Academic literature on the topic 'Produce trade Government policy Australia'
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Journal articles on the topic "Produce trade Government policy Australia"
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Wijaya, Wijaya, Sri Mulyani, and Emiliana Emiliana. "IMPLEMENTATION OF PRODUCT STANDARDIZATION POLICY SMALL AND MEDIUM INDUSTRY (IKM) IN WOOD PROCESSING RESULTS." UNTAG Law Review 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2017): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.36356/ulrev.v1i1.525.
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<p>The policy of the Minister of Trade which stipulates Ministerial Regulation No. 97 / M-DAG / PER / 12/2014 on the provisions on the export of forestry industry products implements the obligation to apply product standardization with SVLK (Timber Legality Verification System) to processed wood products from January 1, 2015. SVLK requirements for Small and Medium Enterprises (IKM), especially wood furniture and handicraft industries, are simplified in the form of self declaration as set forth in the document "Export Declaration." However, the Export Declaration Policy set by the government as an alternative for furniture business actors who do not have SVLK does not apply in European market and Australia. The results of research in Central Java Province found the furniture industry as a superior product, the number of SMEs that canceled its export contract causing the loss by stopping furniture exports even though this effort is done by the government in order to improve competitiveness.</p>
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Babie, Paul, Paul Leadbeter, and Kyriaco Nikias. "Property, Unbundled Water Entitlements, and Anticommons Tragedies: A Cautionary Tale From Australia." Michigan Journal of Environmental & Administrative Law, no. 9.1 (2020): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.36640/mjeal.9.1.property.
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As water becomes an increasingly scarce resource, a lack of clarity in relation to its use can produce both conflict among and inefficient use by users. In order to encourage markets in water and to ensure the viability and functionality of those markets, governments in many jurisdictions have moved away from commons property as a means of water allocation, and towards systems of private property in water. In doing so, one policy and legal option is “unbundling”, which seeks carefully to define both the entitlement to water and its separation into constituent parts. Advocates claim that unbundling makes water rights easier to value, monitor, and trade. But is unbundling the most efficient means of allocating water use rights? Or might such fragmentation produce what has come to be called an “anticommons tragedy”? To answer these questions, this article contains four parts. The Introduction provides the legal background to the modern means of allocating the use of water amongst competing, or rivalrous, users. Part I considers the theoretical nature of property, and the way in which such theory might be extended to water allocation through unbundling. Part II presents unbundling as it has been implemented in the Australian state of South Australia. This allows us to assess the extent to which the stated policy rationale for unbundling—certainty and transferability of entitlements—has been achieved and the extent to which this is a desirable outcome. Our analysis can be applied to any jurisdiction, most notably the arid and semi-arid southwestern United States, considering unbundling as a legal and policy option for the allocation of water use. The Conclusion reflects upon the potential for unbundling water entitlements in arid or semi-arid environments. The South Australian experience reveals a reluctance to embrace unbundling, both on the part of the state in terms of implementing, and on the part of market actors holding existing proprietary interests in water. This reluctance ought to be viewed by other jurisdictions as a warning about the effectiveness and efficiency of unbundling. We show that unbundling efforts may not only fail to provide efficiency gains, but also, and much more worryingly, may in fact drive anticommons tragedies that entirely inhibit any beneficial use. We propose that our anecdotal and theoretical analysis of South Australia requires empirical research both in Australia and in other jurisdictions climatologically, hydrologically, and in underlying legal framework, similar to Australia. Such empirical research will test our conclusions in relation to South Australia, both in respect to the operation of the water market and as to the behavior of market actors.
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Wicaksono, Raden Mas Try Ananto Djoko, and Irna Nurhayati. "Anti-Dumping Dispute Settlement of A4 Paper Products Export between Indonesia and Australia." Jurnal Global & Strategis 16, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.16.1.2022.1-30.
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Indonesia sebagai salah satu negara yang sering dituduh melakukan dumping produk kertas A4 menimbulkan sebuah pertanyaan karena Australia menjadi negara terkini yang menuduh tindakan dumping atas produk Kertas A4 asal Indonesia, yang mana sebelumnya Indonesia pernah mendapat tuduhan dari Korea Selatan (2002), Afrika Selatan (2003) dan Jepang (2012). Hal yang seharusnya menjadi perhatian oleh produsen dan pemerintah Indonesia dalam kasus tuduhan dumping oleh negara luar adalah masalah like product serta kekaburan hukum atas klausul PMS (particular market situation), yang mana selama proses persidangan, baik Indonesia, Australia maupun pihak ketiga memiliki argumentasi masing-masing terkait interpretasi dalam menentukan definisi dari PMS karena belum adanya definisi yang jelas. Penelitian ini menganalisis bagaimana WTO menginterpretasikan makna PMS dari kasus sengketa. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum yuridis normatif dan analisis menggunakan metode kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan Australia mengenakan BMAD terhadap produk Kertas A4 asal Indonesia, telah melanggar Pasal 2.2 dan 2.2.1.1 Perjanjian Anti-Dumping WTO. Lalu, WTO menginterpretasikan makna PMS dari kasus sengketa anti-dumping ekspor A4 antara Indonesia dengan Australia menentukan bahwa tidak adanya elemen atau batasan terkait dengan intervensi pemerintah. Hal tersebut dikarenakan intervensi pemerintah tidak secara otomatis diterjemahkan secara negatif, karena tidak ada batasan pasti terkait kapan dan bagaimana intervensi pemerintah dapat dianggap berbahaya bagi pasar yang berdampak. Kata-Kata Kunci: Anti-Dumping, Particular Market Situation, Penyelesaian Sengketa Dagang Internasional, WTO. Indonesia as one of the countries that are often accused of dumping A4 paper products raises a question because Australia emerged as the latest country that accuse Indonesian products, in which Indonesia had previously been accused by South Korea (2002), South Africa (2003), and Japan (2012). Things that should be of concern to producers and the Indonesian government in cases of dumping accusations by foreign countries are the issue of like the product and legal ambiguity over the PMS (particular market situation) clause, which during the trial process, both Indonesia, Australia, and third parties had their arguments, each comply to their own interpretation in determining the definition of PMS because there is no clear definition. This study will analyze how the WTO interprets the meaning of PMS from dispute cases. The research is normative juridical law research which conducted the analysis using qualitative methods. The results of the study show that Australia's policy of imposing BMAD on A4 paper products from Indonesia has violated Articles 2.2 and 2.2.1.1 of the WTO Anti-Dumping Agreement. Then, the WTO interprets the meaning of PMS from the A4 export anti-dumping dispute case between Indonesia and Australia, determining that there are no elements or limitations related to government intervention. This is because government intervention is not automatically translated negatively, as there is no definite limit to when and how government intervention can be deemed harmful to the impacting market. Keywords: Anti-Dumping, International Trade Dispute Resolution, Particular Market Situation, WTO.
