Journal articles: 'Prisoners of war United States Attitudes'

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Romanovsky, Georgy B., and Vladislav G. Romanovsky. "Transforming the prohibition of torture in the context of rising terrorist threats." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Law 13, no. 3 (2022): 599–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu14.2022.302.

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The article explores the content of the prohibition of torture in constitutional and international acts. The ban is absolute, as confirmed by the extensive practice of international human rights organizations. At present, a revision of the general attitude towards torture in Western Europe is taking place against the background of increasing terrorist threats. In the United States, after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack, at the level of Justice Department directives, certain methods of “intensive interrogation” were allowed in order to obtain information from persons captured during anti-terrorist operations. It was assumed that in the conditions of the “war on terror”, terrorists were not subject to the privileges provided for by the Geneva Conventions in relation to prisoners of war. Our study involves an analysis of a wide range of sources on problems of the use of torture in the context of countering terrorism, and provides an analysis of foreign scientific discussions of the admissibility of torture against terrorists. One argument is the lack of moral boundaries among terrorists themselves, capable of committing deadly attacks against civilians. Supporters of the use of torture proceed from the principle of extreme necessity for obtaining information about the planned terrorist acts. Opponents of torture proceed from the principle of the moral absolute, which does not justify attaining a goal by any means. In modern legal science there is a search for a balance of interests: the dignity of a person suspected of preparing a terrorist act, and the safety of other citizens, society, and the state.

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Heisler, Barbara Schmitter. "The “Other Braceros”." Social Science History 31, no. 2 (2007): 239–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013742.

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This article explores the contradictions between the bracero program and the temporary labor program using German prisoners of war in the United States during World War II. Despite the bilateral agreement between Mexico and the United States aimed at protecting the braceros, “who came as allies,” they remained alien workers and outsiders. In contrast, German prisoners of war, who came as enemies, were often transformed into personal friends “like our own boys.” This article uses archival records, in-depth interviews with former prisoners of war, and secondary sources to analyze several structural factors that help explain these divergent outcomes.

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Torabian, Saba, and Marina Abalakina. "Attitudes toward War in the United States and Iran." Iranian Studies 45, no. 4 (July 2012): 463–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2012.673825.

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La Forte, Robert S. "Resistance in Japanese Prison Camps during World War II." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 1-2 (2003): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645306.

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AbstractWhen instructing men who might become prisoners of war, Article 3 of the United States Armed Forces Code of Conduct, issued in 1955, states in part: “If I am captured I will continue to resist by all means available. I will make every effort to escape and aid others to escape.” No such code existed in World War II.

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Ruberto, Laura E. "Creative Expression and the Material Culture of Italian POWs in the United States During World War II." Thematic Issue: The Social Lives of Maps, Volume 1 92-93 (August 10, 2022): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1091238ar.

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This study concerns the history of Italian prisoners of war in the United States during World War II through an analysis of the art and architecture they created. These crafted expressions highlight how Italian culture was transported and reshaped during the war and suggest alternate understandings of Italian diasporic culture and wartime experiences. They reinforced cultural heritage, mediated personal and community identities, and negotiated some of the atrocities of war. As a cultural studies scholar engaging with Italian transnational concerns, my approach emerges from an interest in the use of space, place-making, and the meanings ascribed to the material world.

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Nenninger, Timothy K. "United States Prisoners of War and the Red Army, 1944-45: Myths and Realities." Journal of Military History 66, no. 3 (July 2002): 761. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3093358.

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Johnson, Roger N., Lea Pulkkinen, Mikko Oranen, and Soili Poijula. "Attitudes concerning nuclear war in finland and in the united states." Aggressive Behavior 12, no. 3 (1986): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1098-2337(1986)12:3<155::aid-ab2480120302>3.0.co;2-6.

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Lewandowsky, Stephan, Werner G. K. Stritzke, Klaus Oberauer, and Michael Morales. "Memory for Fact, Fiction, and Misinformation." Psychological Science 16, no. 3 (March 2005): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0956-7976.2005.00802.x.

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Media coverage of the 2003 Iraq War frequently contained corrections and retractions of earlier information. For example, claims that Iraqi forces executed coalition prisoners of war after they surrendered were retracted the day after the claims were made. Similarly, tentative initial reports about the discovery of weapons of mass destruction were all later disconfirmed. We investigated the effects of these retractions and disconfirmations on people's memory for and beliefs about war-related events in two coalition countries (Australia and the United States) and one country that opposed the war (Germany). Participants were queried about (a) true events, (b) events initially presented as fact but subsequently retracted, and (c) fictional events. Participants in the United States did not show sensitivity to the correction of misinformation, whereas participants in Australia and Germany discounted corrected misinformation. Our results are consistent with previous findings in that the differences between samples reflect greater suspicion about the motives underlying the war among people in Australia and Germany than among people in the United States.

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Flores-Macías, Gustavo A., and Sarah E. Kreps. "Borrowing Support for War: The Effect of War Finance on Public Attitudes toward Conflict." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 5 (August 26, 2015): 997–1020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715600762.

