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1
Kokebayeva, G. K. "THE PROBLEM OF DETERMINING THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL STATUS OF PRISONERS OF WAR ON THE SOVIET-GERMAN FRONT." History of the Homeland 94, no. 2 (July 12, 2021): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2021_2_101.
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The article deals with the problem of determining the international legal status of prisoners of war on the Soviet-German front. The object of the study is the telegrams and letters of the governments of the USSR and Nazi Germany to the embassies of neutral countries. The Hague Convention of 1907 and the Geneva Convention of 1929 provided real protection to prisoners of war. The Soviet government did not recognize the international treaties concluded by the former Russian governments, including The Hague Convention of 1907, and also did not join The Geneva Convention of 1929. The outbreak of hostilities on the Soviet-German front required the determination of the legal status of Soviet and German prisoners of war. The correspondence between the governments of the two countries, carried out through the mediation of neutral states, did not affect the legal status of prisoners of war on the eastern front. The results of our research show that the problem of prisoners of war has become an object of ideological confrontation between the authorities of the warring totalitarian states.
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Dulatov, B. K. "POSTAL CORRESPONDENCE OF AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN AND GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR OF THE OMSK MILITARY DISTRICT AS A SOURCE FOR STUDYING THE CONDITIONS OF THEIR DETENTION IN CAPTIVITY." Rusin, no. 60 (2020): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/60/6.
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Drawing on the archives, the author analyses the reports of military censorship commission members, whose official function was to systematise and analyse the personal correspondence of Austro-Hungarian and German prisoners of the First World War. The letters of soldiers and officers to their families and friends are reflective of the captivity hardships they had to face in the Russian camps. Of particular scientific interest is the information about their daily life, political stance, contacts with the locals and social adaptation. The author describes different attitudes of the prisoners of war to their conditions and new social status, focusing on a range of emotions of the individual prinsoners of war reported about by the military censors. Written personal correspondence is a unique primary source for studying the past. Thus, the analysis of archival documents provides the information about different reactions of prisoners of war to the same historical event. Such a variety of opinions contributes to the comparative analysis aimed at establishing the truth. New archival documents introduced by the author into the academic circulation supplement the data about the conditions of prisoners of the First World War, namely those dispersed in the Omsk military district in the summer of 1917.
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Öktem, Emre, and Alexandre Toumarkine. "Will the Trojan War take place? Violations of the rules of war and the Battle of the Dardanelles (1915)." International Review of the Red Cross 97, no. 900 (December 2015): 1047–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383116000503.
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AbstractThe Battle of the Dardanelles is one of the key episodes of World War I on the Ottoman front between the British, the French, the Australians and New Zealanders on the one side, and the Ottoman army under German command on the other. Immediately after the Great War, the former belligerents engaged in another war, which protracts up until the present day: allegations of violations of the rules of war are mutually addressed, in order to become a salient element of political propaganda. Through the analysis of the major controversial issues (use of dum-dum bullets and asphyxiating gases, attacks on non-military objects and sites, treatment of prisoners of war) and the study of various sources (official documents, correspondence and reports issued by belligerent forces, memoirs of Dardanelles’ veterans, ICRC reports) this article scrutinizes two crucial questions. Were the rules of war taken seriously on the battlefield? Was the law instrumentalized by the belligerents?
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Bakhturina, Alexandra Yu. "Documents from the Latvian State Historical Archive on the Situation of German Citizens in Riga at the Beginning of the First World War." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2020): 368–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-368-379.
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The article discusses the information potential of the documents from the Latvian Historical Archive for studying policy of the Russian government towards subjects of adversary states in the First World War. Citizens of Germany and Austria-Hungary who were in Russian regions, where at the beginning of the First World War the martial law was imposed, were subject to administrative deportation to the Central and Eastern gubernias of the Russian Empire as prisoners of war. This problem is being studied mainly on the basis of documents from the central archives, which does not permit to reconstruct the complete picture of what had happened. The article analyses the lists, petitions of deported German citizens, correspondence of police officials, statistical data, and orders of the administration of the governorate of Livonia. Drawing on these documents, it studies social and age composition of the deportees, reconstructs courses of action of the gubernia government. It is noted that petitions of deportees have a strong emotional impact, as they draw pictures of difficult life circumstances of those forced to leave their place of residence and travel far into Russian lands. The emotional intensity of these documents needs to be balanced by using record keeping documents. Lists of deportees have notations on canceling of deportation for various reasons; they permit to introduce into scientific use statistics on the number of deportees. The archival documents suggest that the practice of deportation of adversary state subjects was not a standard procedure. At request, many of them were given a brief reprieve, some received permission to return to Riga later. By the winter of 1914-15, within German and Austrian subjects there were exuded categories of persons not to be subject to deportation (Czechs, Slovaks, French, widows who had previously been Russian subjects, their minor children, persons of over 60 and the sick).
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Kolpakov, P. A., and R. A. Arslanov. "Counterintelligence Activities of Gendarmerie Railway Police before and during World War I." Nauchnyi dialog 12, no. 10 (December 23, 2023): 360–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2023-12-10-360-377.
