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Academic literature on the topic 'Prisoners of war United States Attitudes'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Prisoners of war United States Attitudes"

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Romanovsky, Georgy B., and Vladislav G. Romanovsky. "Transforming the prohibition of torture in the context of rising terrorist threats." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Law 13, no. 3 (2022): 599–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu14.2022.302.

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The article explores the content of the prohibition of torture in constitutional and international acts. The ban is absolute, as confirmed by the extensive practice of international human rights organizations. At present, a revision of the general attitude towards torture in Western Europe is taking place against the background of increasing terrorist threats. In the United States, after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack, at the level of Justice Department directives, certain methods of “intensive interrogation” were allowed in order to obtain information from persons captured during anti-terrorist operations. It was assumed that in the conditions of the “war on terror”, terrorists were not subject to the privileges provided for by the Geneva Conventions in relation to prisoners of war. Our study involves an analysis of a wide range of sources on problems of the use of torture in the context of countering terrorism, and provides an analysis of foreign scientific discussions of the admissibility of torture against terrorists. One argument is the lack of moral boundaries among terrorists themselves, capable of committing deadly attacks against civilians. Supporters of the use of torture proceed from the principle of extreme necessity for obtaining information about the planned terrorist acts. Opponents of torture proceed from the principle of the moral absolute, which does not justify attaining a goal by any means. In modern legal science there is a search for a balance of interests: the dignity of a person suspected of preparing a terrorist act, and the safety of other citizens, society, and the state.
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Heisler, Barbara Schmitter. "The “Other Braceros”." Social Science History 31, no. 2 (2007): 239–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013742.

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This article explores the contradictions between the bracero program and the temporary labor program using German prisoners of war in the United States during World War II. Despite the bilateral agreement between Mexico and the United States aimed at protecting the braceros, “who came as allies,” they remained alien workers and outsiders. In contrast, German prisoners of war, who came as enemies, were often transformed into personal friends “like our own boys.” This article uses archival records, in-depth interviews with former prisoners of war, and secondary sources to analyze several structural factors that help explain these divergent outcomes.
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Torabian, Saba, and Marina Abalakina. "Attitudes toward War in the United States and Iran." Iranian Studies 45, no. 4 (July 2012): 463–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2012.673825.

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La Forte, Robert S. "Resistance in Japanese Prison Camps during World War II." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 1-2 (2003): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645306.

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AbstractWhen instructing men who might become prisoners of war, Article 3 of the United States Armed Forces Code of Conduct, issued in 1955, states in part: “If I am captured I will continue to resist by all means available. I will make every effort to escape and aid others to escape.” No such code existed in World War II.
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Ruberto, Laura E. "Creative Expression and the Material Culture of Italian POWs in the United States During World War II." Thematic Issue: The Social Lives of Maps, Volume 1 92-93 (August 10, 2022): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1091238ar.

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This study concerns the history of Italian prisoners of war in the United States during World War II through an analysis of the art and architecture they created. These crafted expressions highlight how Italian culture was transported and reshaped during the war and suggest alternate understandings of Italian diasporic culture and wartime experiences. They reinforced cultural heritage, mediated personal and community identities, and negotiated some of the atrocities of war. As a cultural studies scholar engaging with Italian transnational concerns, my approach emerges from an interest in the use of space, place-making, and the meanings ascribed to the material world.
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Nenninger, Timothy K. "United States Prisoners of War and the Red Army, 1944-45: Myths and Realities." Journal of Military History 66, no. 3 (July 2002): 761. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3093358.

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Johnson, Roger N., Lea Pulkkinen, Mikko Oranen, and Soili Poijula. "Attitudes concerning nuclear war in finland and in the united states." Aggressive Behavior 12, no. 3 (1986): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1098-2337(1986)12:3<155::aid-ab2480120302>3.0.co;2-6.

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Lewandowsky, Stephan, Werner G. K. Stritzke, Klaus Oberauer, and Michael Morales. "Memory for Fact, Fiction, and Misinformation." Psychological Science 16, no. 3 (March 2005): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0956-7976.2005.00802.x.

