evangelical women influenced by an era of change worked to establish autonomous ministries unbeholden to clergymen who declined to accept their scriptural authority to preach or occupy the pulpit. Women who identified within Holiness and Pentecostal traditions were no longer content to preach from street-corners or rented meeting rooms. Instead, women who considered themselves prophets and preachers established ministries that supported their initiatives of religious reform and advancement of women.

The aim of the thesis is a comprehensive analysis of the Czech tax system. In the Czech Republic existed by the end of 2007 system based on progressive taxation. The system of progressive rates, was and is a subject to criticism not only in the Czech Republic. As an alternative, which allows to delete the seamy side of the system, appears the method of taxation based on the concept of flat tax, whose ideas includes the czech reform. The situation before and after the reform in early 2008 is in detail characterized in the practical part thesis. The theoretical part describe requirements of a good tax system and the concept of flat tax. The part of thesis is also a view of the Slovak tax system. Czech Republic and Slovak Republic are very similar countries and the development of their tax systems show a great similarity. Slovak Republic realized the tax reform four years earlier than the Czech Republic, its appearance and positive impacts on national economy could be model for the Czech Republic.

Dance
Ph.D.
Though she is widely considered one of the "four pioneers" of American modern dance, German-American Hanya Holm (1893-1992) occupies a shadowy presence in dance history literature. She has often been described as someone who fell in love with America, purged her approach of Germanic elements, and emerged with a more universal one. Her "Americanization" has served as evidence of the Americanness of modern dance, thus eclipsing the German influence on modern dance. This dissertation challenges that narrative by casting new light on Holm's worldview and initial intentions in the New World, and by articulating the specifics of the first five years of her American career. In contrast to previous histories, I propose that Holm did not come to the U.S. to forge an independent career as a choreographer; rather, she came as a missionary for Mary Wigman and her Tanz-Gemeinschaft (dance cultural community). To Wigman and Holm, dance was not only an art form; it was a way of life, a revolt against bourgeois sterility and modern alienation, and a utopian communal vision, even a religion. Artistic expression was only one aspect of modern dance's larger purpose. The transformation of social life was equally important, and Holm was a fervent believer in the need for a widespread amateur dance culture. This study uses a historical methodology and accesses traces of the past such as lectures, school reports, promotional material, newspaper articles, personal notebooks, correspondence, photographs, and other material--much of it discussed here for the first time. These sources provide evidence for new descriptions and interpretations of Holm's migration from Germany to the U.S. and from German dance to American dance. I examine cultural contexts that informed Holm's beliefs, such as early twentieth century German life reform and body culture; provide a sustained analysis of the curriculum of the New York Wigman School of the Dance; and consider how the politicization of dance in the 1930s--in both Germany and the U.S.--affected Holm and her work.
Temple University--Theses

ABSTRACT Dr. Alice Hamilton (1869-1970), the leading American figure in industrial medicine during the early to mid-1900s, left behind a body of rhetoric that is important in the history of American feminist discourse and American public address. Her discourse is the exemplary of feminist-pragmatist rhetoric, a genre of cross-gender communication developed by New Women associated with Hull House and the University of Chicago between 1892 and 1918. Hamilton’s rhetoric illuminates a key event in the history of the American rhetorical tradition—the emergence of the modern woman from her late-Victorian beginnings through her Progressive self-transformation. This study is approached as a rhetorical biography. It tracks Hamilton’s evolution from “reticent scientist” to outspoken feminist-pragmatist by examining family, educational, peer and social influences on her development; and through critical analysis of her speeches, technical writing, books, and popular and specialty magazine articles over a 36-year period, from 1907 to 1943.

The objectives of this study were twofold. One objective was to analyze the effects of growth in the social security tax, when combined with recent changes in U.S. income tax law, on the distribution of the combined income and social security tax burden during the 1980s. The second objective was to estimate the effects of certain proposals for social security tax reform upon that distribution. The above analyses were performed using simulation techniques applied to the 1984 IRS Individual Tax Model File. The data from this file were used to estimate the income and social security tax liabilities for sample taxpayers under tax law in effect in 1980, 1984 and 1988 and under fourteen proposals for social security reform (under 1988 law). The results indicated that the income tax distribution was almost 25 percent more progressive under 1988 tax law than under 1980 tax law. In contrast, the combined distribution of income and social security taxes was almost 25 percent less progressive under 1988 income and social security tax law relative to 1980. Two types of social security tax reform were analyzed. One type consisted of reforms to the basic social security tax structure, such as removal of the earnings ceiling, provision of exemptions and replacement of the current single tax rate with a two-tiered graduated rate structure. The second type of reform consisted of proposals to expand the theoretical tax base subject to the social security levy. The results suggested that these reforms could generate substantial increases in progressivity in the combined tax distribution. In general, it would appear that changes in the social security tax structure could generate greater improvements in progressivity than expansion of the theoretical tax base, although the greatest improvement was associated with a combination of these two reforms. With regard to horizontal equity, expansion of the theoretical tax base generated the most improvement.

Jessie Ackermann traveled throughout the world representing numerous American reformist organizations during the Progressive Era. Over the course of her lifetime, she promoted progressive reforms in foreign lands. This study examines Ackermann's career a progressive in an international context. The Jessie Ackermann Collection in the Archives of Appalachia holds various records that document Ackermann's career. Ackermann also authored three books during her lifetime. This thesis employs these primary materials along with other appropriate primary and secondary sources dealing with Ackermann and the Progressive Era. Several historical studies have surveyed Ackermann's work as a reformer; however, none have sought exclusively to place her within the context of the Progressive Movement. Ackermann's experiences reveal that progressives not only sought to change society in America, but that some carried progressivism abroad to transform foreign societies. This study contributes to the understanding of Ackermann's work as a reformer and the international nature of progressivism.