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Austen, Dick. "Foreword to 'Producing and Processing Quality Beef from Australian Cattle Herds'." Australian Journal of Experimental Agriculture 41, no. 7 (2001): I. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/eav41n7_fo.
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Markets for Australian beef throughout the 20th century have been moulded by world wars, economic depressions, droughts, transport technology, cattle breeding, trade barriers, global competition, livestock disease eradication, human health risks, food safety, Australian Government policy, consumerism and beef quality. Major ‘shocks’ to beef marketing include the development of successful shipments of chilled carcases to Britain in the 1930s, the widespread trade disruption caused by World War II, expansion (early 1950s) and then a reduction in beef exports to Britain (1956), the introduction and then proliferation of Bos indicus derived cattle in northern Australia (1960s), licensing and upgrading of Australian abattoirs to export to USA and the consequential brucellosis and tuberculosis eradication campaign leading to record export tonnages of Australian processing beef to USA (1960–70). In 1980, increased beef trade to Japan began, leading in the late 1980s to expansion of high-quality grain finished products into that market. By 1993, beef exports to Japan (280.5 kt) exceeded those to USA (274.4 kt), signalling the significant shift in beef exports to Asia. Commencing in about 1986, the USA recognised the value of beef exports to Asian markets pioneered by Australia. Australia’s share of the Japanese and South Korean markets has been under intense competition since that time. Another major influence on Australia’s beef market in the early 1990s was growth in live cattle exports to Asian markets in Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. Live exports accounted for 152000 heads in 1992 and 858000 heads in 1996. Improved management systems (e.g. fences) and consequent regulation of cattle supply even in the wet season, a by-product of the brucellosis and tuberculosis eradication campaign, were indirect drivers of the growth in live exports. Throughout the period 1940–2000, domestic consumption of beef and veal declined from 68 to 33.3 kg/head.year, reflecting competition from other foods, perceptions of health risks, price of beef, periodic food safety scares, vegetarianism, changes in lifestyle and eating habits and lack of consistency of eating quality of beef. Despite this decline, the domestic Australian beef market still consumes a significant component (37%) of total Australian beef production. In 1984–85, the reform of the Australian Meat and Livestock Corporation set in train a major directional change (‘New Direction’) of the beef sector in response to beef market trends. Under Dick Austen’s leadership, the Australian Meat and Livestock Corporation changed the industry’s culture from being ‘production-driven’ to being ‘consumer-driven’. Market research began in Australia, Japan and Korea to establish consumer preferences and attitudes to price, beef appearance and eating quality. Definite consumer requirements were identified under headings of consistency and reliability. The AusMeat carcass descriptors were introduced and a decade later traits like tenderness, meat colour, fat colour, meat texture, taste, smell, and muscle size were addressed. These historical ‘shocks’ that shaped the Australian beef markets have all been accompanied by modification to production systems, breeding programs, herd structure, processing procedures, advertising and promotion, meat retailing and end-use. The increasing importance of the food service sector and the ‘Asian merge’ influence on beef cuts usage in restaurant meals and take-away products are the most recognisable changes in the Australian food landscape. The Cooperative Research Centre¿s research portfolio was built around the changing forces influencing beef markets in the early 1990s. Australia needed to better understand the genetic and non-genetic factors affecting beef quality. One example was the poor success rate of cattle being grain-fed for the Japanese premium markets. Another was the relative contribution of pre- and post-slaughter factors to ultimate eating quality of beef. The Meat Standards Australia scheme was launched in 1997 to address this problem in more detail. The Cooperative Research Centre contributed significantly to this initiative. In the year 2001, Australia, with only 2.5% of world cattle numbers retains the position of world number one beef trader. We trade to 110 countries worldwide. The Australian beef sector is worth A$6 billion annually. The diversity of Australian environments, cattle genotypes and production systems provides us with the ability to meet diverse specifications for beef products. A new set of market forces is now emerging. Strict accreditation rules apply to Australian producers seeking access to the lucrative European Union market. Transmissible spongiform encephalopathies like bovine spongiform encephalopathy and scrapie are a continuing food safety concern in Europe. This and the foot and mouth disease outbreak in Britain early in 2001 have potentially significant indirect effects on markets for Australian beef. And the sleeping giant, foot and mouth disease-free status of Latin American countries Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina continues to emerge as a major threat to Australian beef markets in Canada and Taiwan. As in the past, science and technology will play a significant role in Australia¿s response to these market forces.
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Bindon, B. M., and N. M. Jones. "Cattle supply, production systems and markets for Australian beef." Australian Journal of Experimental Agriculture 41, no. 7 (2001): 861. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ea01052.