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Media coverage of the 2003 Iraq War frequently contained corrections and retractions of earlier information. For example, claims that Iraqi forces executed coalition prisoners of war after they surrendered were retracted the day after the claims were made. Similarly, tentative initial reports about the discovery of weapons of mass destruction were all later disconfirmed. We investigated the effects of these retractions and disconfirmations on people's memory for and beliefs about war-related events in two coalition countries (Australia and the United States) and one country that opposed the war (Germany). Participants were queried about (a) true events, (b) events initially presented as fact but subsequently retracted, and (c) fictional events. Participants in the United States did not show sensitivity to the correction of misinformation, whereas participants in Australia and Germany discounted corrected misinformation. Our results are consistent with previous findings in that the differences between samples reflect greater suspicion about the motives underlying the war among people in Australia and Germany than among people in the United States.
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Flores-Macías, Gustavo A., and Sarah E. Kreps. "Borrowing Support for War: The Effect of War Finance on Public Attitudes toward Conflict." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 5 (August 26, 2015): 997–1020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715600762.

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How does the way states finance wars affect public support for conflict? Most existing research has focused on costs as casualties rather than financial burdens, and arguments that do speak to the cost in treasure either minimize potential differences between the two main forms of war finance—debt and taxes—or imply that war taxes do not dent support for war among a populace rallying around the fiscal flag. Using original experiments conducted in the United States and the United Kingdom, we evaluate the relationship between war finance and support for war. We find that how states finance wars has an important effect on support for war and that the gap in support resulting from different modes of war finance holds across the main democracies engaging in conflict, regardless of the type of war or individuals’ party identification. The findings have important implications for theories of democratic accountability in wartime and the conduct of conflict, since borrowing shields the public from the direct costs of war and in turn reduces opposition to it, giving leaders greater latitude in how they carry out war.
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Covell, Katherine. "National and Gender Differences in Adolescents' War Attitudes." International Journal of Behavioral Development 19, no. 4 (December 1996): 871–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016502549601900411.

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Attitudes toward warfare were compared between samples of Canadian and US adolescents. Political attitudes in general have been attributed variously to influences of sociopolitical context, nationhood, media, and gender. Adolescents' responses to open-ended questions, and statements presented with a Likert-type rating scale suggested that whereas gender and sociopolitical context, for example contemporary attitudes toward political leaders, do influence attitudes toward war, there is a powerful effect of nationhood. The interventionist approaches of the United States and the peacekeeping emphasis of Canada are reflected in the attitudes of their youth.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Prisoners of war United States Attitudes"

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Ryan, Laura M. "Return with honor : Code of Conduct training in the National Military Strategy security environment /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FRyan.pdf.

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Williams, J. Barrie. "Re-Education of German Prisoners of War in the United States during World War II." W&M ScholarWorks, 1993. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625841.

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Byrne, Karen Lynn. "Danville's Civil War prisons, 1863-1865." Thesis, This resource online, 1993. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-02092007-102016/.

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Diaz, Jose Oscar. "“To Make the Best of Our Hard Lot”: Prisoners, Captivity, and the Civil War." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1233764501.

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Ruschau, Adam Richard. ""Fighting mit Sigel" or "running mit Howard" attitudes towards German-Americans in the Civil War /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1180542121.

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Vourkoutiotis, Vasilis. "The German Armed Forces Supreme Command and British and American prisoners-of-war, 1939-1945 : policy and practice." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ64687.pdf.

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Rock, Adam. "The American Way: The Influence of Race on the Treatment of Prisoners of War During World War Two." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6345.

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When examining the Second World War, it is impossible to overlook the influence race had in both creating the conflict and determining the intensity with which it was fought. While this factor existed in the European theater, it pales in comparison to how race influenced the fighting in the Pacific. John Dower produced a comprehensive study that examined the racial aspects of the Pacific theater in his book War Without Mercy. Dower concluded that Americans viewed themselves as racially superior to the Asian "other" and this influenced the ferocity of the Pacific war. While Dower's work focused on this relationship overseas, I examine the interaction domestically. My study examines the influence of race on the treatment of Japanese Prisoners of War (POWs) held in the United States during the Second World War. Specifically, my thesis will assess the extent to which race and racism affected several aspects of the treatment of Japanese prisoners in American camps. While in theory the American policy toward POWs made no distinctions in the treatment of racially different populations, in reality discrepancies in the treatment of racially different populations of POWs (German, and Japanese) become clear in its application. My work addresses this question by investigating the differences in treatment between Japanese and European POWs held in the United States during and after the war. Utilizing personal letters from both American policymakers and camp administrators, U.S. War Department POW camp inspection reports, documents outlining American policy, as well as newspaper and magazine articles, I attempt to demonstrate how treatment substantially differed depending on the race of the prisoner. The government's treatment of the Japanese POWs should illuminate the United States Government's racial views during and after the war.
M.A.
Masters
History
Arts and Humanities
History
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Roy, Oindrila. "EXPLORING THE INFLUENCE OF FAITH ON FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES IN THE UNITED STATES." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1416593434.