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How does the way states finance wars affect public support for conflict? Most existing research has focused on costs as casualties rather than financial burdens, and arguments that do speak to the cost in treasure either minimize potential differences between the two main forms of war finance—debt and taxes—or imply that war taxes do not dent support for war among a populace rallying around the fiscal flag. Using original experiments conducted in the United States and the United Kingdom, we evaluate the relationship between war finance and support for war. We find that how states finance wars has an important effect on support for war and that the gap in support resulting from different modes of war finance holds across the main democracies engaging in conflict, regardless of the type of war or individuals’ party identification. The findings have important implications for theories of democratic accountability in wartime and the conduct of conflict, since borrowing shields the public from the direct costs of war and in turn reduces opposition to it, giving leaders greater latitude in how they carry out war.

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Covell, Katherine. "National and Gender Differences in Adolescents' War Attitudes." International Journal of Behavioral Development 19, no. 4 (December 1996): 871–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016502549601900411.

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Attitudes toward warfare were compared between samples of Canadian and US adolescents. Political attitudes in general have been attributed variously to influences of sociopolitical context, nationhood, media, and gender. Adolescents' responses to open-ended questions, and statements presented with a Likert-type rating scale suggested that whereas gender and sociopolitical context, for example contemporary attitudes toward political leaders, do influence attitudes toward war, there is a powerful effect of nationhood. The interventionist approaches of the United States and the peacekeeping emphasis of Canada are reflected in the attitudes of their youth.

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Reiss, Matthias. "SOLIDARITY AMONG “FELLOW SUFFERERS”: AFRICAN AMERICANS AND GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR IN THE UNITED STATES DURING WORLD WAR II." Journal of African American History 98, no. 4 (October 2013): 531–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.98.4.0531.

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12

O'Connell, Aaron. "No, Afghanistan Is Not Really Vietnam All Over Again." Modern American History 3, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2020): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2020.12.

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On February 29, 2020, the United States and the Afghan Taliban signed an agreement in Doha, Qatar, bringing the United States potentially closer to ending the war in Afghanistan than at any point in the conflict's eighteen-year history. After months of military escalations, negotiations, and recriminations, the United States agreed to a token withdrawal of several thousand forces by August 2020 and to remove all remaining forces by May 2021. The Afghan government had been cut out of the talks, but the United States also vowed to encourage it to release thousands of Taliban prisoners and to enter into its own negotiations with the Taliban in order to pave the way to a permanent ceasefire agreement. For its part, the Taliban agreed to negotiate with Kabul after the troop withdrawals began and to halt cooperation with Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups.

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Heisler, B. S. "The "Other Braceros": Temporary Labor and German Prisoners of War in the United States, 1943-1946." Social Science History 31, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 239–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01455532-2006-022.

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Smiley, Will. "Lawless Wars of Empire? The International Law of War in the Philippines, 1898–1903." Law and History Review 36, no. 3 (June 13, 2018): 511–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000682.

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Writing for his fellow military officers in early 1903, United States Army Major C.J. Crane reflected on the recent Philippine–American War. The bloody struggle to suppress an insurgency in the Philippines after the United States had annexed them from Spain in 1899 had officially concluded the previous July. The war had been accompanied by fierce racist sentiments among Americans, and in keeping with these, Crane described his foes as “the most treacherous people in the world.” But Crane's discussion drew as much on concepts of law as it did on race. The average American officer, Crane argued, had “remembered all the time that he was struggling with an enemy who was not entitled to the privileges usually granted prisoners of war,” and could be summarily executed, without benefit of “court-martial or other regular tribunal.” If anything, the Americans had been too generous. “Many [American] participants in the struggle,” he maintained, “have failed to fully understand that we were practically fighting an Asiatic nation in arms and almost every man a soldier in disguise and a violator” of the laws of war. But what did those laws mean to the United States during the conflict, and what does this indicate about the broader history of international law's relationship to empire?

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Schneider, Valentin. "Burying Friend and Foe: The Employment of German Prisoners of War in the Construction of Military Cemeteries in Normandy after 6 June 1944." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 38, no. 2 (October 20, 2018): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03802004.

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The history of the German prisoners of war of World War II held by British and American authorities in Europe remains a field of study that is largely ignored by historiography. Although the Allies made an extended use of this prisoner manpower for labour purposes, employing hundreds of thousands of captive German soldiers for all kinds of tasks, all but a few material traces of the prisoners’ life and activities in liberated Europe have vanished. An exception to this are several British, American, and German military cemeteries, especially in Normandy, many of which had been built during or immediately after the battle using the workforce of thousands of German soldiers that had been captured in the region during the summer of 1944. This article examines the general organization of the Allied labour service for German prisoners in Normandy and focuses especially on their work on the military cemeteries, before addressing the question of the memory – or rather the absence of memory – of this process, not only in Normandy itself (and in the United States and Great Britain), but also in German society.

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COGLIANO, FRANCIS D. "“We All Hoisted the American Flag:” National identity among American Prisoners in Britain during the American Revolution." Journal of American Studies 32, no. 1 (April 1998): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875898005787.

