Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Produce trade Government policy Australia'

The objectives of the research was to critically analyse arguments for and against agricultural trade liberalization and its impact on food security, investigating the nexus between the three pillars of agriculture and food security, considering how the Agreement on Agriculture and the Food Aid Convention addressed the concerns that were raised by the different parties during the negotiation period, and finally it considered how the current multilateral negotiations in agriculture can provide a secure framework within which developing African countries can pursue effective policies to ensure their food security.

Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) creates competitive challenges and opportunities, labour and capital will seek the highest returns, dri ving out less efficient performances while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of this agreement. The South African government sees the agreement with the European Union as a step towards restructuring the country's economy and making it part of the rapidly changing world economy. This policy view of the South African government will result in those sectors of the economy that are not internationally competitive, receiving no support from government. Consequently these sectors will decrease in time. Of the three agricultural profiles studied, fresh fruit (deciduous fruit) will benefit the most from the TDCA. The most obvious effect the agreement will have on the sector is the saving on customs duties payable on exports to the EU. An estimate on 1997 trade figures revealed that in the short term the deciduous fruit industry will save approximately RI00 million. Over the implementation period of 10 years, the industry will save about Rl billion. After that, savings amounting to approximately R125 million per annum should be possible. The canned fruit sector is an export-driven industry that exports about 90 per cent of its products, 50 per cent of which is exported to the EU. The export tariffs to the EU are very high. As non-EU member, South Africa is the biggest provider of canned fruit to the EU. Some analyses revealed that the total savings in tariffs for the first year of implementation will be R25 million. The industry stands to save approximately R100 million over the implementation period. At the EU's request, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement. The EU believes that South Africa's continued use of certain "geographical indications" or terms is in breach of Article 23 of the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) agreement. The quotas granted by the EU on wine and sparkling wine cover 79 per cent of South African exports to the EU. South Africa granted the EU a 0.26 million litre quota for sparkling wine and a 1 million-litre quota for bottled wine. SA will phase out the use of the terms "port", "sherry", "grappa", ouzo", "korn" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" over agreed time periods. The issue will be taken to the WTO for a ruling in this regard. The EU has agreed to grant SA a duty-free tariff quota for wine but has suspended the tariff quota until the Wine and Spirits agreement has been signed. The EU will also provide financial assistance of 15 million ECU to help restructure the SA wine and spirits sector. The South African agricultural industry should take note of the constantly changing international marketing environment. The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed with the European Union opens up new markets and enhances existing ones that must be exploited. It is imperative that every role player should evaluate the level of competitiveness of his or her enterprise. Thus the message is very clear: Agricultural production with an international trading view is the only sustainable road to follow.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die Handel, Ontwikkelings en Samewerkingsooreenkoms kompeterende geleenthede en uitdagings skep, sal arbeid en kapitaal verskuif na die hoogste opbrengste beskikbaar. In hierdie proses sal daar wegbeweeg word van onvoldoende prestasies en sal effektiewe ondememings en industriee floreer. Hierdie dinarniese proses van herstruktuering sal voortduur regdeur die implementeringsperiode van hierdie handelsooreenkoms. Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die ooreenkoms met die Europese Unie as 'n belangrike stap in die proses om die land se ekonomie te herstrukltureer en so deel te maak van die vinnig veranderende wereld ekonomie. Hierdie regerings beleid sal daartoe lei dat sektore wat nie intemasionaal mededingend is nie, geen ondersteuning vanaf die regering sal ontvang nie. Met tyd sal hierdie sektore verdwyn. Van die drie landbousektore wat bestudeer is, sal vars vrugte (sagte vrugte) die meeste voordeel trek uit die ooreenkoms. Die besparing van aksynsbelasting op die uitvoere na die Europese Unie is die mees kenmerkendste voordeel vir die sektor. 'n Beraming gebaseer op 1997 handels syfers toon 'n jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R100 miljoen. Deur die hele implementeringsperiode, sal die besparing plus minus Rl biljoen beloop. Na afloop van die implementeringsperiode, sal jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R125 miljoen moontlik wees. Die inmaak vrugte sektor is 'n uitvoer gedrewe industrie wat gemiddeld 90 persent van hul prod uk uitvoer. Van hierdie uitvoere is 50 persent bestem vir die Europese Unie. Die uitvoertariewe na die Europese Unie is baie hoog. As nie-lidland, is Suid Afrika die grootste verskaffer van geblikte vrugte aan die Europese Unie. Beramings voorsien dat die sektor 'n totale besparing vir die eerste jaar van implemetering van plus minus R25 miljoen kan beloop. Die industrie kan soveel as R100 rniljoen oor die implementeringsperiode bespaar. Op die Europese Unie se versoek, het Suid Afrika ingestem om 'n afsonderlike Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms te onderhandel. Die Europese Unie beweer dat Suid Afrika se gebruik van sekere "geografiese aanduidings" of terme, In verbreking is van Artikel 23 van die Handelsverwante Aspekte van die Intellektuele Eiendomsregte Ooreenkoms. Wyn en vonkelwyn kwotas wat deur die Europese Unie aan Suid Afrika toegestaan is, beloop 79 persent van die uitvoere na die Europese Unie. Suid Afrika het die Europese Unie In kwota van 0.26 miljoen liter vir vonkelwyn en 1 miljoen kwota vir gebottelde wyn toegestaan. Voorts sal Suid Afrika die terme "port", "sherry", "grappa", "ouzo", "kom" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" met die ooreengekome peri odes uitfaseer. Die aspek sal egter na die WHO geneem word vir In finale beslissing. Die Europese Unie het ooreengekom om aan Suid Afrika In tarief vrye kwota vir wyn toe te staan, maar het dit opgehef tot tyd en wyl die Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms onderteken is. Die Europese Unie sal ook finansiele ondersteuning van 15 miljoen ECU skenk om die Suid Afrikaanse Wyn en Spiritualiee industrie te help hestruktureer. Suid Afrikaanse Landbou sal notisie moet neem van die konstante verandering in die intemasionale bemarkingsomgewing. Die Vrye Handelsooreenkoms wat geteken is met die Europese Unie, open nuwe markte en sal bestaande markte bevorder. Hierdie geleenthede moet benut word. Dit is baie belangrik dat elke rolspeler sy vlak van kompeterende vermoe moet evalueer, om so sy eie siening oor die ooreenkoms te kan uitspreek. Hieruit is die boodskap dus baie duidelik: Landbou produksie met In intemasionale handels uitkyk, is die enigste volhoubare pad om te volg.