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Crager, Kelly Eugene. "Lone Star under the Rising Sun: Texas's "Lost Battalion," 2nd Battalion, 131st Field Artillery Regiment, During World War II." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4737/.

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In March 1942, the 2nd Battalion, 131st Field Artillery Regiment, 36th Division, surrendered to the Japanese Imperial Army on Java in the Dutch East Indies. Shortly after the surrender, the men of the 2nd Battalion were joined as prisoners-of-war by the sailors and Marines who survived the sinking of the heavy cruiser USS Houston. From March 1942 until the end of World War II, these men lived in various Japanese prison camps throughout the Dutch East Indies, Southeast Asia, and in the Japanese home islands. Forced to labor for their captors for the duration of the conflict, they performed extremely difficult tasks, including working in industrial plants and mining coal in Japan, and most notably, constructing the infamous Burma-Thailand Death Railway. During their three-and-one-half years of captivity, these prisoners experienced brutality at the hands of the Japanese. Enduring prolonged malnutrition and extreme overwork, they suffered from numerous tropical and dietary diseases while receiving almost no medical care. Each day, these men lived in fear of being beaten and tortured, and for months at a time they witnessed the agonizing deaths of their friends and countrymen. In spite of the conditions they faced, most survived to return to the United States at war's end. This study examines the experiences of these former prisoners from 1940 to 1945 and attempts to explain how they survived.
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DeLucca, Claire. "Both Sides of the Barbed Wire: Lives of German Prisoners of War and African Americans in Camp Claiborne, Louisiana, 1944-1946." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2018. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2454.

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Located outside of Alexandria, Louisiana, Camp Claiborne was temporarily home to more than 500,000 U.S. servicemen and women during its short existence. Thousands of German prisoners of war also were held for more than two years in a section of the camp. Racial problems stemming from the policies of Jim Crow South and the blatant inequality eventually led to an African American mutiny within the camp. The events from 1944 to 1946 at Camp Claiborne provide insight into the mindsets of white Southerners and the generation of African Americans who would influence the major civil rights victories in the following decades.
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Books on the topic "Prisoners of war United States Attitudes"

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Administration, United States National Archives and Records. Records relating to personal participation in World War II: American prisoners of war and civilian internees. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 1992.

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United States. National Archives and Records Administration. Records relating to personal participation in World War II: American prisoners of war and civilian internees. 2nd ed. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 2008.

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United States. National Archives and Records Administration. Records relating to personal participation in World War II: American prisoners of war and civilian internees. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 1999.

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United States. National Archives and Records Administration. Records relating to personal participation in World War II: The American soldier surveys. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 1997.

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United States. National Archives and Records Administration. Records relating to personal participation in World War II: "the American soldier" surveys. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 2007.

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United States. National Archives and Records Administration. Records relating to personal participation in World War II: American military casualties and burials. Washington, DC: National Archives and Records Administration, 1993.

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D, Henderson James. Protective custody management in adult correctional facilities: A discussion of causes, conditions, attitudes, and alternatives. Edited by Phillips Richard L and National Institute of Corrections (U.S.). [Washington, D.C.?]: National Institute of Corrections, 1990.

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Robertson, Don. Prisoners of twilight. New York: Crown, 1989.

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Winters, Andrew O. Duper's Fork: Prisoners of war. Pinole, Ca: Dailey Swan Pub., 2008.

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Lewis, George G. History of prisoner of war utilization by the United States Army, 1776-1945. Washington, D.C: Center of Military History, U.S. Army, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Prisoners of war United States Attitudes"

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Reiss, Matthias. "Fueling the Morale Panic: Axis Prisoners of War and American Women in the United States During World War II." In Genders and Sexualities in History, 117–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83830-0_7.