Full textAbstract:
Markets for Australian beef throughout the 20th century have been moulded by world wars, economic depressions, droughts, transport technology, cattle breeding, trade barriers, global competition, livestock disease eradication, human health risks, food safety, Australian Government policy, consumerism and beef quality. Major ‘shocks’ to beef marketing include the development of successful shipments of chilled carcases to Britain in the 1930s, the widespread trade disruption caused by World War II, expansion (early 1950s) and then a reduction in beef exports to Britain (1956), the introduction and then proliferation of Bos indicus derived cattle in northern Australia (1960s), licensing and upgrading of Australian abattoirs to export to USA and the consequential brucellosis and tuberculosis eradication campaign leading to record export tonnages of Australian processing beef to USA (1960–70). In 1980, increased beef trade to Japan began, leading in the late 1980s to expansion of high-quality grain finished products into that market. By 1993, beef exports to Japan (280.5 kt) exceeded those to USA (274.4 kt), signalling the significant shift in beef exports to Asia. Commencing in about 1986, the USA recognised the value of beef exports to Asian markets pioneered by Australia. Australia’s share of the Japanese and South Korean markets has been under intense competition since that time. Another major influence on Australia’s beef market in the early 1990s was growth in live cattle exports to Asian markets in Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines. Live exports accounted for 152000 heads in 1992 and 858000 heads in 1996. Improved management systems (e.g. fences) and consequent regulation of cattle supply even in the wet season, a by-product of the brucellosis and tuberculosis eradication campaign, were indirect drivers of the growth in live exports. Throughout the period 1940–2000, domestic consumption of beef and veal declined from 68 to 33.3 kg/head.year, reflecting competition from other foods, perceptions of health risks, price of beef, periodic food safety scares, vegetarianism, changes in lifestyle and eating habits and lack of consistency of eating quality of beef. Despite this decline, the domestic Australian beef market still consumes a significant component (37%) of total Australian beef production. In 1984–85, the reform of the Australian Meat and Livestock Corporation set in train a major directional change (‘New Direction’) of the beef sector in response to beef market trends. Under Dick Austen’s leadership, the Australian Meat and Livestock Corporation changed the industry’s culture from being ‘production-driven’ to being ‘consumer-driven’. Market research began in Australia, Japan and Korea to establish consumer preferences and attitudes to price, beef appearance and eating quality. Definite consumer requirements were identified under headings of consistency and reliability. The AusMeat carcass descriptors were introduced and a decade later traits like tenderness, meat colour, fat colour, meat texture, taste, smell, and muscle size were addressed. These historical ‘shocks’ that shaped the Australian beef markets have all been accompanied by modification to production systems, breeding programs, herd structure, processing procedures, advertising and promotion, meat retailing and end-use. The increasing importance of the food service sector and the ‘Asian merge’ influence on beef cuts usage in restaurant meals and take-away products are the most recognisable changes in the Australian food landscape. The Cooperative Research Centre¿s research portfolio was built around the changing forces influencing beef markets in the early 1990s. Australia needed to better understand the genetic and non-genetic factors affecting beef quality. One example was the poor success rate of cattle being grain-fed for the Japanese premium markets. Another was the relative contribution of pre- and post-slaughter factors to ultimate eating quality of beef. The Meat Standards Australia scheme was launched in 1997 to address this problem in more detail. The Cooperative Research Centre contributed significantly to this initiative. In the year 2001, Australia, with only 2.5% of world cattle numbers retains the position of world number one beef trader. We trade to 110 countries worldwide. The Australian beef sector is worth A$6 billion annually. The diversity of Australian environments, cattle genotypes and production systems provides us with the ability to meet diverse specifications for beef products. A new set of market forces is now emerging. Strict accreditation rules apply to Australian producers seeking access to the lucrative European Union market. Transmissible spongiform encephalopathies like bovine spongiform encephalopathy and scrapie are a continuing food safety concern in Europe. This and the foot and mouth disease outbreak in Britain early in 2001 have potentially significant indirect effects on markets for Australian beef. And the sleeping giant, foot and mouth disease-free status of Latin American countries Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina continues to emerge as a major threat to Australian beef markets in Canada and Taiwan. As in the past, science and technology will play a significant role in Australia¿s response to these market forces.
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Alhayat, Aditya Paramita. "KETIDAKEFEKTIFAN KEBIJAKAN ANTI-DUMPING PRODUK IMPOR BAJA INDONESIA: SEBUAH ANALISIS AWAL." Buletin Ilmiah Litbang Perdagangan 11, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30908/bilp.v11i2.230.
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Meskipun Indonesia telah mengenakan tindakan anti-dumping terhadap beberapa jenis produk baja, namun impor produk tersebut masih meningkat. Salah satu kemungkinan penyebabnya adalah importasi melalui produk yang dimodifikasi secara tidak substansial atau melalui negara ketiga yang tidak dikenakan tindakan anti-dumping, yang dalam perdagangan internasional umum disebut sebagai praktik circumvention. Studi ini ditujukan untuk membuktikan bahwa circumvention mengakibatkan tindakan anti-dumping atas impor produk baja Indonesia tidak efektif dan untuk memberikan masukan berdasarkan praktik di negara lain supaya kebijakan anti-dumping Indonesia lebih efektif. Circumvention dianalisis dengan membandingkan pola perdagangan antara sebelum dan setelah pengenaan bea masuk anti-dumping (BMAD) menggunakan data sekunder dari Badan Pusat Statistik (BPS) maupun Global Trade Information Services (GTIS). Hasil analisis menunjukkan adanya indikasi kuat bahwa circumvention mengkibatkan pengenaan tindakan anti-dumping impor produk baja di Indonesia menjadi tidak efektif. Oleh karena itu, sangat penting bagi Pemerintah Indonesia untuk segera melakukan penyempurnaan terhadap Peraturan Pemerintah No. 34/2011 tentang Tindakan Antidumping, Tindakan Imbalan, dan Tindakan Pengamanan Perdagangan dengan memasukkan klausul tindakan anti-circumvention yang setidaknya mencakup bentuk-bentuk dan prosedur tindakan, sebagaimana yang telah dilakukan beberapa negara seperti: AS, EU, Australia, dan India. Although Indonesia has imposed anti-dumping measures on several types of steel products, the import of steel products is still increasing. One possible cause is that imports are made by non-substantial modification of product or through a third country which is not subject to anti-dumping measures, which is generally referred as circumvention practice. This study is aimed to prove that circumvention made Indonesian anti-dumping actions on the steel products ineffective. This also study provides recommendation for a best practice for other countries so that Indonesia's anti-dumping policy can be more effective. Circumvention was analyzed by comparing trade patterns between before and after the imposition of anti-dumping duty using secondary data from the Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) and the Global Trade Information Services (GTIS). The results of the analysis indicate that circumvention became the reason why Indonesian anti-dumping measures on imported steel products are ineffective. Therefore, it is very important for the Government of Indonesia to immediately make amendments to the Government Regulation No. 34/2011 on Antidumping, Countervailing, and Safeguard Measures by adopting clauses of anti-circumvention. This can be done bycovering the forms/types and procedures of action, as has been implemented by several countries such as the US, EU, Australia, and India.