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“What is an American?” asked the French émigré Hector St. John Crèvecoeur in 1782. In so doing, Crèvecoeur posed one of the fundamental questions of the revolutionary era. When the colonists overthrew imperial authority; declared independence; formed an independent confederation of states; and waged war for its existence; they created a new nation and a new nationality. To be sure, colonists and Britons alike had long used the term “American,” none the less, a complete sense of American national identity was largely inchoate before the American Revolution. Before the Revolution, most Americans identified more with their individual colonies than with an abstract geographic concept like “America.” While the Revolution did not completely supplant regional loyalties, it introduced a new, compelling loyalty: to the United States of America. The Revolution forced Americans to choose between loyalty to Britain or the United States. Ultimately, the majority opted for the United States. Those who did, helped define what it meant to be American by their words and actions. The purpose of this article is to examine the development of loyalty to the United States and the development of an American national identity among one group of Americans: sailors imprisoned in Britain during the Revolution.

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Hoang, Tuan. "From Reeducation Camps to Little Saigons." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 11, no. 2 (2016): 43–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jvs.2016.11.2.43.

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This article re-examines Vietnamese diasporic anticommunism in the context of twentieth-century Vietnamese history. It offers an overview of the Vietnamese anticommunist tradition from colonialism to the end of the Vietnam War, and interprets the effects of national loss and incarceration on South Vietnamese anticommunists. These experiences contributed to an essentialization of anticommunism among the prisoners, who eventually provided a critical mass for anticommunist activism in the United States since the early 1990s.

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18

Mueller, John. "Changing Attitudes Towards War: The Impact of the First World War." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006001.

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After the First World War the belief became substantially widespread among developed countries that the venerable institution of war should be abandoned from their affairs. It was an idea whose time had come. Historically, the war does not seem to have been all that unusual in its duration, destructiveness, grimness, political pointlessness, economic consequences or breadth. It does seem to have been unique in that (1) it was the first major war to be preceded by substantial, organized anti-war agitation, and (2) for Europeans, it followed an unprecedentedly peaceful century during which even war enthusiasts began, perhaps unknowingly, to appreciate the virtues of peace. Thus the war served as a necessary catalyst for opinion change. The process through which the change took place owes much to British war aims and to their efforts to get the United States into the war. The article concludes with some reflections on the historical movement of ideas.

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Gutierrez, Brad A., Sarah DeCristofaro, and Michael Woods. "What Americans think of international humanitarian law." International Review of the Red Cross 93, no. 884 (December 2011): 1009–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383112000355.

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AbstractThe United States' foreign policy in the first decade of the twenty-first century and its involvement in armed conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan have given rise to a reinvigorated interest in international humanitarian law (IHL), commonly referred to in the United States as the law of armed conflict. Conversations about whether to classify detainees as prisoners of war, debates about what constitutes torture, and numerous surveys attempting to measure the public's knowledge about and views on the rules of war are offering an opportunity to examine Americans' views on IHL. This article will reflect on those views, providing numerous examples to illustrate the complexities encountered when near universally accepted legal standards of conduct are layered upon the fluid and unpredictable realities of modern warfare. The article will also highlight the impact that battlefield activities can have on domestic debates over policy choices and national conscience.

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McKercher, Asa, and Michael D. Stevenson. "“Under your inspired leadership”: Dwight Eisenhower, Canadians, and the Canada–United States consensus, 1945–1961." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 4 (December 2020): 471–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020978409.

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Drawing on newspaper and archival sources, this article examines post-war Canadian attitudes towards Dwight D. Eisenhower, particularly during his time in office as the United States President from 1953 to 1961. Eisenhower emerged from the Second World War as a trusted figure for many Canadians due to his inspiring leadership of the Allied cause. Once in the White House, however, his reputation began to suffer, and public opinion in Canada increasingly questioned core elements of the traditional Canada–United States relationship and America's ability to lead the Western alliance during a period of heightening Cold War tensions.

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Lee, Jong-Min. "A study on the mobilization of prisoners in Busan Prison during the late Japanese colonial period." Association Of Korean-Japanese National Studies 42 (June 30, 2022): 5–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35647/kjna.2022.42.5.

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Colonial Korean prisons mobilized the labor force of about one million prisoners nationwide, including the Hainan Island of China, during the war at the end of the war. The purpose of this study is to specifically investigate the reality of a specific region through the case of mobilization of prisoners nationwide. Therefore, Busan was selected as the subject of the case study. The materials used were military data from National Institute for Defense Study, data from the Japanese Cabinet for prison law revision, data from the Justice Department of the Japanese Government-General of Korea, and organized data(1984) from the Pusan Prison, as well as newspaper and magazine articles at the time. Through the above materials, I have summarized the patterns in which prisoners under the wartime system were mobilized into two patterns. That is the production of munitions in the factories of each prison and the work outside the ward. In Busan, the production and transportation of munitions and military facilities were concentrated for the war with the United States at the end of the war. As a result, inmates in Busan Prison were mobilized on a large scale to produce munitions in factories within the prison, to expand Busan city area, or to build an airport. This was a wartime labor mobilization that was different from the existing normal prison work. In this process, many victims have occurred since 1944, but prisoners continued to work like this for 3-4 years before liberation.

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Lee, Jong-Min. "A study on the mobilization of prisoners in Busan Prison during the late Japanese colonial period." Association Of Korean-Japanese National Studies 43 (June 30, 2022): 5–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35647/kjna.2021.42.5.