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"8. The United States Enters the Secret-Ink War." In Prisoners, Lovers, and Spies, 153–73. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300188257-009.

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Moore, Bob. "Black, North African and Indian Prisoners of War in Axis Hands." In Prisoners of War, 324–55. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840398.003.0012.

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Nazi racial policies were an established element within the Third Reich and a more general racism common among most European powers, but the use of imperial troops by British, French, and Italian states to prosecute the war meant that non-white British and French colonial troops became prisoners of the Germans and Italians. German attitudes were undoubtedly coloured by racist attitudes, but also by memories of the ‘black shame’, especially when it came to French colonial prisoners. Although there is no doubt that these men were subjected to much harsher treatment on the battlefield and sometimes subject to summary execution by their captors as well as being segregated and treated much less well than their European counterparts when taken into captivity, there were some exceptions when political considerations intervened. British Indian prisoners were subject to anti-imperialist German propaganda and French Muslim prisoners were likewise better treated at certain moments when it suited wider German diplomatic and security interests. Their exposure to German propaganda also created disquiet among the colonial powers who worried about how their imperial prestige had been undermined and how these men could be reintegrated back into colonial society.
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Moore, Bob. "The Western Allies and their German Prisoners 1939‒1945." In Prisoners of War, 152–81. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840398.003.0006.

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Security concerns about housing German prisoners in the United Kingdom led to their wholesale removal to Canada between 1940 and 1944—so that the dominant narrative is of Canadian captivity until the war in NW Europe saw Germans being brought to the UK in large numbers. This chapter charts the incarceration of the so-called ‘fur trappers’ in camps across several Canadian provinces and how the dominion authorities met their responsibilities as a detaining power. This includes an assessment of Canadian views on carrying out Churchill’s reciprocal shackling of prisoners 1942‒3, the economic value of the prisoners, and the attempts made to re-educate them. Although far from home, this did not deter some determined individuals from trying to escape to the (then neutral) United States with one man making it all the way back to Germany via South America. Even after December 1941, escapes remained a common occurrence—more to inconvenience their captors than with any realistic chance of success. The chapter also discusses German and Italian prisoners in the continental United States.
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Moore, Bob. "Enforced Diaspora." In Prisoners of War, 182–203. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840398.003.0007.

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Like its Axis partner, the Italian state created the necessary machinery for dealing with prisoners of war and communicating with other belligerent powers. While capturing British imperial forces in Greece and North Africa, it soon lost many of its own men to captivity as its forces were driven out of east Africa and Libya. After the Tunisian campaign had ended and the Western powers had invaded Sicily, they held more than 500,000 Italian prisoners. For pragmatic reasons, the captors chose to move these prisoners to other parts of the British Empire and to the United States. Likewise, the more limited Italian contribution to the Eastern Front had left 60,000+ men in Soviet hands. However, the Italian surrender in September 1943 left the rump of the Italian army at the mercy of the invading Germans—with some tragic consequences as in the case of Kefalonia. While some units remained to fight alongside the Nazis, the majority were interned and taken to German as forced labourers. In many respects, this holds the key to an understanding of this Italian diaspora—namely the perceived usefulness of Italian prisoner labour to the war economies of the capturing belligerent powers. The internees of the Germans are very much at the forefront of Italian post-war memory, thus stressing the country’s anti-Axis stance at the end of the war. They are followed by the victims of the USSR, whose plight fitted a Cold War agenda, while the large numbers captured by the country’s future allies, Britain and the United States, were largely forgotten.
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Moore, Bob. "Conventional Captivity." In Prisoners of War, 114–51. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840398.003.0005.

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British (imperial) and later American captivity at the hands of the Germans has been dominated by stories of escapes, both successful and unsuccessful. This image has already been comprehensively debunked by Paul Mackenzie in The Colditz Myth and much of the British and American history of captivity has been extensively chronicled elsewhere, but there is still a need for a wider analysis of Western Allied captivity. This therefore concentrates on the ways in which the British imperial, German, and later United States’ authorities established the bilateral and multilateral organizational structures to deal with prisoners of war. As this was done more or less in accordance with the terms of the Convention, most attention will be given to the exceptions and complications that arose during the course of hostilities, for example in the so-called shackling crisis of 1942‒3 and the attempts to exchange the sick and wounded. The intention here is to show how the diplomacy and state policies affected the lives of those incarcerated and how prisoners of war continued to be a political issue for the Western powers. Their protection became even more of a priority as conditions in Germany worsened with the SS and Gestapo taking a role in maintaining order—for example in the killing of escapees from Stalag Luft III and with the Hitler order to treat all downed Allied airmen as terrorists. The chapter also charts the captivity of Allied soldiers in Italy until the latter’s capitulation in 1943 and their subsequent dispersal into the countryside, back to the Allied lines, or to two further years in German camps.
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Foote, Lorien. "Prisoners." In Rites of Retaliation, 81–112. University of North Carolina Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469665276.003.0004.