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BOLLEN, JONATHAN. "‘As Modern as Tomorrow’: Australian Entrepreneurs and Japanese Entertainment, 1957–1968." Theatre Research International 43, no. 2 (July 2018): 147–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883318000275.
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This article compares the efforts of two Australian entrepreneurs to import Japanese entertainments for theatres in mid-twentieth-century Australia. David N. Martin of the Tivoli Circuit and Harry Wren, an independent producer, were rivals in the business of touring variety-revue. Both travelled to Japan in 1957, the year that the governments of Australia and Japan signed a landmark trade agreement. Whereas Martin's efforts were hampered by the legacy of wartime attitudes, Wren embraced the post-war optimism for trade. Wren became the Australian promoter for the Toho Company of Japan, touring a series of Toho revues until 1968. These Toho tours have been overlooked in Australian histories of cultural exchange with Japan. Drawing on evidence from archival sources and developing insights from foreign policy of the time, this article examines why Australian entrepreneurs turned to Japan, what Toho sent on tour, and how Toho's revues played in Australia. It analyses trade in touring entertainment as a form of entrepreneurial diplomacy that sought to realize the prospects of regional integration.
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Suryana, Anggita Tresliyana, Anna Fariyanti, and Amzul Rifin. "Analisis Perdagangan Kakao Indonesia di Pasar Internasional." Jurnal Tanaman Industri dan Penyegar 1, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21082/jtidp.v1n1.2014.p29-40.
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<p>pertumbuhan konsumsi dunia. Sejak pemerintah Indonesia menerapkan kebijakan pajak ekspor kakao biji dalam rangka untuk mengembangkan industri pengolahan kakao, ada perubahan dalam komposisi ekspor kakao. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah menganalisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi perdagangan kakao Indonesia di pasar internasional. Pengukuran menggunakan Gravity Model menunjukkan bahwa variabel yang berpengaruh signifikan terhadap ekspor kakao biji Indonesia adalah GDP riil per kapita negara tujuan, nilai tukar, dan bea keluar kakao biji. Variabel yang berpengaruh signifikan terhadap ekspor kakao powder Indonesia adalah GDP riil per kapita Indonesia dan negara-negara tujuan serta nilai tukar, sementara semua variabel yang signifikan dalam mempengaruhi ekspor kakao butter. Implikasi dari hasil penelitian adalah Indonesia dapat meningkatkan pangsa pasarnya dengan lebih memprioritaskan mengekspor kakao biji ke Cina. Kakao butter pangsa pasar sebaiknya ditingkatkan di Cina dan Australia, sedangkan untuk kakao powder, negara yang dapat ditingkatkan pangsa pasarnya adalah Rusia.</p><p>Kata Kunci: Kakao biji, kakao butter, kakao powder, ekspor, Gravity Model</p><p>Indonesia is one of the largest cocoa producer and exporter in the world. Cocoa international market has great potential regarding world’s consumption growth. Therefore, Indonesia is expected to take advantage on existing opportunities. Since the government of Indonesia implemented export tax policy on cocoa beans in order to develop cocoa processing industry, there were changes in the composition of cocoa export. The objective of this study was to analyze factors that influence Indonesia’s cocoa trade in international market, by using Gravity Model. The result showed that variables that influence Indonesia’s cocoa beans exports significantly are real GDP per capita of destination countries, exchange rate, and cocoa beans export tax. Indonesia’s cocoa powder exports is significantly influnced by real GDP per capita of Indonesia and destination countries, and exchange rate, while all variables are significant in influencing cocoa butter export. The implications of this findings are Indonesia can increase market share by prioritizing of cocoa beans export to China. In the meantime, cocoa butter should be increasing market share in China and Australia, and cocoa powder in Rusia.</p>
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Fairbrother, Peter, Stuart Svensen, and Julian Teicher. "The Ascendancy of Neo-Liberalism in Australia." Capital & Class 21, no. 3 (October 1997): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981689706300101.
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On 19 August 1996, thousands of trade unionists and others stormed the Australian Parliament protesting against the Coalition Government's Work place Relations Bill. In a very visible departure from the years of cooperation and compromise with the previous Federal Labor Government, the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) called on trade unionists and their supporters to demonstrate their opposition to the proposed legislation. This outbreak of anger might be thought to herald a reaction to heightened attacks on the Australian working class, ushered in by the election of the Coalition Government on 2 March 1996, which ended thirteen years of Labor rule under leaders Bob Hawke (1983-1991) and Paul Keating (1991-1996). However, while indicating a renewed activism by a disenchanted and alienated working class, this outburst of anger was not attributable to a sudden shift in the overall direction of government policy. Rather, it was an expression of a profound disenchantment with thirteen years of Australian ‘New Labor’ and a fear of the future under a Coalition Government committed to the sharp edges of the neo-liberal agenda.