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Colonial Korean prisons mobilized the labor force of about one million prisoners nationwide, including the Hainan Island of China, during the war at the end of the war. The purpose of this study is to specifically investigate the reality of a specific region through the case of mobilization of prisoners nationwide. Therefore, Busan was selected as the subject of the case study. The materials used were military data from National Institute for Defense Study, data from the Japanese Cabinet for prison law revision, data from the Justice Department of the Japanese Government-General of Korea, and organized data(1984) from the Pusan Prison, as well as newspaper and magazine articles at the time. Through the above materials, I have summarized the patterns in which prisoners under the wartime system were mobilized into two patterns. That is the production of munitions in the factories of each prison and the work outside the ward. In Busan, the production and transportation of munitions and military facilities were concentrated for the war with the United States at the end of the war. As a result, inmates in Busan Prison were mobilized on a large scale to produce munitions in factories within the prison, to expand Busan city area, or to build an airport. This was a wartime labor mobilization that was different from the existing normal prison work. In this process, many victims have occurred since 1944, but prisoners continued to work like this for 3-4 years before liberation.

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Chang, Gordon H., and Mark A. Ryan. "Chinese Attitudes toward Nuclear Weapons: China and the United States during the Korean War." American Historical Review 96, no. 3 (June 1991): 849. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162469.

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TEMKIN, MOSHIK. "CULTURE VS.KULTUR, OR A CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS: PUBLIC INTELLECTUALS IN THE UNITED STATES AND THE GREAT WAR, 1917–1918." Historical Journal 58, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 157–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000594.

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AbstractThis article analyses the historical conditions for, and implications of, the attitudes and conduct of a number of prominent or influential public intellectuals in the United States during the Great War. It argues that many intellectuals, particularly those who supported American entry to the war, shared a general lack of concern with the realities of full-scale warfare. Their response to the war had little to do with the war itself – its political and economic causes, brutal and industrial character, and human and material costs. Rather, their positions were often based on their views of culture and philosophy, or on their visions of the post-war world. As a result, relatively few of these intellectuals fully considered the political, social, and economic context in which the catastrophe occurred. The war, to many of them, was primarily a clash of civilizations, a battle of good versus evil, civilized democracy versus barbaric savagery, progress versus backwardness, culture versus kultur. The article describes several manifestations of American intellectual approaches to the war, discusses the correlation between intellectual and general public attitudes, and concludes with some implications for thinking about the relationship between intellectuals and war in more recent American history.

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Sinichenko, Vladimir V., and Sergey M. Belozertsev. "Affaire of the American Consul Moser (1915) in Light of Previously Unpublished Documents from the Fonds of the State Archive of the Irkutsk Region." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2022): 1212–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-4-1212-1221.

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The history of Russian-American relations is full of various dramatic moments. There were periods of strategic partnership and alliance, but also those of aggravation of diplomatic and trade relations during the so-called Cold War. One thing persists from the moment the United States was formed in the 18th century to early 21st century: Russia and the United States have been allies in all military conflicts or maintained mutual neutrality. At the same time, as history shows, among political and bureaucratic elites of the United States, there have always been opponents of Russia as a geopolitical entity who provided direct assistance to its military opponents. One of these episodes occurred in 1915, when Moser, the American consul in the city of Harbin located on the territory of the Chinese Eastern Railway — a highway that ran along Manchuria and connected Chita with Vladivostok — found himself an object of cultivation of the Irkutsk Gubernia Gendarmerie Directorate. The article introduces into scientific use a document which permits to assess the degree of involvement of the American diplomat in the release of German prisoners of war, which caused a diplomatic demarche of Russia, expulsion of the consul, and, accordingly, a diplomatic scandal in Russian-American relations in 1915. This document is court opinion of November 6, 1915 of the investigator for especially important cases of the Irkutsk District Court M.S. Strazov based on secret survey of the captain of a separate corps of border guards, assistant to the head of the department at the gendarmerie-police directorate of the Chinese Eastern Railway A. M. Bokastov who had carried out the surveyance; on protocol of interrogation of non-commissioned officer Karl Schultz who fled the Russian camp in Western Siberia (in the city of Tara, Tobolsk gubernia) and was supported by the American diplomat; and on protocol of interrogation of J. E. Mandelstam accused of organizing this escape. Through the agency of their employees insinuated in groups of German officers who fled from the Russian camps in Siberia to China territories, the heads of gendarmerie directorate learned that the American diplomat not only supplied prisoners of war with money for escape, but also recommended them to makers of falsified documents and guides transporting runaways. Cultivation undertaken in 1915 by the Irkutsk Gubernia Gendarmerie Directorate resulted in arrest of Russian subjects of German and Jewish origin who, for various reasons, participated in organization of escapes of German and Austro-Hungarian prisoners of war from concentration camps located in Siberia and in the Far East.

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Reiss, Matthias. "Bronzed Bodies behind Barbed Wire: Masculinity and the Treatment of German Prisoners of War in the United States during World War II." Journal of Military History 69, no. 2 (2005): 475–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2005.0122.