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During Maj. Gen. Quincy A. Gillmore’s operations against Confederate positions in Charleston Harbor, including Fort Wagner, Confederates took Black soldiers of the 54th Massachusetts prisoner. The Confederacy was in position to enact its threatened retaliation against Black soldiers. When local Confederate commanders dishonoured the body of Robert Gould Shaw, the United States announced a retaliatory policy that focused on Confederate treatment of Union soldiers born free in the North. The US War Department used information about the treatment and location of three Black Union sailors. Confederate officials were divided over the legality of their own policy. Believing that their reputation before the civilized world would suffer, the Davis administration and the Confederate congress swerved off their intended course and conceded the perspective of the US government. Gillmore’s use of engineering technology to bombard the city of Charleston prompted a retaliation ritual with Confederate Gen. P.G.T. Beauregard over the treatment of non-combatants. This issue reflected the concern on both sides with convincing civilized world opinion that the civil war was fought with restraint.
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Young, Elliott. "“A Particularly Serious Crime”." In Forever Prisoners, 158–84. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190085957.003.0006.

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Machado was just five years old in 1990 when she was brought to the United States by her mother, who was desperate to escape the civil war raging in their home country of El Salvador; she wanted a better life for her two young daughters. In 2015, she was picked up in a traffic stop in Arkansas which triggered her deportation based on a felony conviction from a decade earlier. Machado’s story reveals a radical shift that had been happening since the mid-1990s. Unprecedented numbers of immigrants were being caught in a system that penalized people with mandatory deportations for relatively low-level crimes. Machado does not fit easily into the Manichean distinction made by President Obama in 2014 between “felons” on the one hand and “families” on the other. Machado, like so many others, is both.
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Solinger, Rickie. "Teenage and Single Pregnancy in the United States." In Reproductive Politics. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780199811403.003.0008.

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How have attitudes about single and teenage pregnancy changed since World War II? Once again, as with so much of reproductive politics, the question immediately and urgently touches upon race and class. Between about 1945 and 1970, with many institutions still widely enforcing...
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Wiedenmann, Robert N., and J. Ray Fisher. "Lice in War and Peace." In The Silken Thread, 125–40. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197555583.003.0008.

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This chapter considers human lice, which have been parasites of humans throughout all human history and transmit a deadly bacteria that has killed millions. Analyzing lice genetics tells of divergence of humans from other apes and when humans began to wear clothing. Human body lice live in clothing and infest people only to feed. Lice spread easily among people in crowded situations and transmit bacteria causing diseases, such as typhus. The chapter relates how lice-transmitted typhus caused jail fever in early England, resulting in the deaths of more prisoners than the death penalty. Lice and typhus worsened the Irish Great Famine, as the disease killed thousands of Irish emigrating to the United States on “coffin ships.” Epidemics of typhus were prevalent in wartime, killing troops in both World War I and World War II as well as civilians in Nazi concentration camps and the Warsaw Ghetto during World War II and immediately after. Post-war use of DDT averted typhus epidemics in Europe and Japan.
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Reports on the topic "Prisoners of war United States Attitudes"

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Lewis, Dustin, Radhika Kapoor, and Naz Modirzadeh. Advancing Humanitarian Commitments in Connection with Countering Terrorism: Exploring a Foundational Reframing concerning the Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/uzav2714.