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Schofield-Georgeson, Eugene, and Michael Rawling. "Industrial legislation in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (April 2, 2020): 425–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620911682.
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In this 2019 electoral year, a federal Morrison Liberal Government was returned to power with little in the way of an industrial agenda. It failed to implement its key legislation, which mainly included reform to union governance and changes to religious freedom in the workplace. Meanwhile, the state governments, particularly the Victorian Andrews Labor Government, reviewed a swathe of labour law, including wage theft, industrial manslaughter, owner–driver legislation and workers' compensation laws and implemented a host of progressive changes. This year has also seen the continuation of a key policy trend, observable at both state and federal levels of government, towards regulation of aspects of industrial relations by the state that were once exclusively the province of employers and trade unions through a twentieth-century system of conciliation and arbitration.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Produce trade Government policy Australia"
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Manning, Elizabeth Sophie Mary. "Local content and related trade policy: Australian applications /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm2832.pdf.
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Wang, Yan Chao. "EU's agricultural support policy and its revelation on China's agricultural policy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555588.
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McLean, Kathleen Ann 1952. "Culture, commerce and ambivalence : a study of Australian federal government intervention in book publishing." Monash University, National Centre for Australian Studies, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7566.
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Coskeran, Helen Mary. "Farm talks and the new quad : an analysis of agriculture negotiations in the Doha Round between the established and the rising powers." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608082.
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Hailu, Martha Belete. "Agriculture under the Doha Round and food security in Sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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The objectives of the research was to critically analyse arguments for and against agricultural trade liberalization and its impact on food security, investigating the nexus between the three pillars of agriculture and food security, considering how the Agreement on Agriculture and the Food Aid Convention addressed the concerns that were raised by the different parties during the negotiation period, and finally it considered how the current multilateral negotiations in agriculture can provide a secure framework within which developing African countries can pursue effective policies to ensure their food security.
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Corbett, Johannes Kruger. "The EU-SA free trade agreement : implications for selected agricultural products." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51976.
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Thesis (MBA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) creates competitive challenges and opportunities, labour and capital will seek the highest returns, dri ving out less efficient performances while bolstering more efficient enterprises and industries. This dynamic process of adjustments will continue throughout the implementation of this agreement. The South African government sees the agreement with the European Union as a step towards restructuring the country's economy and making it part of the rapidly changing world economy. This policy view of the South African government will result in those sectors of the economy that are not internationally competitive, receiving no support from government. Consequently these sectors will decrease in time. Of the three agricultural profiles studied, fresh fruit (deciduous fruit) will benefit the most from the TDCA. The most obvious effect the agreement will have on the sector is the saving on customs duties payable on exports to the EU. An estimate on 1997 trade figures revealed that in the short term the deciduous fruit industry will save approximately RI00 million. Over the implementation period of 10 years, the industry will save about Rl billion. After that, savings amounting to approximately R125 million per annum should be possible. The canned fruit sector is an export-driven industry that exports about 90 per cent of its products, 50 per cent of which is exported to the EU. The export tariffs to the EU are very high. As non-EU member, South Africa is the biggest provider of canned fruit to the EU. Some analyses revealed that the total savings in tariffs for the first year of implementation will be R25 million. The industry stands to save approximately R100 million over the implementation period. At the EU's request, South Africa agreed to negotiate a separate Wine and Spirits Agreement. The EU believes that South Africa's continued use of certain "geographical indications" or terms is in breach of Article 23 of the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) agreement. The quotas granted by the EU on wine and sparkling wine cover 79 per cent of South African exports to the EU. South Africa granted the EU a 0.26 million litre quota for sparkling wine and a 1 million-litre quota for bottled wine. SA will phase out the use of the terms "port", "sherry", "grappa", ouzo", "korn" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" over agreed time periods. The issue will be taken to the WTO for a ruling in this regard. The EU has agreed to grant SA a duty-free tariff quota for wine but has suspended the tariff quota until the Wine and Spirits agreement has been signed. The EU will also provide financial assistance of 15 million ECU to help restructure the SA wine and spirits sector. The South African agricultural industry should take note of the constantly changing international marketing environment. The Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signed with the European Union opens up new markets and enhances existing ones that must be exploited. It is imperative that every role player should evaluate the level of competitiveness of his or her enterprise. Thus the message is very clear: Agricultural production with an international trading view is the only sustainable road to follow.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die Handel, Ontwikkelings en Samewerkingsooreenkoms kompeterende geleenthede en uitdagings skep, sal arbeid en kapitaal verskuif na die hoogste opbrengste beskikbaar. In hierdie proses sal daar wegbeweeg word van onvoldoende prestasies en sal effektiewe ondememings en industriee floreer. Hierdie dinarniese proses van herstruktuering sal voortduur regdeur die implementeringsperiode van hierdie handelsooreenkoms. Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die ooreenkoms met die Europese Unie as 'n belangrike stap in die proses om die land se ekonomie te herstrukltureer en so deel te maak van die vinnig veranderende wereld ekonomie. Hierdie regerings beleid sal daartoe lei dat sektore wat nie intemasionaal mededingend is nie, geen ondersteuning vanaf die regering sal ontvang nie. Met tyd sal hierdie sektore verdwyn. Van die drie landbousektore wat bestudeer is, sal vars vrugte (sagte vrugte) die meeste voordeel trek uit die ooreenkoms. Die besparing van aksynsbelasting op die uitvoere na die Europese Unie is die mees kenmerkendste voordeel vir die sektor. 