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The article analyzes the role of the gendarmerie railway police in the system of counterintelligence agencies in the Russian Empire before and during World War I. Based on documentary materials, the goals of enemy espionage on railways are revealed. Measures taken by the gendarmerie to restrict photography of railway infrastructure are examined. Through analysis of secret correspondence between gendarmerie leaders and railway department heads, categories of individuals most actively recruited by German and Austro-Hungarian intelligence for espionage are identified: prisoners of war, foreign nationals not involved in combat, and children. The organization of surveillance of foreign officials’ railway transport movements within the Russian Empire is also explored. The conclusion is drawn that the gendarmerie railway police’s ability to carry out counterintelligence tasks was complicated by their simultaneous duties as general and political police, as well as the scale of the infrastructure they were tasked with protecting.
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Raudsepp, Anu. "Erakirjad infoallikana Eesti ja Lääne vahel stalinismist sulani (1946–1959) [Abstract: Private letters between Estonia and the West as an information source from Stalinism to the start of the post-Stalin thaw, 1946–1959]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 255–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.01.
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Private letters between Estonia and the West as an information source from Stalinism to the start of the post-Stalin thaw, 1946–1959
After the Second World War, the Iron Curtain isolated Estonia from the rest of the world for a long time, separating many Estonian families from one another. Up to 80,000 Estonians fled from Estonia to the West due to the Second World War. Information on Estonia and the West was distorted by way of propaganda and censorship until the end of the Soviet occupation. The situation was at its most complicated during the Stalinist years, when information and the movement of information were controlled particularly stringently.
The only possible communication channel between Estonia and the West for private individuals during the era of totalitarianism was the exchange of letters, and even this was exceedingly restricted and controlled. The unique correspondence between Kusta Mannermaa (1888–1959) and his nephew Väino Veemees (1919–1987) and a friend named Jaakko Valkonen (1891–1968), who was a schoolteacher in Finland, inspired the writing of this article. Nearly 80 letters from the years 1946–1959 have been examined. The primary aim of this study is to identify how opportunities for relaying information between Estonia and the West were already sought and found during the post-war decades regardless of censorship, and what the important themes were. Thematically speaking, three main themes are focused on: the establishment, disruption and restoration of written contacts between Estonian war refugees and Estonia; Estonian expatriate literature in Kusta Mannermaa’s private letters, and his cultural contacts with the Estophile Finnish schoolteacher Jaakko Valkonen in 1946–1959.
During the post-war years, expatriate newspapers, including especially the Eesti Teataja [Estonian Gazette] in Sweden (starting from 1944) and the Eesti Rada [Estonian Path] in Germany (starting from 1945), obtained information on the Estonian homeland primarily from newspapers in Soviet Estonia (Rahva Hääl [the People’s Voice], Sirp ja Vasar [the Sickle and Hammer], and others) and from radio broadcasts, in isolated cases also from released German prisoners of war and Estonians who had escaped from Estonia, and very rarely from private letters. Unlike previously held viewpoints, it can be assumed that contacts between Estonians in the Estonian homeland and expatriate Estonians were already altogether closer starting in the latter half of the 1940s. Kusta Mannermaa’s correspondence helps to bring more clarity to this question. First of all at the end of 1945, he revived his correspondence with the Estophile Finnish schoolteacher Jaakko Valkonen. Contacts between Finnish and Estonian private individuals had been prohibited since the summer of 1940 in connection with the annexation of Estonia by the Soviet Union. The occupying German authorities permitted the exchange of letters for only a short period of time in the spring of 1942. When communication by way of letters was allowed between Estonians in the Estonian homeland and expatriate Estonians in connection with the repatriation policy, Väino Veemees also wrote from Bonn to his relatives in Estonia. Namely, the greater portion of Estonians who had reached the West from Estonia (up to 40,000) were located in the occupation zones administered by the Western Allies in Germany after the war. More than 30,000 of them were living in the so-called displaced persons (DP) camps that had been established by the Allied military authorities or the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA).
The postal system had ceased to operate in Germany at the end of the war until the American military administration allowed country-wide postal deliveries to resume there at the end of October, 1945.
Prior to the mass deportation of 1949, the sending of letters from the Estonian homeland to the West was banned, and correspondence between Estonians in the Estonian homeland and expatriate Estonians was cut off. Letters from Finland reached Estonia at least until the end of 1949. Contact between Estonians living on either side of the Iron Curtain was interrupted for a lengthy period of time. According to numerous sources, correspondence already started being revived in 1954–1955. The turning point came after the 20th CPSU Congress in 1956, when Stalin’s personality cult was denounced.
Correspondence with relatives or kindred spirits living in the West was emotionally necessary on the one hand, but politically dangerous on the other. Yet by using self-censorship, it was nevertheless possible to maintain correspondence even in the Stalinist period by concealing important information written between the lines. Family ties gave strength to the soul at the most difficult time for Estonia during the post-war Stalinist repressions, and later on as well. For this reason, regardless of the obstructions of the Soviet regime, people tried to maintain contact with relatives and friends living in the Estonian homeland and those in the West, and to know about one another’s fate.