The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Grondhervorming en dit wat daarmee gepaard gaan, is een van die hoekstene van die normalisering van ons samelewing en is sedert 1994 deel van die transformasieproses. Die huidige regering gaan uit van die oortuiging dat blywende vrede nie verkry kan word sonder dat dié ongelykhede reggestel word nie. Is daar ‘n antwoord op Suid-Afrika se ongelyke grondbesit, en kan kontrakboerdery 'n rol speel in die oorbrugging van die probleme? Een van die belangrikste aspekte van die regstelling van die ongeregtighede van die verlede, is die uitwissing van armoede, en in hierdie verband is Landbou 'n belangrike rolspeler. Ten einde armoede te bestry en werk te skep, moet die toekomstige generasie bemagtig word deur eienaarskap te versprei. Die Wet op Inheemse Grond van 1913, die Inheemse Trust- en Grondwet van 1936, en die Groepsgebiedewet van 1950 het swart Suid-Afrikaners die geleentheid ontneem om plaaseenhede te besit en te bedryf in die blanke gebiede van Suid- Afrika wat, soos ons almal weet, verreweg die grootste gedeelte van die land asook die meer produktiewe boerderygrond uitgemaak het. Die grondhervormingsproses streef om die erfenis van hierdie wette ongedaan te maak. Sedert die Suid-Afrikaanse grondhervormingsprogram in 1994 van stapel gestuur is, heers daar groot debat oor die beleid, implementeringstrategieë en die impak van sodanige pogings op landbougrond, die lewens van die bevoordeeldes, en die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie. Met die toename in skaal en kompleksiteit van grondhervorming het dit al hoe moeiliker vir die Regering geword om die proses te monitor en te evalueer. Dit is nou alombekend dat, behalwe vir kwantitatiewe aanwysings, daar baie leemtes bestaan in die inligting oor grondhervorming. In die lig van die veranderende aard van wêreld-landbou- en voedselmarkte en die voortspruitende behoefte vir vertikale integrasie van die voedselverskaffingskettings, het hierdie werkstuk ten doel om die rol van kontrakboerdery as 'n instelling te ondersoek, ten einde die voortgesette deelname te verseker van kleinboere in ontwikkelende lande in die markte vir hoëwaarde produkte. Die klem val spesifiek op die Suid-Afrikaanse omstandighede vir grondhervorming. Die werkstuk bespreek die teoretiese rasionaal van kontrakboerdery, en illustreer hoe dié vorm van boerdery aangewend kan word om markmislukkings en a-simmetriese informasieprobleme te oorkom.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land reform and associated matters are some of the cornerstones of the normalizing of our society and have been part of the transformation process since 1994. The present regime is of the conviction that lasting peace cannot be achieved without such unequalities being addressed. Is there an answer to unequal ownership of land in South Africa, and can contract farming play a role in bridging these problems? One of the most important aspects of the unrighteousness of the past, is poverty and in its eradication, agriculture is an important role player. In order to combat poverty and create jobs, the future generation must be empowered by ownership of the economy. The Indigenous Land Act of 1913, The Indigenous Trust and Land Act of 1936, and the Group Areas Act of 1950 deprived Black South Africans of the opportunity to own and run farming units within the white areas of South Africa that, as we all know, formed by far the largest part of the land as well as the more productive farming land. The land reformation process strives to annul the legacy of those laws. Since the South African land reform program was started in 1994, a heated debate has raged about the policy, implementation stategies, and impact of such efforts on agricultural land, the lives of the beneficiaries, and the South African economy. With the increase in scale and complexity of land reform, it became more and more difficult for the regime to monitor and evaluate the process. It is now common knowledge that, except for qualitative indications, many shortcomings are apparent in the information on land reform. In light of the changing nature of world agricultural and food markets and the subsequent need for vertical integration of the food-supply chains, this study aims at investigating the role of contract farming as an institution, in order to ensure the continued participation of small farmers in developing countries in the markets for high-value products. The emphasis falls specifically on the South African conditions for land reform. This study describes the theoretical rationale of contract farming, and illustrates how this form of farming can be applied to overcome market fiascos and assimmetrical information problems.