'n Beraming gebaseer op 1997 handels syfers toon 'n jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R100 miljoen. Deur die hele implementeringsperiode, sal die besparing plus minus Rl biljoen beloop. Na afloop van die implementeringsperiode, sal jaarlikse besparing van plus minus R125 miljoen moontlik wees. Die inmaak vrugte sektor is 'n uitvoer gedrewe industrie wat gemiddeld 90 persent van hul prod uk uitvoer. Van hierdie uitvoere is 50 persent bestem vir die Europese Unie. Die uitvoertariewe na die Europese Unie is baie hoog. As nie-lidland, is Suid Afrika die grootste verskaffer van geblikte vrugte aan die Europese Unie. Beramings voorsien dat die sektor 'n totale besparing vir die eerste jaar van implemetering van plus minus R25 miljoen kan beloop. Die industrie kan soveel as R100 rniljoen oor die implementeringsperiode bespaar. Op die Europese Unie se versoek, het Suid Afrika ingestem om 'n afsonderlike Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms te onderhandel. Die Europese Unie beweer dat Suid Afrika se gebruik van sekere "geografiese aanduidings" of terme, In verbreking is van Artikel 23 van die Handelsverwante Aspekte van die Intellektuele Eiendomsregte Ooreenkoms. Wyn en vonkelwyn kwotas wat deur die Europese Unie aan Suid Afrika toegestaan is, beloop 79 persent van die uitvoere na die Europese Unie. Suid Afrika het die Europese Unie In kwota van 0.26 miljoen liter vir vonkelwyn en 1 miljoen kwota vir gebottelde wyn toegestaan. Voorts sal Suid Afrika die terme "port", "sherry", "grappa", "ouzo", "kom" , "jagertee" and "pacharan" met die ooreengekome peri odes uitfaseer. Die aspek sal egter na die WHO geneem word vir In finale beslissing. Die Europese Unie het ooreengekom om aan Suid Afrika In tarief vrye kwota vir wyn toe te staan, maar het dit opgehef tot tyd en wyl die Wyn en Spiritualie ooreenkoms onderteken is. Die Europese Unie sal ook finansiele ondersteuning van 15 miljoen ECU skenk om die Suid Afrikaanse Wyn en Spiritualiee industrie te help hestruktureer. Suid Afrikaanse Landbou sal notisie moet neem van die konstante verandering in die intemasionale bemarkingsomgewing. Die Vrye Handelsooreenkoms wat geteken is met die Europese Unie, open nuwe markte en sal bestaande markte bevorder. Hierdie geleenthede moet benut word. Dit is baie belangrik dat elke rolspeler sy vlak van kompeterende vermoe moet evalueer, om so sy eie siening oor die ooreenkoms te kan uitspreek. Hieruit is die boodskap dus baie duidelik: Landbou produksie met In intemasionale handels uitkyk, is die enigste volhoubare pad om te volg.
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Norton, Paul C. R., and n/a. "Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development: Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96." Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040924.093047.
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The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.
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Kruger, Abraham Jakobus. "Herstrukturering van die Suid-Afrikaanse landbousektor : kan kontrakboerdery 'n rol speel?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/844.
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Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Grondhervorming en dit wat daarmee gepaard gaan, is een van die hoekstene van die normalisering van ons samelewing en is sedert 1994 deel van die transformasieproses. Die huidige regering gaan uit van die oortuiging dat blywende vrede nie verkry kan word sonder dat dié ongelykhede reggestel word nie. Is daar ‘n antwoord op Suid-Afrika se ongelyke grondbesit, en kan kontrakboerdery 'n rol speel in die oorbrugging van die probleme? Een van die belangrikste aspekte van die regstelling van die ongeregtighede van die verlede, is die uitwissing van armoede, en in hierdie verband is Landbou 'n belangrike rolspeler. Ten einde armoede te bestry en werk te skep, moet die toekomstige generasie bemagtig word deur eienaarskap te versprei. Die Wet op Inheemse Grond van 1913, die Inheemse Trust- en Grondwet van 1936, en die Groepsgebiedewet van 1950 het swart Suid-Afrikaners die geleentheid ontneem om plaaseenhede te besit en te bedryf in die blanke gebiede van Suid- Afrika wat, soos ons almal weet, verreweg die grootste gedeelte van die land asook die meer produktiewe boerderygrond uitgemaak het. Die grondhervormingsproses streef om die erfenis van hierdie wette ongedaan te maak. Sedert die Suid-Afrikaanse grondhervormingsprogram in 1994 van stapel gestuur is, heers daar groot debat oor die beleid, implementeringstrategieë en die impak van sodanige pogings op landbougrond, die lewens van die bevoordeeldes, en die Suid-Afrikaanse ekonomie. Met die toename in skaal en kompleksiteit van grondhervorming het dit al hoe moeiliker vir die Regering geword om die proses te monitor en te evalueer. Dit is nou alombekend dat, behalwe vir kwantitatiewe aanwysings, daar baie leemtes bestaan in die inligting oor grondhervorming. In die lig van die veranderende aard van wêreld-landbou- en voedselmarkte en die voortspruitende behoefte vir vertikale integrasie van die voedselverskaffingskettings, het hierdie werkstuk ten doel om die rol van kontrakboerdery as 'n instelling te ondersoek, ten einde die voortgesette deelname te verseker van kleinboere in ontwikkelende lande in die markte vir hoëwaarde produkte. Die klem val spesifiek op die Suid-Afrikaanse omstandighede vir grondhervorming. Die werkstuk bespreek die teoretiese rasionaal van kontrakboerdery, en illustreer hoe dié vorm van boerdery aangewend kan word om markmislukkings en a-simmetriese informasieprobleme te oorkom.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Land reform and associated matters are some of the cornerstones of the normalizing of our society and have been part of the transformation process since 1994. The present regime is of the conviction that lasting peace cannot be achieved without such unequalities being addressed. Is there an answer to unequal ownership of land in South Africa, and can contract farming play a role in bridging these problems? One of the most important aspects of the unrighteousness of the past, is poverty and in its eradication, agriculture is an important role player. In order to combat poverty and create jobs, the future generation must be empowered by ownership of the economy. The Indigenous Land Act of 1913, The Indigenous Trust and Land Act of 1936, and the Group Areas Act of 1950 deprived Black South Africans of the opportunity to own and run farming units within the white areas of South Africa that, as we all know, formed by far the largest part of the land as well as the more productive farming land. The land reformation process strives to annul the legacy of those laws. Since the South African land reform program was started in 1994, a heated debate has raged about the policy, implementation stategies, and impact of such efforts on agricultural land, the lives of the beneficiaries, and the South African economy. With the increase in scale and complexity of land reform, it became more and more difficult for the regime to monitor and evaluate the process. It is now common knowledge that, except for qualitative indications, many shortcomings are apparent in the information on land reform. In light of the changing nature of world agricultural and food markets and the subsequent need for vertical integration of the food-supply chains, this study aims at investigating the role of contract farming as an institution, in order to ensure the continued participation of small farmers in developing countries in the markets for high-value products. The emphasis falls specifically on the South African conditions for land reform. This study describes the theoretical rationale of contract farming, and illustrates how this form of farming can be applied to overcome market fiascos and assimmetrical information problems.