At the turn of the twentieth century, City Beautiful principles manifested themselves in the historic core of New Orleans: the Vieux Carre. City and state officials determined that the Cabildo and Presbytere were no longer suitable sites for the Louisiana Supreme Courts, and set about erecting a monumental, Beaux Arts-style courthouse amid the dense, vernacular built environment of the French Quarter. Two hundred fifty-one individuals were displaced as a result of the expropriation and demolition of forty-one structures occupying the square bounded Royal, Chartres, Conti and St. Louis streets. While significant scholarly research has interpreted the motives and visions of Progressive-era urban reformers, few studies have addressed issues of power in shaping these narratives and in silencing the past. Through its analysis of the planning processes surrounding the Louisiana Supreme Court Building, this thesis acknowledges these silences and raises questions about those most impacted: the displaced.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lavinia Moraes de Almeida N Junqueira.pdf: 3001685 bytes, checksum: 628e93636718e357f3154237bd212210 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-06-06
In light of ideal tax principles, this study computes and analyses the cumulative taxation of goods and services in Brazil from 2003 to 2005. Computes and analyses the effective tax rates on households´ consumption and wages as per ranges of total income. The study provides thereby a practical view of Brazilian taxation during this period, allowing further international comparative studies as well as the assessment of opportunities for tax reform
O trabalho calcula e analisa, à luz dos princípios ideais de tributação, a incidência em cascata de tributos sobre bens e serviços no Brasil de 2003 a 2005. Calcula e analisa também a alíquota efetiva de tributação das famílias brasileiras, incidente sobre o valor de bens e serviços consumidos e sobre os salários por faixa de renda. Traz assim um panorama prático da tributação no período estudado, permitindo comparação internacional e identificação de oportunidades de Reforma Tributária

De nos jours, le motif de la « crise de l’éducation » est récurrent dans les discussions publiques sur le système éducatif, et ce des deux côtés de l’Atlantique. Aux Etats-Unis, c’est au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale qu’il prend une tournure nouvelle. Jusqu’alors on avait parlé de « crise » pour désigner les difficultés matérielles et financières du système, mais l’expression prend une autre signification après 1945, tandis que s’installe un débat entre les partisans de l’éducation moderne, modèle inspiré par les principes de l’éducation progressiste, et les défenseurs d’une éducation humaniste, qui dénoncent une dégradation des exigences intellectuelles et des résultats de l’enseignement public. Cette étude se propose de restituer les termes de ce débat et d’analyser ses répercussions sur les dynamiques du système éducatif américain. La confrontation entre deux philosophies de l’éducation ne se limite pas à la sphère des professionnels et on en retrouve les échos dans la presse de grande diffusion comme dans certains films hollywoodiens. Alors que les États-Unis font face à une crise de confiance après le lancement réussi du satellite Spoutnik, le gouvernement américain désigne le système éducatif comme maillon faible en s’appuyant sur les critiques formulées tout au long des années 1950 par les adversaires de l’éducation moderne. Le télescopage du débat sur l’éducation et des logiques de Guerre froide ouvre alors la voie à une intervention fédérale inédite dans le domaine de l’éducation, avec l’adoption du National Defense Education Act de 1958
The “crisis in education” has been a recurrent theme in discussions about the American school system. In the United States, it was after WWII that the notion gained momentum and a new meaning. Until then, the term “crisis” had been merely used to evoke the dire material and financial state of education. The expression took another turn with the emergence of a debate between proponents of modern education (a model derived from the principles of progressive education) and partisans of liberal education who denounced an intellectual degradation in the school system. This dissertation analyzes this debate and its consequences on the dynamics of education in the United States. This strife between two conceptions of education is set apart by its significant influence and pervasion of society. Indeed, not only did it involve the circle of professional educators but it also touched lay men, so much so that it was integrated by popular culture. Confronted with a confidence crisis in the aftermath of the successful launch of satellite Sputnik, the U.S. government pinpointed the school system as the weak link of the American nation, taking advantage of the wave of criticisms against modern education that had dominated the 1950s. The combination of the debate on education with the logics of the Cold War paved the way for an unprecedented federal intervention in the field of education with the 1958 National Defense Education Act

Dem Lehrer Friedrich Wilhelm Gerdes (1891–1978) war es zu verdanken, dass in der Landschule von Victorbur (Ostfriesland) ein in der Weimarer Republik sehr beachtetes Versuchsschulprojekt entstehen konnte. Er setzte sich zum Ziel, seine Schüler im Gesamtunterricht ganzheitlich durch praktische, im Schulgarten vorgefundene Themen fächerübergreifend zu unterrichten. Die Schulkinder sollten durch Arbeit lernen und Zusammenhänge erleben. Die Tätigkeit im Garten diente sowohl Erziehungs- als auch Bildungszielen, bei denen nicht die wirtschaftlichen Überlegungen im Vordergrund standen. Der Schulgarten selbst war ein geeignetes Lehrmittel, die Landschulkinder in ihrem eigenen Umfeld pädagogisch zu erreichen und die Enge des Schulraumes zu verlassen
The booklet shows the influence and work of the education reformer Friedrich Wilhelm Gerdes. The teacher Friedrich Wilhelm Gerdes (1891–1978) had in the Weimarer Republik a most considerable experimental school-project created. In his school garden in Victorbur (Ostfriesland, Germany) the pupils learned holistic by practically themes, they have found in the garden. The pupils should learning by doing and understand the connections. The operations in this experimental school benefited the education-targets, not the profitable targets. In this reform pedagogy project, the school garden broke with the traditional closely schoolroom. Pupils learned on her own environment

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 145-149). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

This study explores and compares the rationales behind, and justifications for, intentions about whether or not to have a second child among Polish fathers and mothers living in the UK and Poland. Drawing on semi-structured interviews (n=42) contextualised by media and statistical analyses, the thesis interrogates the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) and explores the extent to which aspects related to the theory (i.e. attitudes, subjective norms and perceived behavioural control) permeate informants’ narratives. This thesis emphasises that researching fertility intentions requires more complex and context-specific operationalisations of theoretical constructs as drawing on standardised definitions and concepts across different populations could impact data validity and reliability, and I suggest ways in which survey questions could be modified. The findings demonstrate the importance of transnational groups of reference for Polish individuals’ understanding of resources deemed as adequate to have a second child, suggesting that the notion of economic wellbeing is more variable and complex than current evidence suggests. The study also illustrates that kin assistance in Poland is relevant for reproductive decisions since it relates to economic constraints to childbearing and to perceived requirements to provide children with kin support and inheritance. Moreover, individuals in both settings communicate beliefs related to childbearing intentions discursively, fine-tuning ambivalent and inconsistent cognitions while constructing a coherent narrative. The findings question the TPB assumption that people reach decisions primarily as a result of causal, regular and law-governed forces acting on theoretical constructs independent of individuals’ agency, and I point to possibilities to expand and refine theories used in demographic research. Although my empirical findings focus on Polish nationals, I argue that this research has broader implications for theorising, researching and interpreting findings on childbearing intentions.

Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the world’s largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government’s tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests – such as votes and rents – as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.

On 1 January 2007 abolished Sweden as one of the last countries in EU the wealth tax. This wealth tax was in Sweden for almost 100 years. As the great debate in the context of tax reform in 1910 was not so much about the introduction of a wealth tax. The discussion was instead on the wealth tax would be proportional or progressive together with the income tax. When the government with and there finance minister, Carl Swartz, presented its government bill, 1910:88, 11 March 1910, the draft regulation on income and wealth tax was said, that now they had finally made a shift in the direct tax to the state. A change had been sought and it would have been great difficulties to be overcome and it would have been deeply entrenched ideas about this tax reform impossible. Despite all the protests from the wealthy in society, so continue this conservative government through reform with the strong support of many conservative politicians who had most to lose from this tax reform. The government also succeeded in compromising with liberals and social democrats that supported the reform. Heavy respondents in Sweden in 1910, as Kammarrätten and Bevillningsutskottet supported almost without any comment the proposal. Thus, Sweden had been given a modern tax system that applies even today more than 100 years later Introduction of the combined income and wealth tax was in continuation a great tax pump in Sweden when the governments needed to find funding for their reforms.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Aug. 8, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 231-236).

This thesis analyzes and problematizes the challenges and dilemmas associated with the implementation in practice of the indigenous conceptualization Sumak Kawsay/Buen-Vivir that originally is a conceptualization of a lifestyle in indigenous communities in Ecuador. The concepts were included in the new Constitution of Ecuador in 2008 that was ratified during progressive constitutional reforms under the former president Rafael Correa and with the support of the indigenous movement. Methodologically, by focusing on the implementation in practice, this ethnographic field study also examines Sumak Kawsay/Buen-Vivir as a conception of a lifestyle on local community level among indigenous peoples in two different regions of the country. More specifically, in the provinces of Imbabura in the northern Andean highlands and the Amazonian Pastaza. By applying a comparative approach, the research objective of this thesis is to study how these conceptions are perceived, interpreted and practiced on local community level and how similarities and differences are shaped by connotations of territoriality. The central findings of the study illustrate how many challenges and dilemmas linked to the implementation in practice of the values and visions of Sumak Kawsay/Buen-Vivir are grounded in the country’s continuous reliance on extracting natural resources as an important revenue to finance social welfare. Another central finding is that different socio-political, cultural and spatial factors contribute in shaping local perceptions, interpretations and how Sumak Kawsay/Buen-Vivir is practiced on local community level among indigenous peoples.

À travers la biographie intellectuelle d’un réformateur et rédacteur en chef de Boston, Benjamin O. Flower (1858-1918), de la création de son magazine, The Arena, en 1889 à sa mort, cette thèse explore les ambiguïtés du progressisme et ses « étranges combinaisons théoriques », selon l’expression de l’historien Robert Wiebe. Flower considérait la corruption, la pauvreté et la faillite morale de la société américaine comme des maladies physiques et spirituelles : les idées hétérodoxes de son temps (populisme, socialisme, expérimentations sociales dans le reste du monde mais aussi médecines et spiritualités alternatives) illustraient l’esprit américain de liberté et se révélaient autant de remèdes pour régénérer l’homme et la société. Flower entendait faire de ses magazines une « arène » où débattre librement pour provoquer un nouveau « Grand Réveil » et assurer le progrès de l’humanité. La fin de sa vie voit Flower aux prises avec les ambivalences de sa lutte pour la liberté. Pendant les années 1910, lors de sa croisade pour la « liberté médicale », il lutte contre la volonté de l’American Medical Association de contrôler les médecines alternatives et contre le projet du gouvernement fédéral d’établir un ministère de la Santé. Sa défense de la liberté de la presse face à la censure de la poste le mène ensuite à travailler pendant la Grande Guerre pour un journal anticatholique, The Menace. Ces controverses sur le sens du progrès et de la liberté permettent de comprendre les fractures culturelles qui divisent le réformisme et, à la faveur de l’érection d’un seul et vrai récit de la modernisation, la relégation de son progressisme antimonopolistique dans les marges de l’histoire
By using as a case study the intellectual biography of Boston reformer and editor Benjamin O. Flower (1858-1918) from the founding of his magazine, The Arena, in 1889 to his death, this dissertation explores the ambiguities of progressivism and revisits its “strange theoretical combinations,” to use historian Robert Wiebe’s phrase. Flower considered the corruption, the poverty and the moral bankruptcy that plagued turn-of-the-century America as physical and spiritual diseases – the nonconformist ideas of his time (populism, socialism, social experiments in the rest of the world, but also alternative medicine and spiritualities) illustrated the American spirit of freedom and could cure and regenerate individuals and society. Flower wanted his magazines, notably the aptly named Arena, to function as an open forum where ideas could be debated freely, thus bringing about a new « Great Awakening » and ensuring progress. At the end of his life, Flower grappled with the ambivalences of freedom. In the 1910s, he fought for “medical freedom,” struggling against the American Medical Association’s move to control alternative medicine and against the creation of a federal Department of Health. He also defended freedom of the press against postal censorship, which led him to work for an anti-Catholic newspaper during the Great War, The Menace. These controversies over the meaning of progress and freedom shed light on the cultural gaps which divided reformism and led to the advent of the modernization narrative and, as a result, to the relegation of antimonopoly progressivism to the margins of history