This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.

This study seeks to identify the nature of the bargaining relationship between manufacturing multinational corporations and a host government, to assess the distributive pattern of power and authority in such a relationship and the independence of government policy-making, and to evaluate the viability of the modern State in the contemporary international system. These objectives are pursued through an examination of the Australian Government's relationship with manufacturing multinationals. Particular attention is given to the motor vehicles industry. The study advances the propositions that (1) the balance of bargaining power between manufacturing multinationals and host governments is to the advantage of the governments in the initial stages and to the advantage of the corporations in the mature stages of the relationship (2> the distribution of power and authority at each stage of the relationship reflects the respective power bases of the actors, the degree of mutual need and the international context of the relationship and (3) the viability of the modern State is not undermined by the operations of manufacturing multinationals. The research suggests that <1) the manufacturing multinationals have an initial bargaining advantage over host governments with the latter gaining the advantage as the relationship matures (2) the weight of the respective power bases, mutual need and international relations does support these dynamic bargaining positions and <3) the viability of the modern State is not compromised by the activities of manufacturing multinationals.

In recent years, the world has been experiencing rapid and extensive global shifts that have had a positive and negative impact on different countries around the globe. These global shifts have also influenced the way countries conduct trade with their partners. A lot of countries, as a way of adapting to these changes, have been forced to review their trade policies to be in line with the trade liberalisation process. The expansion of markets has led to trade liberalisation, which promotes export growth in commodities. However in developing countries, they have experienced increases in imports and thus reflecting a certain level of uncompetitiveness of these countries with trade imbalances. This has also resulted in a declining purchasing power for some countries involved, export revenues falling as prices also fall due to intense competition in the world market. Studies have suggested that when countries liberalise they tend to experience some short falls in the first few years then a recovery thereafter. Agriculture is the major factor in the economies of developing countries. At least 80% of African economies are directly or indirectly dependent on agriculture. In these developing countries, a greater majority of the population lives in the rural areas where agriculture serves as a greater part of their occupation and source of livelihood. Being the engine of most African economies, the majority of the population of these countries are employed in the agricultural sector. Agricultural commodities represent by far the largest proportion of exported goods and the main raw materials for manufactured products. As a key to poverty reduction and food security, agricultural development may be seen as important.
Thesis (MBA)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.