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Kinuthia, Wanyee. "“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.
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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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Manning, Elizabeth Sophie Mary. "Local content and related trade policy: Australian applications / by Elizabeth S.M. Manning." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/22073.
Full textBooks on the topic "Produce trade Government policy Australia"
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Office, General Accounting. Canada, Australia, and New Zealand: Potential ability of agricultural state trading enterprises to distort trade : report to Congressional requesters. Washington, D.C: The Office, 1996.
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Stuart, Harris. Agricultural trade and Australian foreign policy in the 1990s. Canberra: Dept. of International Relations, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1989.
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Tanzania. Agricultural marketing policy. Dar es Salaam: Ministry of Industry, Trade, and Marketing, 2008.
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Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Development Centre. Agricultural trade liberalization and India. Paris, France: OECD, 1993.
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Elements of agricultural trade policies. New York: Macmillan, 1986.
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United States. Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service. Safeguarding, Intervention, and Trade Compliance Program. Riverdale, Md.?]: U.S. Dept. of Agriculture, Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service, 2004.
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Gawande, Kishore S. Lobbying and agricultural trade policy in the United States. Washington, D.C: World Bank, 2006.
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Zhongguo nong chan pin liu tong ti zhi gai ge qian yan bao gao. Beijing Shi: Zhongguo nong ye chu ban she, 2003.
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Roshen, Epaarachchi, and Institute of Policy Studies (Colombo, Sri Lanka), eds. Forward contracts: A market based alternative to government intervention in agriculture marketing in Sri Lanka. Colombo: Institute of Policy Studies, 2003.
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Chukuigwe, E. C. The effects of economic liberalization on the food, and export crop subsectors in Rivers State, Nigeria. [Ibadan]: NISER, 1998.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Produce trade Government policy Australia"
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Su, Chunmeizi. "Regulating Chinese and North American Digital Media in Australia: Facebook and WeChat as Case Studies." In Palgrave Global Media Policy and Business, 173–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95220-4_9.
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AbstractAs the Australian government has legislated for a ‘News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Bargaining Code’ to compel Google and Facebook to pay for news content, platform regulation in Australia has prompted a heated discussion worldwide. Questionable business practices have incited issues such as anti-competition behaviour, online harms, disinformation, algorithmic advertising, trade of data, privacy breaches and so on. Consequently, these technology tycoons are reinscribing industries and societies alike, posing a threat to digital democracy. This chapter examines how Facebook and WeChat are (or should be) regulated in Australia, the current regulatory frameworks, and the overall effectiveness of self-regulation. Through the lenses of comparative research, this study is focused on infrastructuralisation, techno-nationalism (censorship), and civil society (media diversity), to identify distinct features and common themes in platform regulation and explore possible solutions to regulating global platforms in Australia.
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Ali, Muhammad Mahboob. "Bilateral Cooperation Between Australia and Bangladesh in Diverse Areas." In Strategic Cooperation and Partnerships Between Australia and South Asia, 117–45. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-8657-0.ch006.
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This chapter discussed the multi- sectoral bilateral cooperation between Australia and Bangladesh during and post-COVID-19-related to interregional trade, foreign investment, ready-made-garments export, education, blue economy, microfinance, tourism, renewable energy, and finally, fulfillment of targets of SDGs. How do diverse areas of bilateral cooperation between Bangladesh and Australia become more efficient and effective in resource utilization and bring socio-economic benefits? Advancement in economic cooperation in both the countries may be improved from trade and investment, enhancement of education using Australian model, improvement and enhancement in energy, blue economy, education, health, and RMG sector. Australian partnership will be helpful for government agencies, policy makers, and associated stakeholders of Bangladesh for future improvements and development interventions in diverse multisector areas. Emphasis needs to be given to ecofriendly sustainability as suggested by the author to meet the climate change and sustainability goals.
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Sorkin, David. "Civil Rights in Western Europe." In Jewish Emancipation, 72–79. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164946.003.0006.