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The imperative to provide humanitarian and medical services on an urgent basis in armed conflicts is anchored in moral tenets, shared values, and international rules. States spend tens of billions of dollars each year to help implement humanitarian programs in conflicts across the world. Yet, in practice, counterterrorism objectives increasingly prevail over humanitarian concerns, often resulting in devastating effects for civilian populations in need of aid and protection in war. Not least, confusion and misapprehensions about the power and authority of States relative to the United Nations Security Council to set policy preferences and configure legal obligations contribute significantly to this trajectory. In this guide for States, we present a framework to reconfigure relations between these core commitments by assessing the counterterrorism architecture through the lens of impartial humanitarianism. We aim in particular to provide an evidence base and analytical frame for States to better grasp key legal and policy issues related to upholding respect for principled humanitarian action in connection with carrying out the Security Council’s counterterrorism decisions. We do so because the lack of knowledge regarding interpretation and implementation of counterterrorism resolutions matters for the coherence, integrity, and comprehensiveness of humanitarian policymaking and protection of the humanitarian imperative. In addition to analyzing foundational concerns and evaluating discernible behaviors and attitudes, we identify avenues that States may take to help achieve pro-humanitarian objectives. We also endeavor to help disseminate indications of, and catalyze, States’ legally relevant positions and practices on these issues. In section 1, we introduce the guide’s impetus, objectives, target audience, and structure. We also describe the methods that we relied on and articulate definitions for key terms. In section 2, we introduce key legal actors, sources of law, and the notion of international legal responsibility, as well as the relations between international and national law. Notably, Security Council resolutions require incorporation into national law in order to become effective and enforceable by internal administrative and judicial authorities. In section 3, we explain international legal rules relevant to advancing the humanitarian imperative and upholding respect for principled humanitarian action, and we sketch the corresponding roles of humanitarian policies, programs, and donor practices. International humanitarian law (IHL) seeks to ensure — for people who are not, or are no longer, actively participating in hostilities and whose needs are unmet — certain essential supplies, as well as medical care and attention for the wounded and sick. States have also developed and implemented a range of humanitarian policy frameworks to administer principled humanitarian action effectively. Further, States may rely on a number of channels to hold other international actors to account for safeguarding the humanitarian imperative. In section 4, we set out key theoretical and doctrinal elements related to accepting and carrying out the Security Council’s decisions. Decisions of the Security Council may contain (binding) obligations, (non-binding) recommendations, or a combination of the two. UN members are obliged to carry out the Council’s decisions. Member States retain considerable interpretive latitude to implement counterterrorism resolutions. With respect to advancing the humanitarian imperative, we argue that IHL should represent a legal floor for interpreting the Security Council’s decisions and recommendations. In section 5, we describe relevant conduct of the Security Council and States. Under the Resolution 1267 (1999), Resolution 1989 (2011), and Resolution 2253 (2015) line of resolutions, the Security Council has established targeted sanctions as counterterrorism measures. Under the Resolution 1373 (2001) line of resolutions, the Security Council has adopted quasi-“legislative” requirements for how States must counter terrorism in their national systems. Implementation of these sets of resolutions may adversely affect principled humanitarian action in several ways. Meanwhile, for its part, the Security Council has sought to restrict the margin of appreciation of States to determine how to implement these decisions. Yet international law does not demand that these resolutions be interpreted and implemented at the national level by elevating security rationales over policy preferences for principled humanitarian action. Indeed, not least where other fields of international law, such as IHL, may be implicated, States retain significant discretion to interpret and implement these counterterrorism decisions in a manner that advances the humanitarian imperative. States have espoused a range of views on the intersections between safeguarding principled humanitarian action and countering terrorism. Some voice robust support for such action in relation to counterterrorism contexts. A handful call for a “balancing” of the concerns. And some frame respect for the humanitarian imperative in terms of not contradicting counterterrorism objectives. In terms of measures, we identify five categories of potentially relevant national counterterrorism approaches: measures to prevent and suppress support to the people and entities involved in terrorist acts; actions to implement targeted sanctions; measures to prevent and suppress the financing of terrorism; measures to prohibit or restrict terrorism-related travel; and measures that criminalize or impede medical care. Further, through a number of “control dials” that we detect, States calibrate the functional relations between respect for principled humanitarian action and countering terrorism. The bulk of the identified counterterrorism measures and related “control dials” suggests that, to date, States have by and large not prioritized advancing respect for the humanitarian imperative at the national level. Finally, in section 6, we conclude by enumerating core questions that a State may answer to help formulate and instantiate its values, policy commitments, and legal positions to secure respect for principled humanitarian action in relation to counterterrorism contexts.
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