This study investigates how South Australian wheat growers have adjusted to the deregulation of their industry since 1989. Prior to this date growers were obliged to deliver their wheat to the Australian Wheat Board which undertook the management of price risk on their behalf. Since that date growers have an increasing number of ways by which they can price their wheat.
Thesis (M.App.Sc.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Earth and Environmental Sciences, 2004

This study examines the political economy of popular music policy initiatives during 1982-1996, when the Australian Labor Party was in government Federally and in the State of Victoria. Building on the cultural studies concept of articulation, the popular music formulation theory is proposed as the basis for examining the alignment of the fields of social and industry policy with the existing popular music industry. A series of case studies examine the ALP'S interest in popular music policy, the influence of Australian popular music achievements on the policy formation, the role of activists within the party and the subsequent inquiries and proposals that flowed from the party's concern to establish programs that would offer social provisioning outcomes. Using concepts derived from institutional economics, the thesis shows that the existing popular music industry, in particular multinational record companies, were disinclined to participate in and financially support the policies. Positive outcomes were realised in the creation of institutions such as Ausmusic, the Victorian Rock Foundation and The Push. Although dependent on public subsidy, some of the initiatives offered a new funding model, such as the failed blank tape levy. Alternatively, the examination of community music programs found that some local or micro projects generated industrial characteristics of their own, to become economically self-sufficient, rather than dependent on subsidies. Evidence that the private interests of the existing music industry determined their reluctance to participate in the policy programs became clear with the Prices Surveillance Authority's Inquiry Into the Prices of Sound Recordings in 1990. The research found that from 1982 until Labor lost power in 1996, no effective method had been established for engaging the existing music industry in funding and supporting the policy initiatives. With the possible exception of the evolution of industrial characteristics within community music programs, no resolution to this policy failure is apparent.

In October 1962, the world was brought to the brink of nuclear catastrophe. The Cuban Missile Crisis marked the closest the United States (US) and the Soviet Union came to military conflict that might have led to nuclear annihilation during the Cold War. This thesis investigates the Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis. In doing so, it makes an original contribution to Australian Cold War history and to the extensive literature on the crisis. The Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis is examined in the context of the Australia-US alliance. A diplomatic history, this thesis relies heavily on declassified government records from Australian and American archives. Additionally, oral history interview transcripts, audio-visual materials, Hansard, newspapers, and private collections, were consulted in order to reconstruct comprehensively Australia’s policy on this matter and the factors that shaped it. This thesis examines: Australia’s awareness of the Cuban situation; the Menzies Government’s policy on the crisis, specifically, factors it considered—and did not consider—in formulating its policy; and the Government’s immediate implementation of that policy, including the reactions of some sections of the Australian community to that policy. It demonstrates that despite limited advance notice and awareness of the Cuban situation, the Government swiftly declared support for the US in the crisis, specifically, its resolution to be presented to the United Nations Security Council. It reveals that certain politicians, diplomats, and public servants were concerned about: Australia’s obligations under the Australia New Zealand United States Security Treaty; the legality of the US response; the precedent set by the quarantine; the implications of US policy on the crisis regarding Australian nuclear ambitions; Australia maintaining its trade relationship with Cuba; and the repercussions the crisis could have on collective defence arrangements, which Australia relied on for its security. Despite these concerns and challenges, the Government considered the successful management of the US alliance paramount in formulating and implementing its policy on the crisis.

As with many other nations, the passenger motor vehicle industry has long been central to the economic health of Australia. In addition, the purchase of a motor vehicle is a commitment of considerable magnitude to most consumers. As a result, the passenger motor vehicle industry has attracted the attention an interest of a wide and diverse range of groups who have brought to bear a multitude of often-conflicting concerns and interests. Nowhere has this been more apparent that in the development and execution of industry policy. This thesis examines the development and application of Australian passenger motor vehicle industry policy from the turn of the twentieth century until the mid-1990s.