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This chapter focuses on how western European states introduced limited changes to the Jews' status in the eighteenth century. England introduced a policy of naturalization for Jews in its colonies in part to compete with Holland's successful free port (St. Eustatius). However, only the wealthy could aspire to naturalization. The merchant elite's effort to gain easier naturalization with the “Jew Bill” (1753) failed when it became embroiled in the general Whig-Tory conflict. In France, the Jews of Bordeaux reached the acme of corporate privileges by gaining residential and commercial freedom throughout the kingdom. In contrast, Alsatian Jewry continued to suffer from major restrictions. The privileges it brought from the Holy Roman Empire were at odds with a centralizing French administration. Moreover, occupational and residential restrictions that forced Alsace's Jews into moneylending and petty trade created enduring tensions with the surrounding populace. Louis XVI's patents (1784) removed one demeaning law but otherwise imposed harsher laws on most Jews while further privileging the wealthy. Since Louis XVI's Edict of Toleration for Protestants (non-Catholics) did not apply to Jews, his government attempted, but failed, to produce legislation for Jews modeled on Joseph II's.
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"Initially, mine workers would be rather reluctant to invest their wages in means of production (in agriculture and in transport) within the Mozambican rural economy. Up to 1980/81, government policies were not favourable to such investments. However, thereafter, miners were specifically encouraged to plough back their wages into production and commerce. Rural unemployment was widespread and, hence, the conditions for private accumulation were favourable on this count. Generally, miners would invest in transport and commerce, but some did invest in agriculture. Indeed, in the latter years, peasants with resources were allowed to operate on unutilised ex-settler farms. In other cases, the more permanent and better paid state farm workers could use their specific position to strengthen their own farm, often supplemented by hired labour. As mechanics or tractor drivers, etc. they had access to cer-tain resources such as seeds, fertiliser, fuel and consumer goods which they could buy either from the state farm or, not unfrequently, merely take from stocks on the state farms. Border areas were another such case of differentiated access to resources by means of barter trade cross the border. Due to the political criticality of such areas within a general condition of war, the government distribution policy would grant a certain priority to supplying these areas with commodities which would then provide a basis for further barter trade with the neighbouring country. Further, areas located more closely to the main food markets (either towns or plantations) would be subject to a much more dispersed and intensive barter and money trade, thereby raising the producer prices which would benefit those peasants who had sufficient resources to produce surpluses. More distant food producing areas were much more within the grip of the commercial traders who provided the link with the market. Hence, while some strata within the peasantry managed to create some room for themselves by producing for the parallel markets, the majority of rural producers (either as wage labourers or small-scale producers) confronted declining real incomes as a result of the inflation on the parallel markets to which they had to turn not only for industrial commodities but also to supplement their food needs. Hence, their problem was not one of having too much money at hand with too few commodities to buy; rather, they experi-enced an acute shortage of both money and goods. The poorer peasantry were the main suppliers of seasonal labour to the state sector. However, although rural unemployment was high, the supply of labour was by no means elastic. The reasons for this were the following. First, the pattern of labour demand of the state farms and plantations was in most cases highly seasonal and, hence, did not provide an all-round income for the worker. Second, money wages earned on the state farm did not guarantee any access to commodities, and often did so only at speculative prices. For both reasons, the real basis of security of the rural worker still remained his family farm, however fragile that may have been. The state sector may have become dominant in terms of area and in terms of production (regarding monetary output), but it certainly was not the dominant aspect in securing the livelihood of rural producers. In most cases, the pattern of peak demand for labour on the state farms coincided with the peak demand for labour in family agriculture. For example,." In The Agrarian Question in Socialist Transitions, 208. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203043493-31.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Produce trade Government policy Australia"
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Noyan Yalman, İlkay, Mutlu Türkoğlu, and Yalçın Yalman. "Small and Medium Sizes Enterprises (SMEs) and Foreign Trade Policy." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01207.
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A high level of a country’s foreign trade is related to the growth of foreign earnings, to the acceleration of investments, to increase employment and contributes significantly to the growth of the country's economy. In this context, SMEs as one of the mile stones of the economy, foreign trade and economic growth are located in the leading roles. Especially SMEs sufficiently developed oppressed against strong opponents abroad, government policies or practices in trade restrictive policies are some of the reasons for this downside.
SMEs that exports goods, or the infrastructure needed to produce goods for SMEs who import raw materials as well as the country's foreign trade policies and developments in the world economy is important. SMEs to follow the development, recognizing competitors, new markets, new products is very important in terms of growth both business and the countries.
In this study, SMEs engaged in foreign trade in Sivas Province performing an application on in terms of both the business and government policy at the local level status will be examined. Data will be obtained on issues such as ultimately foreign trade potential of existing SMEs while doing foreign trade problems they face, strengths and weaknesses, market policies at national and international levels, the opinions about the state's foreign trade policy. The results obtained from the data on SMEs engaged in foreign trade by making general inferences about the data obtained on a micro scale, will allow making inferences on the macro scale.
Reports on the topic "Produce trade Government policy Australia"
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Hicks, Jacqueline. Feminist Foreign Policy: Contributions and Lessons. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.110.
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A relatively small number of countries have an explicit “Feminist Foreign Policy” (FFP). Those most often cited are Sweden, Canada, France, Mexico, and Spain. In theory, an FFP moves beyond gender mainstreaming in foreign development assistance to include: (1) a wider range of external actions, including defence, trade and diplomacy (2) a wider range of marginalised people, not just women. Within foreign development assistance, it implies a more coherent and systematically institutionalised approach to gender mainstreaming. In practice, those countries with an explicit FFP implement it in different ways. Canada currently focuses on development assistance, France on development assistance and formal diplomacy, Sweden more comprehensively covers the trade and defence policy arenas. Mexico and Spain are yet to produce detailed implementation plans. There is increasing academic interest in FFP, but most analyses found during the course of this rapid review focus on narrative content of policies rather than impact. Policy advocacy and advice is provided by several high-profile advocacy organisations. National government agencies in Sweden, France and Canada have produced some evaluations of their FFP, but the evidence is weak. There are many international institution evaluations of gender mainstreaming for many different sectors that are context-specific.