O Poder Judiciário brasileiro encontra-se em crise, sendo a excessiva morosidade dos processos seu principal ponto sensível. Diante disso, foram introduzidas alterações normativas destinadas a amenizar o grave cenário existente, como a Emenda Constitucional n. 45/04, que incluiu a razoável duração do processo no rol dos direitos e garantias fundamentais, e a Lei n. 11.232/05, que alterou a estrutura do processo civil de conhecimento e o conceito de sentença. A indigitada reforma processual implicou rompimento com o princípio da unicidade da sentença, possibilitando o fracionamento do julgamento de mérito, por meio de sentenças parciais. O presente estudo verificará as possibilidades e os limites de aplicação dessa técnica processual, bem como proporá solução a problemas surgidos no sistema recursal, o qual não foi adaptado à nova realidade processual existente. A cisão no julgamento do mérito também traz importantes reflexos no momento de formação da coisa julgada material, tema que foi recentemente objeto de análise pelo Superior Tribunal de Justiça. Analisar-se-á o acerto do posicionamento adotado pela jurisprudência, buscando-se alcançar conclusão que tenha o condão de extrair o máximo de efetividade do método estatal de resolução de conflitos. O tema é intrigante, apresentando diversas possibilidades. Não há dúvidas de que do fracionamento do exame do mérito decorrerão dificuldades e dúvidas, as quais devem ser solvidas pelos operadores do direito, em prol de um processo mais efetivo e capaz de produzir os resultados que dele se esperam
The Brazilian Judiciary is in crisis and the excessive length of proceeding isits main sore point. Therefore, legislative amendments were introduced,aiming at alleviating the serious existing scenario, as the Constitutional Amendment 45/04, which included the reasonable duration of the process (speedy trial clause) in the list of fundamental rights and guarantees, and Law 11.232/05, which changed the structure of civil procedure and the concept of sentence. The nominee procedural reform entailed breaking with the principle of unity of the sentence, allowing the fractionation of judgment, through partial sentences. This study will examine the possibilities and limits of application of this technique, and propose solution to problems arising in the appeal system, which was not adapted to the new reality. The split in judging the merit also carries important consequences on the formation of res judicata, a topic that has recently been examined by the Superior Tribunal de Justiça. The correctness of the position adopted by the jurisprudence will be analyzed, seeking to reach a conclusion that has the power to extract the maximum effectiveness of the state method of conflict resolution. The topic is intriguing, presenting several possibilities. There is no doubt that from the partial judgment of merits derives difficulties and doubts, which should be answered by law operators, in favor of a more effective process and capable of producing results that are expected of it.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
The central problematic of this research refers to the way in which 8th grade teachers in São Paulo state net with more than 10 years of classroom experience manifested themselves about the organization, in their daily activity, to attend what is foreseen to implement the cycle regime and the continued progression. My study searched and analyzed whatever there was any alteration in the educative process for pupils who have completed the fundamental scholarity in legality of the cycle regime, that is, those who got to the 8th grade or the end of cycle II. The semi-structured interviews where made with two state public school teachers in the peripherical zone of Osasco city, and with three state public school teachers in one school of the north zone of São Paulo city. The answers where grouped around some axis indicating the representative central points of possible alterations in the educative process: continued progression or automatic promotion; classroom work routine; school failure and success; evaluation; evaluation instruments; work routine in evaluation day; registers on pupils performances; analyses of pupil performances in collegiate meetings; planning of reinforcement and recuperation activities; following of reinforcement and recuperation pupils; recuperation pupils performances. The study had as its theoretical reference authors like Gimeno Sacristán, Perez Gómez, Antonio Viñao Frago e Pierre Bourdieu. With the obtained results it was possible to identify the inequalities of positions between the subjects who proposed the reforms and those who ought to execute them, distortions on the theme and concerning the cycles, we can affirm that there was not substantive changes in the way they refer to the teaching action. The teachers testimonials make evident that the seriation has not ended, there is fragmentation of teaching developed time, based on the academic year and on short classes, one fractioned and scaled organization, where teaching is understood under the logics of transmition and learning is subject to the existence of pre-requirements which the pupils do not bring on or bring only a few. About the continued progression, we identified that the term is recurrent, although in the description they make about their pedagogic action, the evaluation of the process is objectively connected to the automatic promotion. There were not verified outstanding impacts which take teachers to look for changes favorable to the students, but to alter points around the maintenance of Brazilian school culture selectivity s structural axis
A problemática central desta pesquisa refere-se ao modo pelo qual os professores de 8ª série da rede estadual paulista com mais de 10 anos de experiência na sala de aula se manifestam sobre a organização, em sua atividade cotidiana, para atender o que se prevê para implantação dos ciclos e a progressão continuada. Meu estudo buscou analisar se houve alterações no processo educativo para alunos que completam a escolaridade fundamental na vigência dos ciclos, ou seja, aqueles que chegam à 8ª série ou final do ciclo II. As entrevistas semi-estruturadas foram realizadas com dois professores de escolas públicas estaduais da periferia da cidade de Osasco e com três professores também da rede pública estadual, de uma escola da zona norte da cidade de São Paulo. As respostas foram agrupadas em torno de alguns eixos indicadores dos pontos centrais representativos de eventuais alterações no processo educativo: progressão continuada ou promoção automática; rotina de trabalho em sala de aula; fracasso e sucesso escolar; avaliação; instrumentos de avaliação; rotina de trabalho em dia de avaliação; registros sobre o desempenho dos alunos; análise do desempenho dos alunos nas reuniões colegiadas; planejamento das atividades de reforço e recuperação; acompanhamento dos alunos em reforço e recuperação; desempenho dos alunos em recuperação. O estudo teve como referencial teórico autores como Gimeno Sacristán, Perez Gómez, Antonio Viñao Frago e Pierre Bourdieu. Com os resultados obtidos foi possível identificar as desigualdades de posições entre os sujeitos que propuseram as reformas e os que deveriam executá-la, distorções sobre o tema e no concernente aos ciclos, podemos afirmar que não houve mudanças substantivas no modo de se referir à ação docente. Os depoimentos dos professores evidenciam que a seriação mantém-se, há fragmentação do tempo desenvolvido do ensino, fundamentado no ano letivo e aulas curtas, numa organização fracionada e escalonada, onde o ensino é entendido sob a lógica da transmissão e a aprendizagem fica sujeita à existência de pré-requisitos que os alunos não trazem ou trazem pouco. Sobre progressão continuada identificamos que o termo é recorrente, porém na descrição que realizam sobre sua ação pedagógica, a avaliação do processo está objetivamente ligada à promoção automática. Não se verificam impactos marcantes que levem os professores a procurar mudanças favoráveis aos estudantes, mas sim a alterarem pontos em torno da manutenção do eixo estrutural de seletividade da cultura escolar brasileira