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Hajjar, Lisa. "International Humanitarian Law and ““Wars on Terror””: A Comparative Analysis of Israeli and American Doctrines and Policies." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 1 (2006): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2006.36.1.21.

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The second intifada and the U.S. ““global war on terror,”” though quite different, both involve asymmetrical warfare that pits powerful states against non-state organizations. This article focuses on international humanitarian law (IHL) to assess and compare how Israeli and American doctrines and policies for waging ““wars on terror”” have departed from international consensus on norms and rules for military engagement in occupied territories and the treatment of enemy prisoners. Neither Israel nor the United States ignores IHL; rather, they seek to reinterpret it in a manner that permits the pursuit (militarized or otherwise) of political agendas, even while claiming the reinterpretation to be legally valid.

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Koumas, Manolis. "Cold War Dilemmas, Superpower Influence, and Regional Interests: Greece and the Palestinian Question, 1947–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 99–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00719.

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This article discusses official attitudes toward the creation of the state of Israel from the eruption of the postwar international crisis in Palestine until the end of Arab-Israeli War of 1948–1949. In 1947–1949, Greek policy toward the Middle East was determined by a mix of regional, political, and ideological factors: the Greek security problem during the early Cold War era, including the Greek civil war; the existence of the Greek Orthodox Church of Jerusalem; the Greek government's need to take into account the position of the Greek diaspora community in Egypt; commercial interests in the Eastern Mediterranean; anti-Semitism; the need to secure Arab votes in support of the Greek question before the United Nations; and relations between Greece and its new superpower patron, the United States. Greek decisions were dominated by Cold War needs, but the United States did not impose policy on its junior partner.

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Kim, Young Choul, and Ho Keun Yoo. "Anti-Americanism in East Asia: Analyses of college students’ attitudes in China, Japan, and South Korea." International Area Studies Review 20, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916682390.

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In the last decade, negative attitudes towards the United States have increased throughout the world. Though the United States and East Asian countries have relatively had harmonious relationships, anti-Americanism is still prevalent for various reasons. In spite of China’s increasing economic interdependence with the United States, the country is succeeding to its long history of anti-Americanism. Although Japan and South Korea have been considered pro-United States allies since the Korean War (1950–1953), the countries’ younger generations have often expressed critical opinions of the United States. What is the cause of this anti-American sentiment in the East Asian countries? The purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries using a cross-national survey. The results of the empirical analyses support previous approaches and promote four theoretical concepts: (1) the people’s knowledge and curiosity about the United States is the most influential factor of anti-American sentiment for East Asian college students (the cognitive-orientation); (2) individual’s attitudes towards American culture and society influence anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the cultural-cleavage); (3) anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries is mostly affected by people’s general ideas about the roles of the United States in the world and United States’ foreign policies (the anti-hegemony); and (4) the people’s general perception on the relationship between their own countries and the United States is another determinant of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the equal-relationship). In contrast, it explains that gender and the financial condition of East Asian college students are not significant determinants of anti-American sentiment.

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Boiko, Mykhailo, and Oleksandr vanov. "Plan and first denazification experience of German prisoners of war in the United States of America during 1945-1949." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 5 (2018): 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.05.114-127.

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Casteel, Sarah Phillips. "Making History Visible." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 28–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8912768.

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While interned by the Nazis in Belgium and Bavaria during World War II, the little-known Surinamese artist Josef Nassy (1904–76) created a series of paintings and drawings documenting his experiences and those of other black prisoners. Nassy’s artworks uniquely register the presence of Caribbean, African, and African American prisoners in the Nazi camp system. While the Nassy Collection at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum cannot render transparent a wartime experience that has gone largely unrecorded, it illustrates how shifting from a textual to a visual lens can enable an unremembered history to enter our field of vision, thereby generating an alternative wartime narrative. After tracing Nassy’s family history in Suriname and the conditions of his European incarceration, this essay discusses two paintings that demonstrate the significance of visual art in the context of black civilian internment—for both the artist-prisoner and the researcher.

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Patterson, Dennis, Gamal Gasim, and Jangsup Choi. "Identity, Attitudes, and the Voting Behavior of Mosque-Attending Muslim-Americans in the 2000 and 2004 Presidential Elections." Politics and Religion 4, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048311000186.

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AbstractIn a post-September 11 world, no religious group in the United States has become more important yet remains more misunderstood than Muslim-Americans. This is particularly true with respect to the manner in which religious and political attitudes influence Muslim-Americans’ political behavior. This article addresses this issue by using data gathered from surveys taken in 70 mosques throughout the United States. With these data, this article maps the political and religious attitudes and behavior of mosque-attending Muslim-Americans and then analyzes the voting behavior of these respondents in the 2000 and 2004 Presidential elections. It will show that the cultural and religious traditions of Islam have resulted in most mosque-attending Muslim-Americans being social conservatives and, as a result, report having voted for Bush in 2000. It will also show that increasingly negative perceptions of the manner in which the United States war in Iraq has affected Muslims living American led many to switch loyalties and cast their ballots for Kerry in 2004.

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Laden, Osama Bin. "Til amerikanerne: I Guds, den Nåderike, den Barmhjertiges navn." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 36, no. 105 (August 22, 2008): 40–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v36i105.22038.

