Academic literature on the topic 'Proclitics-Enclitic'

Abstract Middle Breton (MB) presents an anomaly of pronominal argument coding in imperative and mihi est HAVE constructions: objects can be accusative proclitics only in 1st/2nd person, while unique enclitics appear in 3rd person. Part II traces the history of object coding: Independent > enclitic coding originates in unavailability of accusative object mesoclitics in V1 imperatives by Vendryes’ Restriction in Brythonic, and nonagreement with nominative objects of mihi est in Breton-Cornish. Restriction of enclitics to 3rd person originates with mihi est in typically nonhuman nominative object possessa in Brythonic or Breton-Cornish. It spreads to imperatives through shared enclitic coding in MB, and is circumvented by the MB innovation of accusative proclitics for mesoclitics that allows 1st/2nd person even in V1, as well as the participle in the new HAVE-perfect later in MB. “Innovative” varieties of Breton transition to regular accusative objects with or without losing dative subjects of mihi est. The developments are constrained to familiar patterns of nominative/anomalous subject + accusative/nominative object case combinations, giving rise to the imperative + HAVE construction grouping of Finnish within the history of Breton.

AbstractMiddle Breton (MB) presents a singular anomaly of pronominal argument coding. Objects are accusative proclitics save in two constructions, where coding is split by person: 3rd unique enclitics ~ 1st/2nd accusative proclitics. The constructions are HAVE, from Insular Celtic mihi est, where the new coding replaces inflectional nominatives (cf. Latin mihi est ~ sunt); and imperatives, where it replaces accusative enclitics in V1 (cf. French aide-moi ~ ne m’aide pas). The evolution is traced in light of a crosslinguistic construction type that suggests its nature, noncanonical subject + 3rd nominative ~ 1st/2nd accusative object. Part I: (1) Decomposition of HAVE as dative clitic + BE from Brythonic throughout “conservative” varieties of Breton. (2) Breton-Cornish innovation of nonclitic datives for mihi est and their subjecthood. Part II: (3) Brythonic unavailibility of mesoclisis in V1 and Breton-Cornish nonagreement with nominative objects, resulting in independent > enclitic pronouns for accusative objects of imperatives and nominative objects of mihi est. (4) MB alignment of imperatives with mihi est in 3rd person, restriction on nominative enclitics, and recruitment of 1st/2nd person accusative proclitics upon loss of mesoclisis. (5) Transition to accusative objects in “innovative” varieties and subject-object case interactions.

Abstract This paper deals with the possessive constructions in Italo-Romance dialects compared with the possessive constructions of one Francoprovençal (Gallo-Romance) variety spoken in Faeto (Foggia, Apulia). Francoprovençal possessive constructions are at a first glance distinct from Central and Southern Italian possessive constructions, mainly since in Francoprovençal (as in French) possessive forms (clitics) are prenominal. In Central and Southern Italian dialects, we find instead a split possession: 1) postnominal enclitic possessives (weak possessive markers) associated with parental kinship nouns distinct from 2) prenominal possessives associated with common nouns and postnominal strong possessive forms. Crucially, I claim that enclitic possessives are inflexional affixes, that receive a structural word-internal linearization from the same external (syntactical) linearization identified for proclitic possessive markers (in Faeto). I retain that the distinction between postnominal weak enclitics in Italian dialects and Francoprovençal weak prenominal possessive constructions is based on the inalienability (parental kin nouns + enclitics in DP). All possessive clitics (proclitics and enclitics) show a common syntactic configuration and differ only in Distributed Morphology, according to a “late” feature insertion and operations after syntax. Indeed, the possessive determiners represent three different morphological spells out of the same syntactic object: the bundle of features [Person], [(Gender) Number], [Definite], generated in functional heads.