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O objetivo central foi investigar o Estado do conhecimento referente à avaliação formativa, com foco especial nos mecanismos de Recuperação e Reforço Escolar, no período entre 1999 e 2009. Para análise da produção científica na área realizou-se um levantamento bibliográfico das teses e dissertações defendidas nos Programas de Pós- Graduação da USP, UNESP, UNICAMP e PUC/SP. O objetivo específico foi analisar as contribuições desta produção para esclarecer os avanços e os problemas decorrentes da implantação das novas políticas de avaliação na melhoria da qualidade do ensino e no desenvolvimento dos alunos, em função das novas práticas avaliativas que têm sido instaladas no interior da escola. Na identificação das teses e dissertações do período foram utilizadas as seguintes palavras-chaves: Progressão Continuada, Avaliação Formativa, Reforço Escolar e Recuperações de Aprendizagem. O levantamento nos bancos de dados da CAPES (Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento do Ensino Superior), ANPED (Associação Nacional de Pós- Graduação e Pesquisa em Educação) e BTDB (Biblioteca Digital Brasileira de Teses e Dissertações), e também nas bibliotecas depositárias como UNICAMP, UNESP, PUC/SP e FEUSP levou à seleção de 30 dissertações de mestrado e 7 teses de doutorado. Após inspeção dos resumos procedeuse à leitura e análise integral dos trabalhos e à re-elaboração dos resumos com foco nos objetivos, metodologia, dados coletados e conclusões. Do exame exaustivo dos trabalhos emergiram três categorias de análise: Dimensão político-social da Avaliação, A prática da avaliação no Regime de Progressão Continuada e Representações sobre a avaliação no Regime de Progressão Continuada. As pesquisas produzidas permitem desvelar como vêm se desenvolvendo os processos e mecanismos de avaliação instituídos oficialmente...
The main objective was to investigate the state of knowledge regarding the formative evaluation, with particular focus on mechanisms for Recovery and Enhancement School, between 1999 and 2009. For analysis of scientific production in the area held a bibliography of theses and dissertations in the Graduate Program at USP, UNESP, UNICAMP and PUC / SP. The specific objective was to examine the contributions of this production to clarify the progress and problems arising from the implementation of new assessment policies in improving the quality of teaching and student development, as new assessment practices that have been installed inside the school. The identification of theses and dissertations of the period we used the following keywords: Continued Progression, Formative Evaluation Reinforcement Learning School and Recoveries. The survey in the database of CAPES (Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education), ANPED (National Association of Graduate Studies and Research in Education) and BTDB (Brazilian Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations), and depository libraries as well as in Campinas, UNESP, PUC / SP FEUSP and led to the selection of 30 master's dissertations and doctoral theses 7. After inspection of the abstracts proceeded to read and comprehensive analysis of the work and re-written abstracts focusing on the objectives, methodology, data collected and conclusions. Exhaustive examination of the work revealed three categories of analysis: politicalsocial dimension of assessment, the assessment in the regime of continued progression and Representation on the evaluation scheme in the continued progression. The research produced allow unveiling is unfolding processes and evaluation mechanisms established officially as founding elements of the regime of continued progression within the school, identify the factors that shape developments and / or critical... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Orientador : Mariley Simões Floria Gouveia
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa apresenta a análise das condições de trabalho em uma escola estadual paulista para o desenvolvimento do Ciclo II de Ensino Fundamental em regime de Progressão Continuada, modelo organizacional adotado pela Secretaria de Estado da Educação de São Paulo a partir de 1998 para toda a sua rede escolar. A pesquisa foi proposta tendo em vista, a cada reforma de ensino implantada nas últimas décadas do séc. XX, a desqualificação que foi ocorrendo no ensino e no trabalho dos professores e do processo de responsabilização desses docentes pela não consecução dos objetivos explicitados para educação nas escolas estaduais, sem considerar os demais fatores que condicionam esse trabalho. Esta pesquisa foi conduzida em três etapas: estudos teóricos referentes à evolução do trabalho e da oferta da educação nas sociedades contemporâneas capitalistas que contribuíram na delimitação da questão orientadora da coleta dos dados e das categorias de análise dos mesmos; companhamento das atividades escolares (2007) incluindo entrevistas com professores, gestores da escola e funcionários e, finalmente, a análise dos dados coletados sobre a dinâmica de funcionamento de uma escola estadual da região metropolitana de Campinas. A análise dos dados revelou incompatibilidades e contradições na própria legislação e entre esta e as condições de trabalho disponibilizadas na escola. Este fato torna mais difícil o desenvolvimento de ensino qualificado no regime de progressão continuada e da formação profissional dos docentes em serviço. Essas condições de trabalho encontradas na escola contribuem para que esse regime se caracterize como mais um mecanismo de seletividade e exclusão de muitos alunos e para precarizar o trabalho de ensinar. Palavras-chave: progressão continuada, reformas do ensino, condições de trabalho, trabalho docente, seletividade e exclusão.
Abstract: This paper presents the analysis of de work conditions in a State School of the São Paulo State for the development of the Elementary School Level II inside the Continuing Progression Process, an organizational pattern adopted by the Education State Secretary of São Paulo from 1998 on for their educational system. The search was proposed in view of the education teacher working disqualification occurred during all the modifications in the educational process along last decades of the XX century. At the same time, to the teachers were imputed the responsibility for the no results chievements without considering all the determining factors of their jobs. This search was conducted in three phases: theoretical studies that contributed for the establishment of the question that guided the data collection and their analysis classes; the accomplishment of the school work (2007) including interviews with teachers, managers and the others employees and, finally, the data analysis on the dynamical operation of a state school of Campinas metropolitan region. The data analysis showed incompatibilities and contradictions in legislation and between this one and the school working conditions. This fact becomes more difficult the development of qualified education in the continuing Progression Process and of the professional background of the teachers in their jobs. These school working conditions contribute for the mentioned process become one more selection and exclusion mechanism of many students and also to turn it in a precarious process.
Doutorado
Ensino e Práticas Culturais
Doutor em Educação