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To the Americans:In this letter from 2002 Osama Bin Laden replies to unidentified American writers explaining why al-Qaeda is justified in attacking North American targets. The letter poses two questions: What are we fighting for? and What are we calling you to do, and what do we want from you? According to Bin Laden al-Qaeda is engaged in a fight responding to decades of Western aggression. Bin Laden presents a detailed account of the misdeeds that the United States are responsible for in the Middle East and in Afghanistan. The letter also denounces North American society as characterised by usury, debauchery, gambling, prostitution and environmental destruction. Finally Bin Laden provides the reader with a series of examples connected to the ‘war on terror’ where the United States does not live up to its own rhetoric: the detention of prisoners at Guantanamo, the suspension of civil liberties in the Patriot Act and the rejection of the Kyoto Accords.

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Triansyah, Zuhri, and Maratun Saadah. "Pelanggaran Prinsip Kemanusiaan terhadap Tawanan Perang di Penjara Abu Ghraib Ditinjau dari Konvensi Jenewa 1949." Uti Possidetis: Journal of International Law 3, no. 1 (February 26, 2022): 01–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/up.v3i1.14776.

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This article discusses forms of legal responsibility regarding violations of humanitarian principles in humanitarian law against the treatment of prisoners of war in Abu Ghraib prison in terms of the Geneva convention of 1949. Legal liability is an obligation that arises from violations committed by individuals or the state because they are considered contrary to the law or conventions. applicable. This article uses a normative juridical method with the main source being legal materials containing normative legal rules. The results of the discussion of this article show that the principle of state responsibility related to human rights violations is realized by taking legal action against individual perpetrators and providing compensation to victims and is regulated in the Geneva Conventions. Second, the United States is responsible for the provisions stipulated in the Geneva Conventions of 1949 concerning violations of humanitarian principles by bringing to justice the perpetrators who have violated humanitarian principles through the United States military court.

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Chu, Jonathan A. "A Clash of Norms? How Reciprocity and International Humanitarian Law affect American Opinion on the Treatment of POWs." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 5 (July 31, 2018): 1140–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718789751.

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Reciprocity is one of the oldest principles of warfare, but humanitarian norms embedded in international humanitarian law (IHL) prohibit reciprocity over various wartime acts. When it comes to the treatment of prisoners of war (POWs), how do these conflicting norms shape public opinion? One perspective is that citizens who learn about IHL acquire an unconditional aversion to abusing POWs. Alternatively, people may understand IHL as a conditional commitment that instead strengthens their approval for reciprocal conduct. Survey experiments fielded in the United States support the latter view: people’s preferences depend on the enemy’s behavior, and this “reciprocity effect” is largest among those who believe that the United States is legally committed to treating POWs humanely. Puzzlingly, prior studies do not find a reciprocity effect, but this is due to their use of a no-information experimental control group, which led to a lack of control over the subjects’ assumptions about the survey.

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Pastor, Robert A. "Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba? The Case of Grenada." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 1 (1986): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165734.

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One of the most difficult and frustrating challenges to US foreign policy in the post-World War II period has been coping with third world revolutions, particularly those in the Caribbean Basin. Whether the revolution has been in Cuba, Nicaragua, or Grenada, relations with the US have always deteriorated, and the revolutionary governments have moved closer to the Soviet bloc and toward a Communist political model. Both the deteriorating relationship and the increasingly belligerent posture of the US have conformed to a regular pattern; so too have the interpretations of the causes and consequences of the confrontation.US government officials and a few policy analysts tend to view the hostile attitudes and policies of the revolutionary governments as the cause of the problem.

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AL-MUGHAIRI, Alghalia Salim. "POLITICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SOVIET UNION AND AFGHANISTAN SOVIET OCCUPATION OF AFGHANISTAN 1979-1989 AD AS A MODEL." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 07 (September 1, 2021): 215–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.7-3.19.

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The research deals with the study of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan during the period from 1979 to 1989 as an example of the political relations between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan, where the world witnessed the outbreak of the Cold War between the two poles: the Soviet Union and the United States of America after the end of World War II in 1945 AD, and both of these two great powers were keen to highlight Its dominance in various aspects, especially the military, and this war received strong and strict international reactions, and the United States of America was one of the most prominent countries that condemned this war and demanded the withdrawal of the Soviet Union. The research aims to shed light on the roots of the interest of Russia and then the Soviet Union in Afghanistan and focus on the reasons that prompted the Soviet Union to launch war on Afghanistan and follow the events of the war and its escalation between 1979 and 1989 and focus on some international attitudes towards the war, especially the United States of America, and also clarify the reasons for the withdrawal of forces The Soviet Union of Afghanistan and its consequences. The research adopts the descriptive historical method, which was employed in deriving historical facts and talking about all aspects covered by the study, and the analytical method that was used in analyzing the information of documents and texts, and comparing them to reach information related to the subject of the study.

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Boyd, Robert L. "Social distance attitudes, educational mobility, and European ancestry groups in the post‐World‐War II United States." Social Science Quarterly 102, no. 6 (October 18, 2021): 2985–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13076.