Abstract Santali presents structures with subject clitics in “P minus 2” (P-2) position, before the final verb and enclitic on the preverbal element, a position called “Backernagel” by Kidwai (2005). P-2 is commonly considered to lack clear cross-linguistic support; moreover, while generative accounts can accommodate utterance-second position (P2) as adjunction to a left-peripheral projection, they have no ready way of accommodating P -2. The history and synchrony of Munda “P-2” have elicited several accounts. Anderson (2007) considers three possibilities: Reanalysis of Proto-Munda subject proclitics as enclitic; extension of postverbal object clitics to preverbal subject function; attachment of original resumptive pronouns to the preverbal element. I present evidence for a different hypothesis: The Santali Backernagel clitics originate as P 2 or classical Wackernagel elements. A more fine-grained definition of Wackernagel in terms of different prosodic domains (such as utterance/theme vs. rheme) permits the hypothesis that the apparent P -2 is still a W ackernagel position, but within the rheme rather than the entire utterance, and that within the rheme, the prosodically strongest, preverbal-focus element is the most attractive clitic host. I support my account with evidence from Santali and other Kherwarian languages (which offer traces of an original P 2 position) and parallel developments in Iranian (where the different stages in the development can be traced in greater detail). Backernagel, thus, is a subtype of Wackernagel, and there is no need to assume a typologically problematic P -2 position for Munda (or for various Iranian varieties).

Inflection is a universal linguistic phenomenon. The phenomenon of inflection occurs in every language according to each language system. The language system of each language greatly determines the peculiarities of the language inflection. Inflection in a language that is agglutinative is different from that in a language that has a synthetic, tonal and isolating system. The treatment of each language is different for this case of inflection. Lamalera Dialect of Lamaholot Language (LDLL) also shows inflection. Inflection in LDLL is different from inflection in other languages ​​because of the language system, especially the LDLL sound system. LDLL is not characterized by agglutinative, nor synthetic, tonal nor isolating morphology. What is the strategy for inflection in LDLL? The result of the study shows that in LDLL, inflection is expressed clitically on the verb. These clitics are cross-referenced by the verbs. There are two types of cross-reference clitics, namely cross-referencing proclitics and enclitics. Proclitic cross-referencing applies to both transitive and intransitive root verbs. This form of cross-referencing pronouns is both proclitic and enclitic, and morphophonological changes actually occur. This process cannot be avoided because morphophonological processes actually occur due to merging of the morpheme with another morpheme. In this case the clitic is considered as bound morpheme.

Clitics are words or parts of words that are structurally depend on neighboring words (it is the host) and cannot stand alone. The objectives of the research are 1) to investigate the types of clitics in the Novel “Murder on the Orient Express” by Agatha Crhistee. 2) to investigate the dominant types of clitics in the novel “Murder on the Orient Express” by Agatha Crhistee. This research used qualitative descriptive method and the instrument used was the researchers. The data of this research is taken from the novel “Murder on the Orient Express” by Agatha Christee. The data analysis technique used is Miles and Huberman technique, the steps are: data reduction, data display, and drawing conclusion and verification. From the research results obtained that the researchers found 699 clitics. There are 22 proclitics and 677 enclitics. Proclitic only has two kinds (o') and (d'). While enclitic has eight kinds, namely ('m), ('re), ('ll), ('ve), ('d), ('s), (n't), and genetive ('s) and the percentage shows that enclitic is 96.85% greater than the proclitic is 3.15%. So it can be concluded that enclitic is the most dominant used in novel Murder on the Orient Express by Agatha Christee.