La tesi è stata intitolata “Change the System From Within”. La participatory democracy e le riforme istituzionali negli Stati Uniti degli anni Sessanta e si compone di cinque capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si riprende l’idea di participatory democracy emersa in seno alla New Left e ai movimenti sociali dei lunghi anni Sessanta. In questo contesto il concetto di participatory democracy assunse due principali accezioni: da una parte rappresentava la rivendicazione politica di un maggior coinvolgimento attivo della cittadinanza nelle politiche - locali, statali e federali - frutto della crisi di legittimità che la democrazia americana stava attraversando in quegli anni; dall’altra, il concetto venne adottato come principio organizzativo all’interno dei gruppi stessi di attivisti, con la funzione di prefigurare quelle riforme politico-istituzionali cui gli stessi militanti aspiravano. Dalla stessa temperie di contestazione sorse del resto anche la critica che alcuni studiosi mossero alla teoria liberale pluralista e alla sua esemplificazione nella coeva democrazia americana. Nel primo capitolo si mostra proprio come da quelle rielaborazioni critiche degli anni Sessanta emerse anche il primo modello di participatory democracy in seno alla teoria politica, sviluppato pienamente negli anni Settanta e Ottanta da Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson e Benjamin Barber. Questa parte del lavoro di tesi si propone quindi di accostare alle pratiche partecipative introdotte dai movimenti anche la ricostruzione dello sviluppo graduale di una teoria politica della participatory democracy. Tale riflessione è completata da un’analisi storica di ampio raggio, necessaria a meglio contestualizzare il fenomeno e ad includere le nuove richieste democratiche nell’ambito di una tradizione democratico-rappresentativa già dotata di istituti partecipativi di democrazia diretta. Chiarito il quadro storico-politico degli anni Sessanta, il secondo capitolo analizza la ricezione dell’idea di participatory democracy nelle politiche federali. A questo proposito si illustra come il principio di citizen participation fosse stato recepito già con la War on Poverty promossa da Lindon B. Johnson alla metà degli anni Sessanta e fu mantenuto, con esiti istituzionali differenti, almeno fino alla fine della presidenza Carter. Si dimostra inoltre che, malgrado il dettato legislativo federale fosse spesso approssimativo sulle modalità operative, quel principio ebbe in realtà un notevole impatto sulle relazioni intergovernative. Tale principio favorì ad esempio l’intraprendenza di molti amministratori locali nel promuovere il decentramento amministrativo e politico su base di quartiere. Nel terzo capitolo l’analisi affronta le principali trasformazioni in senso partecipativo avvenute nei sistemi di governo statali e locali negli anni Settanta, mettendole in relazione anche alle dinamiche intergovernative di più lungo periodo. Il capitolo è strutturato in modo tale da evidenziare il tendenziale recupero e rafforzamento di istituti già esistenti, come l’initiative, i public hearing e gli school district come strumenti di rivendicazione del community control in alcune città di grandi dimensioni. Mentre il secondo e terzo capitolo tendono a osservare le riforme istituzionali degli anni Settanta in senso partecipativo in seno al governo federale, statale e locale, i due successivi capitoli mirano ad osservare l’impatto della participatory democracy nel confronto tra attivismo militante e pratiche amministrative tradizionali degli anni Settanta. Il quarto capitolo è infatti dedicato all’ingresso della nuova generazione di politici progressisti nelle amministrazioni locali e statali fra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la prima metà degli anni Settanta. Per analizzarlo si è deciso di analizzare come principale caso di studio la Conference on Alternative State and Local Policy (CASLP), una organizzazione e forum nazionale che mirava proprio ad unire alle istanze dei progressisti una expertise di governo. Nell’ambito della CASLP, la cosiddetta Coalizione progressista di Berkeley, CA, fornì un caso esemplare di strategia di confronto con le istituzioni locali e per questo il capitolo le dedica una attenta disanima. La pluriennale esperienza di azione collettiva dei progressisti di Berkeley nell’arena istituzionale è infatti rilevante sia per l’innovazione nella strategia istituzionale, sia per attestare una evoluzione dell’idea di participatory democracy nel tempo. Il quinto capitolo ricostruisce ed analizza la carriera politica di Tom Hayden negli anni in cui passò dall’attivismo alla politica istituzionale, con la campagna elettorale per diventare Senatore della California in Congresso (1975-1976) e la successiva Campaign for Economic Democracy (1976-1982), confermando la spiccata propensione del leader all’innovazione istituzionale in senso partecipativo. In particolare, nella campagna elettorale per il Senato del Congresso del 1976 Hayden riuscì a implementare forme di decision-making partecipato in seno allo staff. Nella gestione del personale cercò inoltre di favorire l’empowerment di volontari e cittadini senza perdere di vista i requisiti essenziali per la sopravvivenza della campagna: fundraising e propaganda. In linea con la sua battaglia contro le distorsioni economiche del big business, scelse di non accettare fondi da corporation e banche e riuscì nell’intento di essere sostenuto per gran parte da small donors. Hayden dunque introdusse pratiche di participatory democracy in seno alla campagna elettorale e continuò a rivendicare la sua fiducia nella forza dei movimenti grass-roots. L’analisi storica, ad ogni modo, evidenzia anche le criticità che derivavano dall’uso di pratiche partecipative nella governance della campagna elettorale. Atttraverso l’analisi teorica e politico-istituzionale della democrazia partecipativa americana fra gli anni Sessanta e Settanta su vari livelli istituzionali (federale, statale e locale), questo progetto di ricerca tenta quindi di colmare un vuoto storiografico e, al tempo stesso intende contribuire alla definizione storico-istituzionale della participatory democracy in seno alla democrazia rappresentativa degli Stati Uniti. Infine, la presente ricerca mira a inserirsi nel dibattito pubblico contemporaneo sulla participatory democracy, offrendo una visione storico-istituzionale importante per meglio comprendere il fenomeno e che, finora, non ha ricevuto l’attenzione che meriterebbe.
Chapter 1 retrieves the idea of participatory democracy stemmed from the Long 1960s New Left and the following social movements. Indeed, the concept of participatory democracy mainly acquired two slightly different shapes in that historical framework. From one hand, it meant the broad political call for common citizens’ greater involvement in the policy-making - at the local, state and federal level. That request was in fact a reply to the ongoing crisis of the American democracy, in terms of political legitimacy and social representation of minorities and poor people. In the other hand, participatory democracy represented the organizing principle adopted by most of the grass-roots groups of that period, with a clear prefigurative function. Indeed, making the activist groups’ inner decision-making participatory was a way for the collectives to anticipate the institutional changes they aspired to. In the meantime, because of the same disaffection against the raising social and political inequalities, some political science scholars elaborated a critique to the pluralist version of the liberal democracy - then the most praised one, as well as credited as it was embodied in the American democracy. Those 1960s critiques were eventually used to conceive the first political theory of participatory democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, as Chapter 1 shows. The participatory democracy’s canon was in fact mostly developed by Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson and Benjamin Barber. Beside the intellectual history of participatory democracy from 1960s to 1980s, Chapter 1 allows to contextualize ideas and practices of common citizens’ participation into the wider history of the American Political Development. According to that, chapter 1 also provides a detailed analysis of the participatory political institutions that were traditionally part of the United States representative democracy. Chapter 2 verifies whether the 1960s idea of participatory democracy actually affected the federal public policies of the late 1960s and 1970s. Indeed the principle of “citizen participation” was introduced in some of the War on Poverty legislations, promoted by Lyndon B. Johnson since the mid-1960s. Although the heterogeneous institutional effects, that principle was maintained in some grant-in-aid projects until the end of the Carter administration, through the Nixon and Ford administrations. Therefore, the political meanings assumed by the idea of “citizen participation” and its institutional consequences from 1964 to 1980 are carefully analyzed in chapter 2. Moreover, chapter 2 shows that the principle of citizen participation had such a strong impact on the intergovernmental relations. It thus brought forward, for instance, the local public officers’ entrepreneurship towards the local devolution, shifting the administrative and political power base from the center to the neighborhood. Chapter 3 deals with the 1970s main institutional reforms aimed at introducing the common citizens’ participation in the government decision-making at the state and local levels. Those reforms are deeply related to some long-lasting intergovernmental dynamics and this relationship is also argued. The same chapter’s lay-out is vowed to underline the 1970s general trend of retrieval and enhancing of traditional institutions, such as the initiative (direct democracy), the public hearings and the school districts. The school board was indeed reevaluated and reshaped as a means of community control in the biggest cities. As chapters 2 and 3 aim at exploring the implementation of participatory reforms in the federal, state and local level of government, chapters 4 and 5 aim at inquiring the participatory democracy’s impact on the 1970s boundary of polity - the space where activism meets political institutions. Chapter 4 inquires the new generations of progressive politicians entering the local and state administrations from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. To frame that national phenomenon, the historical analysis use the Conference of Alternative States and Local Policies (CASLP) as a case study. CASLP was indeed a national organization born in 1975 to give voice to the progressive public officers around the country and allowed them sharing their government experiences for a more effective institutional impact. Inside CASLP, the progressive coalition of Berkeley, CA (called Berkeley Citizens’ Action, BCA) was especially spotted for its exemplary strategy to confront local political institutions. The 1970s BCA’s political actions are thus specifically analyzed. In fact, the institutional approach of the Berkeley progressive coalition resulted to be innovative in terms of strategy as well as successful in introducing new forms of participatory democracy into the local government, assessing the 1970s evolution of the participatory democracy political theory and practices. Chapter 5 retraces the political career of the former New Left leader Tom Hayden during the years of turning from activism to institutional politics. Especially, the analysis focuses on the 1975-1976 U.S. Senate Campaign and the following Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED), a coalition project and organization led by Hayden with the goal of mobilizing activists and public officers around the issues of economic justice, environmental and economic public policies (1976-1982). That period - just before Hayden was elected representative at the California Legislature in 1982 - is thus analyzed as a testing ground to verify his long-lasting commitment towards participatory democracy. The historical and political analysis, based on original archival findings, confirms Hayden’s inclination for institutional innovation in the participatory realm. In particular, during the 1975-1976 electoral campaign for the U.S. Senate in California Hayden introduced participatory forms of decision-making involving staff people, volunteers and supporting grass-roots groups. Moreover, that campaign’s staff and people management was conceived in order to directly empower citizens and volunteers, without losing track of the campaigning basic requirements (e. g. fundraising and propaganda). As he stood against big business and economic inequalities, he chose to reject fundings from corporations and banks. Therefore his electoral campaign was mostly sustained by small donors. Hayden successfully made the campaigning more open, accountable and participatory and kept on sponsoring his trust in community organizing and grass-roots social movements even in his following political endeavour, CED. Eventually, the investigation casts lights on the strengths, as well as the critical issues, produced by the Hayden’s participatory governance of campaigning. By the means of analysing the intellectual history and the institutional implementation of participatory democracy during late 1960s-1970s United States, this research project firstly aims at making up the lack of historiography about the topic. In the second stance, grounding the institutional and political history of participatory democracy in the United States representative democracy - where the concept was born - this research project intends to provide a first genealogy of the participatory democracy’s institutional implementation. In this sense, the research projects wants also to contribute to the contemporary debate on the participatory democracy. It is indeed a compelling and popular issue in many worldwide political arenas, but it is still rarely defined by its historical and institutional terms.