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Tiratsoo, Nick, and Jim Tomlimon. "Exporting the “Gospel of Productivity”: United States Technical Assistance and British Industry 1945–1960." Business History Review 71, no. 1 (1997): 41–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116329.

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This article examines the attempts by the United States to export industrial and managerial techniques to Britain in the early post-war years. It analyses the types of technical assistance offered by the U.S., the mechanisms developed to deliver this assistance, and the response of both British industry and government. The conclusion offered is that whilst there were problems of “fit” between the techniques advocated by U.S. agencies and the conditions faced by British industry, overall the reluctance of the British to embrace American techniques did not reflect a rounded assessment of their applicability so much as a series of institutional blockages and hostile attitudes.

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Buggeln, Marc. "Were Concentration Camp Prisoners Slaves?: The Possibilities and Limits of Comparative History and Global Historical Perspectives." International Review of Social History 53, no. 1 (April 2008): 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859007003355.

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The author discusses the question of whether concentration camp prisoners can be characterized as slaves during the period of their intensified exploitation as forced labourers in the German war economy after 1942. Recent research has negated this question. This finding rests, however, primarily on the fact that the form of slavery practised in the southern United States was chosen as a reference system and that certain differences are posited as too absolute. The author analyses differences and similarities in selected subject areas between slavery as it was practised in the American South and the forced labour demanded of concentration camp prisoners. Subsequently, an attempt is made to explain the apparent differences and similarities from a global-historical perspective, and hypotheses towards a history of slavery in the age of globalization are elaborated. The goal here is to criticize the central positioning of slavery in the American South as the normative slavery system and to raise once again the question of the various forms of unfree labour under capitalism.

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Astika Pidada, Ida Bagus. "PERALATAN PERANG NICA DALAM MENGHADAPI PEJUANG PADA MASA REVOLUSI FISIK DI BALI TAHUN 1945 - 1950." KULTURISTIK: Jurnal Bahasa dan Budaya 3, no. 1 (January 18, 2019): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/kulturistik.3.1.939.

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[Title: The Nica War Equipment in Facing Patriots in Physical Revolution in Bali In 1945 – 1950] Giving up without the conditions of Lieutenant General H. Ter Poorten (Commander of the Dutch East Indies) on behalf of the United States Army in Indonesia to Liuetenant General Hiroshi Imamura (Japanese Army Leader). Since the Dutch East Indies government ended in Indonesia. At that time Dutch soldiers who were Japanese prisoners of war because they did not have time to flee to Australia were sent to the interior of Siam and Birma to clear forests and make bridges and railways. On August 15th 1945, Japan finally surrendered to allies. This defeat of Japan caused the captives of the Dutch to quickly hold preparatory exercises back to Indonesia. The arrival of the Dutch in Bali received resistance from the fighters under the leadership of Lieutenant Colonel I Gusti Ngurah Rai. Although the weapons possessed by fighters in Bali is limited but the struggle is long enough to survive. NICA in the face of fighters in Bali during the physical revolution has used modern war equipment such as: pipercub airplanes, lucked airplanes, motorbikes, jeeps, telephones, bren, mitraliur, stengun, mortar, lichthalon and others but not easy can beat him. This is because the fighters with the people in Bali are united.

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M, R. "War, religion, and white supremacy in comparative perspective: South Africa and the American South." Verbum et Ecclesia 25, no. 1 (October 5, 2004): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v25i1.267.

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The southern states of the United States of America and South Africa share a number of analogous historical realities. One of these, which is the main subject of this article, is the way in which the memory of a lost war had fused cultural mythology and religious symbolism to provide a foundation for the formation and maintenance of attitudes of white supremacy in both contexts. This article seeks to achieve a historical understanding of the complex interrelationship between the development of cultural identity and Protestant Christianity by focusing on these issues in the histories of the Afrikaner and the white American Southerner in comparative perspective.

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Sismanidis, Roxane D. V. "China: Mark A. Ryan. Chinese Attitudes Toward Nuclear Weapons: China and the United States During the Korean War." Asian Affairs: An American Review 19, no. 1 (March 1992): 61–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.1992.10553522.

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Turcotte, Jean-Michel. "“To Have a Friendly Co-Operation between Canadians and Americans": The Canada–United States Relationship Regarding German Prisoners of War, 1940–1945." Diplomacy & Statecraft 28, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 383–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2017.1347433.

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Rukavisnjikov, Vladimir. "The Russians and the American 'war on terrorism': Lessons learned after September 11." Medjunarodni problemi 54, no. 4 (2002): 379–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0204379r.

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Paper deals with the Russian perception of the American 'war against terrorism' started after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon. It shows how the Russian attitudes towards the American foreign policy have changed during the first year of this war - from September 11, 2001 to September 11, 2002. The American 'global war on terrorism' is reviving and crystallizing deep-seated cultural and ideological differences between the United States and Russia and becoming a factor jeopardizing global stability. The analysis is based on data of opinion surveys, official documents and messages conveyed to the public by the national electronic and printed media.

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Nutt, Rick. "G. Sherwood Eddy and the Attitudes of Protestants in the United States toward Global Mission." Church History 66, no. 3 (September 1997): 502–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169454.