Le parole funtori e i morfemi flessivi sono parole che non hanno un significato indipendente ma sono molto frequenti e solitamente monosillabiche. Tra queste, possiamo trovare articoli, pronomi clitici, suffissi. Trasmettono informazioni grammaticali e strutturali e sono un aiuto critico nell'elaborazione del linguaggio. Sebbene ricerche precedenti abbiano dimostrato che i neonati sono sensibili alle parole funzione fin dai primi mesi di vita, gli studi sulla loro sensibilità e produzione in italiano sono scarsi. Questa tesi si propone di studiare la sensibilità e la produzione dei bambini italiani agli articoli e ai clitici complemento oggetto (3DO). Questa scelta è motivata dal fatto che questi due morfemi, soprattutto i clitici 3DO sono critici nell’identificare bambini monolingui e bilingui con disturbi del linguaggio. Nel Capitolo 3 abbiamo studiato la sensibilità precoce agli articoli e ai clitici 3DO. Registrando i movimenti oculari, abbiamo analizzato se i bambini di 12 mesi distinguevano tra articoli veri e pseudo-articoli e se i bambini di 20 mesi distinguevano tra clitici veri e pseudo-clitici. I risultati hanno mostrato che, per quanto riguarda gli articoli, i bambini distinguevano tra articoli veri e pseudo, preferendo guardare lo schermo quando sentivano un articolo vero. Inoltre, già a 12 mesi di età, i bambini italiani avevano acquisito sia gli articoli definiti che quelli indefiniti. Nessun risultato significativo è emerso con i clitici 3DO a causa, probabilmente, della metodologia utilizzata. I Capitoli 4 e 5 hanno approfondito l'uso di un morfema flessivo sugli articoli, il genere, nel processamento linguistico. Abbiamo dimostrato, attraverso un compito di Looking While Listening, che i bambini di 12 mesi potevano estrarre le informazioni di genere contenute negli articoli per predire i nomi che li seguivano (Capitolo 4). Infine, le registrazioni ERP hanno mostrato che i bambini di 24 mesi potevano rilevare una violazione di genere tra un'immagine e la frase associata già quando sentivano che l'articolo non corrispondeva all'immagine presentata: hanno mostrato una positività posteriore molto precoce (Capitolo 5). Infine, abbiamo studiato la produzione dei clitici 3DO presentando un utile test computerizzato per lo screening della produzione dei clitici 3DO sia nei bambini a sviluppo tipico (TD) che nei bambini con Disturbo Primario del Linguaggio (DPL). Il test ha avuto una buona sensibilità nell'identificare i bambini con DPL. Inoltre, questo test ha mostrato risultati interessanti nella popolazione bilingue: sebbene i bambini che acquisiscono l'italiano come seconda lingua fatichino nella produzione dei clitici 3DO, i bambini bilingui TD hanno ottenuto risultati altrettanto buoni dei coetanei monolingui al test (Capitolo 6). Infine, abbiamo approfondito lo studio della produzione dei clitici 3DO analizzando le differenze nella produzione dei proclitici e degli enclitici in bambini dai 4 ai 7 anni con e senza familiarità per disturbi del linguaggio e dell'apprendimento (LLI). I risultati hanno mostrato che gli enclitici erano più facili da produrre a tutte le età. Inoltre, i bambini con una storia familiare positiva per LLI hanno prodotto meno clitici rispetto ai bambini senza familiarità, soprattutto a 4 e 5 anni.
Function words and inflectional morphemes do not have an independent meaning but are highly frequent and usually monosyllabic. Among these, we could find articles, clitic pronouns, nominal and verbal suffixes. They convey structural information and are a critical aid in language acquisition and processing. Although previous research has demonstrated that infants are sensitive to function words from their first months of life, studies on their sensitivity and production in Italian are scarce. This thesis aims to study the sensitivity and production of Italian infants and toddlers to articles and 3rd direct object (3DO) clitics. This choice is motivated by the fact that these two morphemes are critical in the detection of language problems, especially 3DO, in monolingual and bilingual children. Chapter 3 investigated the early sensitivity to articles and 3DO clitics. By recording eye movements, we analysed whether 12 months old infants distinguished between real and pseudo-articles and whether 20 months old toddlers distinguished between real and pseudo-clitics. Results showed that, concerning the articles, infants distinguished between real and pseudo articles, preferring to look at the screen when they heard a real article. Moreover, at already 12 months of age, Italian infants had acquired both definite and indefinite articles. No significant results emerged with 3DO clitics due, probably, to the methodology used. Chapters 4 and 5 deeply investigated the use of an inflection morpheme, gender, on articles in language processing. Through a Looking While Listening task, we showed that infants as young as 12 months could extract the gender information carried by articles to anticipate the upcoming noun (Chapter 4). Finally, ERP recordings showed that children as young as 24 months old could detect a gender violation between a picture and the associated sentence already when they heard that the article did not match the picture presented: they showed a very early posterior positivity (Chapter 5). Finally, we studied the production of 3DO clitics by presenting a helpful computerised test for screening the production of 3DO clitics both in the typical developing (TD) children and in children with Developmental Language Disorder (DLD). The test had a good sensitivity in identifying children with DLD. Moreover, this test showed interesting results in the bilingual population: although children who acquire Italian as a second language struggle with the acquisition of 3DO clitics, TD bilingual children performed as well as monolingual peers at the clitic test (Chapter 6). Finally, we have deepened the study of 3DO clitics’ production by analysing the differences in the production of proclitics and enclitics in children aged 4 to 7 years with and without familiarity with language and learning impairments (LLI). Results showed that enclitics were easier to produce at all ages. Moreover, children with a positive family history for LLI produced fewer clitics than children without familiarity, especially at 4 and 5 years.