This dissertation examines the participation and regulation of African American and Mexican women in the sex industry during the Progressive period of Texas to complicate ideas of womanhood. Between 1889 and 1925, sex workers survived, resisted, and contended with several shifts to their industry caused by the interventions of religious leaders, civil servants, community members, and reformers. Red light and related vice districts were socially- and legally-sanctioned tolerated forms of amusement and leisure throughout the state. Although black and brown madams, inmates, and prostitutes were not the most visible sex workers, they were often pivotal to that social and cultural fabric of numerous cities such as San Antonio, Fort Worth, Houston, and Laredo. The white slavery and antivice campaigns reshaped the discussions and reforms from the local to federal level. They created a social, economic, and political climate of stringent policing of vices that led to the eventual abolition of commercialized sex, where prostitutes of color embodied the worst tenets of womanhood. In contrast, the Mexican anarcho-socialist and African American progressive women’s club movements more broadly enhanced the views of women of color, demonstrating the ways that they (re)defined themselves. In this study, I argue that the intersection of prostitution and progressivism in the South/west represents a peculiar juncture in race- and sexual-making. At stake were the contested meanings of sexuality, race, and modernity under the growing vilification of vice by the national government and local groups in the Jim Crow Borderlands. While this dissertation contributes to the diverse historiographies of progressivism, the New South, and U.S. West, it also has important implications in enriching and facilitating the intersection of the histories of Mexican American and African American women in new and unconventional ways. Its significance is that it advances knowledge in topics of sexuality, race, and gender formation from a transborder and transregional framework. Moreover, it expands conceptual and methodological paradigms that presently exist in the field of the U.S.-Mexico Borderlands, by coupling them with the study of Jim Crow segregation of the Southwest.
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This thesis about rank and file police takes place from within a class framework with its foundations in the works of Marx, Engels and Gramsci who theorised that revolution is the result of the contradictions in class society reaching breaking point. This thesis contends that ‘progressive’ intellectuals, journalists and politicians act, as Gramsci theorised, as the ‘subalterns’ of the state by creating a ‘moral panic’ about police corruption. They ignore the wider spread of corruption within a criminal justice system that is shaped and reinforced by a highly politicised criminal justice establishment. The supporting data of the argument is provided in open ended, semi structured interviews with operational police. This is integrated with material from media sources, parliamentary inquiries, commissions of inquiry, legal transcripts and various published data from journals, newspaper articles, personal diaries, conference papers, Internet publications and policy documents.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