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G.Sherwood Eddy (1871–1963), a leading figure in American Protestantism through the first half of the twentieth century, is currently most often relegated to footnote references or mentioned only in relation to two of his most famous colleagues, Kirby Page and Reinhold Niebuhr. He was, however, one of the most renowned international evangelists of the time who worked closely with John R. Mott and Robert Speer in the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) and the Student Volunteer Movement (SVM). While a student at Yale, Eddy experienced a dramatic deepening of faith in 1889 at the famous Northfield Student Conference and then, while a student at New York's Union Theological Seminary and later at Princeton Theological Seminary, joined the SVM. Despite his seminary study, Eddy chose to remain a layman all his life. As a YMCA traveling evangelist in India from 1896 to 1911 and in Asia from 1911 to 1931, Eddy embodied many of the attitudes and methods of Protestant global mission for the approximately fifty years of its greatest activity. Primarily engaged in student evangelization, Eddy manifested a deep ambivalence toward the method of mission work. An examination of Eddy's life reveals that in Eddy one finds both the cultural imperialism with which nineteenth-century missionaries are often charged and a sensitivity to other peoples and a commitment to indigenous churches and leadership.While Eddy's ministry spanned over five decades, this essay concentrates on Eddy's labor prior to World War I, for in those years Eddy was most in conflict withhimself.

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Kraujelis, Ramojus. "The status and the future of Baltic States and Romania in the strategy of Western Allies in the early years of the Second World War: a comparative view." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 1 (August 15, 2010): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i1_8.

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The fate of Lithuania and Romania as well as future of the whole Central and Eastern European region was determined in the years of the Second World War. The common origin of their tragic and painful history was the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact – the secret deal between Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, which divided Central and Eastern Europe between two totalitarian regimes. In June 1940 the three Baltic States and a part of Romania were directly occupied and annexed by the Soviet Union. The main objective of this paper is to identify, analyze and compare the attitudes of the United States and Great Britain with respect to the annexation of the Baltic States and the Romania territory and discussed the post-war future reserved to them. During the early years of the Second Word War (1940-1942) few interesting international discussions about possible post-war arrangement plans existed. The analysis of the Western attitude would enable us to give answers to certain questions: What could have been done by the Western states for the benefit of Central and Eastern European region; what have they, in fact, done and what did they avoid doing? The year 1943 witnessed the consolidation of the Western attitude with regard to Soviet Union’s western borders, which resulted in the fundamental fact that Moscow did not intend to retract its interests in the Baltic States, Eastern Poland, North Bucovina and Bessarabia while the West did not intend to fight for these territories. Considering the fact that at the Teheran conference (1943) the Western states agreed upon turning the Baltic states into a Soviet interest sphere, the United States and Britain entered the Yalta conference (1945) with no illusions as to the fate of Central and Eastern Europe in general.

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Urbatsch, Robert. "The American Public’s Attention to Politics in Conflict and Crisis, 1880–1963." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 46, no. 2 (August 2015): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00832.

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Parental naming practices in the United States have much to reveal about public attitudes, preoccupations, and reactions to current events. Evidence from the 2011 version of the Social Security Master Death File—a database that includes nearly all of the Americans who were alive between World War II and 2011—reveals that newborns are more likely to acquire the name of a president after elections, assassination attempts, and declarations of war. Regression analysis comparing presidential names to polling data suggests that these trends reflect shifts in public approval of the president, implying that naming can provide important information about historical eras when direct measures are unavailable.

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Kirgis, Frederic L. "Zschernig v. Miller and the Breard Matter." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 4 (October 1998): 704–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998134.

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In 1968 the United States Supreme Court decided Zschernig v. Miller, a foreign relations case that has been characterized as unique. An Oregon probate statute provided for escheat of a decedent’s property in preference to a nonresident alien’s claim to inherit it unless the alien’s country (1) allowed United States citizens to inherit under similar circumstances, (2) allowed U.S. citizens to receive payment here of funds inherited there, and (3) gave foreign heirs the right to receive the proceeds of Oregon estates without confiscation. Residents of then East Germany, who were the heirs of an Oregon decedent, challenged the constitutionality of the statute. The Supreme Court struck down the statute, finding that Oregon probate and appellate judges were basing their decisions on “foreign policy attitudes, the freezing or thawing of the ‘cold war.’”

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Johansen, Bruce E. "Donald Trump, Andrew Jackson, Lebensraum, and Manifest Destiny." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 41, no. 4 (July 1, 2017): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.41.4.johansen.

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President Donald Trump's admiration of President Andrew Jackson evokes a discussion of parallels between their ideologies, including a reluctance to repudiate white supremacy and a disregard for the rule of law. These attitudes are reflected both in Jackson's authorship of the Indian Removal Act (1830) and his refusal to acknowledge a judgment by the US Supreme Court in favor of the Cherokee Nation that might have averted the Trail of Tears. Jackson's advocacy of American exceptionalism (“America first” to Trump) also provokes an analysis of what later was cast in popular discourse as Manifest Destiny. United States history--its “race law” in particular--is described here through the admiring eyes of Adolph Hitler, who likened Germany's expansion before and during World War II to United States “westward movement” during the nineteenth century.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Prisoners of war United States Attitudes'

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