After years of work by the Battered Women's Movement, wife abuse and violence within the home have been identified as a profound social problem. Although feminists agree that wife abuse and domestic violence is a problem that must be addressed, there is much dissention within the feminist academic community with regard to how effective change can be made to protect victims. At issue is whether or not the criminal justice system can provide progressive reform for the women who are abused. This thesis addresses the above theoretical debate by examining if the Manitoba Family Violence Court can provide a more accessible, victim-sensitive approach to the adminstration of justice. A comparison is made regarding the treatment of domestic violence cases processed. within the Family Violence Court with domestic cases that were processed within the General Court, both before and after the specialized Family Violence Court was established. Specifically, the comparison is made on the basis of laying charges, enforcing restraining orders, case processing (stay and attrition rates), types of sentences and the degree of secondary victimization within the court process. Overall, it was found that progressive change over time has occurred within the criminal justice system. However, it is through specialization of the Family Violence Court that we find the most profound, progressive response to the needs of wife abuse victims.

The foundations of American progressivism were established in the 19th century and were heavily influenced by the emergence of Marxism, immigration, feminism and organized labor movements. These issues were and continue to be influential in American society. The American public library system developed within this context, and its values and goals were influenced by these ideologies. The role of the library was initially conceived to be that of a provider of enlightenment for the underprivileged. The goal was to lift up the common people and help them to become productive citizens of society. But this assistance can also be seen as a form of social control. The selection of materials for a specific purpose is tantamount to censorship. As a consequence, the library’s initial role of censor shifted toward a more user-focused system. Librarians were no longer gatekeepers and censors of information, but rather facilitators of the individual reader. The ALA endorsed and promoted projects that reflect this progressive shift. Consequences of the ALA’s shift toward progressivism include encouragement of radical social changes and changes in the educational system which began to encourage children to question dominant historical narratives. This paper examines the American public library’s relationship to a free society, and the role of the librarian in the public realm.
text

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1988.
Typescript. Title from title screen (viewed May 2, 2007). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-110). Online version of the print original.

This paper studies the policy changes that have led to the design and early implementation of the land restitution program in Colombia. I use the land reform literature to frame land reform efforts in Colombia within the larger ideological discussion on land reform. The study maps out the roles of the main actors that influenced the actions of government regarding land reform and their role in shaping the present policies affecting land restitution. The paper argues that although the land restitution program provides an opportunity to initiate a peace building process and should be seriously considered as a measure to compensate the victims of the armed conflict, the present rural development model is an impediment to its success. Although, the more progressive coalition was able to achieve the approval of the land restitution program, the success of the program relies entirely on the wider rural development model being currently embraced in the country. The present rural development model puts an emphasis on the exploitation of extractive resources and other mega projects responding to global market demands; while illicit crops continue to provide an easy and profitable livelihood opportunity for many in the countryside. Such development does not support the livelihoods of returnees and thus does not compliment the land restitution program. The success of the land restitution program thus remains in doubt. The reason is that powerful actors support a neoliberal development model that continues to dominate the political agenda.