The importance of the written word in spiritual and intellectual selfpreservation has to be stressed. On a spiritual level, it is very difficult to live in isolation in the cultural space of Europe without knowing about cultural life in the rest of the world. Yet it was even more important for Estonians who remained in their homeland to know that the fostering of Estonian culture and language was continuing in the free world. Every fragment of information on culture from the free world, especially books, was important for intellectual and spiritual resistance and self-preservation. It was not allowed to send books to or out of Estonia in the latter half of the 1940s. Mainly literature, including Estonian expatriate literature and newer Finnish literature, as well as original Estonian literature and literatuure translated into Estonian published in those years in Soviet Estonia, was discussed in Mannermaa’s correspondence with the West in those years. It turns out from the current study that information on Estonian expatriate literature, for instance, already reached Estonia ten years earlier than has hitherto been believed, by 1947 at the latest. How widely this information was known in cultural circles, however, is another question.
The exchange of books with the West was allowed from the mid-1950s. A number of sources refer to the circumstance that the period from the end of 1955 to 1958 was a better time in the postal connection between Estonia and the West compared to the subsequent years. The authorities had not yet managed to update the censorship regulations in the new liberalised conditions. Together with the revival of correspondence under liberalised conditions, the sending of books also began again for the first time in over ten years starting from the mid-1950s. Thus Mannermaa sent Estonian classics to his relatives abroad starting in 1956, for instance new editions of the works of Juhan Liiv and F. R. Kreutzwald. Jaakko Valkonen sent him Finnish literature, for instance books by Mika Waltari, which were immensely popular at that time. In 1958 at the latest, but most likely already a few years earlier, Estonian expatriate literature also reached Estonian cultural figures in the Estonian homeland. Thereat numerous sources allude to exceptionally more liberal conditions from 1955 to the start of 1958 compared to later times. In some cases, expatriate Estonians who had gained citizenship in foreign countries were even able to use this liberalisation of conditions in those years to achieve the release of their relatives from Estonia to the West.
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Malahovskis, Vladislavs. "HISTORICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CRIMINAL CASE’S NO. 31 MATERIALS DEALING WITH THE DESTRUCTION OF THE AUDRINI VILLAGE’S INHABITANTS BY NAZI GERMANY’S OCCUPATION POWER." Administrative and Criminal Justice 1, no. 86 (March 31, 2019): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/acj.v1i86.4018.
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Audrini has been an administrative center in Rezekne region since 1990. Before the Second World War, Audrini was one of the villages in Makaseni rural municipality populated by old believers. The tragedy of Audrini is destruction of Audrini inhabitants by Nazi German occupation institutions (22.12.1941. – 01.04.1942). Escaped prisoners of Red Army were hidden in the village. The Nazis burnt down village buildings. In the Ancupanu hills, arrested inhabitants of the village were shot; 30 men – inhabitants of Audrini – were publicly shot at the Marketplace in Rezekne. The punishment action was done in accordance with the German Security Police Commander’s orders; in the action local collaborators – Rezekne and Malta police officers – participated. Criminal case No 31 was initiated on August 5th, 1964. In 1965, an open trial in Riga was held (11.10.1965.–10.30.1965), where six former German police officers were accused of Audrini people killing. Criminal case No.31 consists of 37 huge volumes. Basically, there are three kinds of documents: 1) protocols of witnesses’ testimonies; 2) Rezekne region police reports and correspondence with higher instances; 3) the documents related to criminal investigation process. The paper reveals the reasons for the initiation of the Audrini village’s criminal case, the content of the documents available in the criminal case. The reasons for destruction of Audrini inhabitants are stated as well as the revealing of Audrini tragedy in Soviet propaganda and arts after the completion of criminal proceedings.
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Grady, Tim. "British prisoners of war in First World War Germany." First World War Studies 10, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2019): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2020.1774123.
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MACKENZIE, S. P. "BRITISH PRISONERS OF WAR IN NAZI GERMANY." Archives: The Journal of the British Records Association 28, no. 109 (October 1, 2003): 183–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/archives.2003.17.
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Sribniak, Milana. "Ukrainian Diplomacy in the Process of Repatriating Ukrainian Prisoners of War from the Territories of Germany and Austro-Hungary (1918-1919)." Facta Simonidis 14, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/fs.23.
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Signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk by the Ukrainian People’s Republic (URP) triggered the process of repatriating Ukrainian prisoners of war from Ukrainian and multinational camps in Austro-Hungary and Germany. In order to facilitate the process, the Ukrainian government sent military and sanitary missions to those countries. Unfortunately, the Ukrainian prisoners’ mass repatriation in 1918 was seriously impeded by the fact that a considerable number of them worked at industrial plants in Germany and Austro-Hungary, and there was no one to replace them. In 1919, Ukrainian diplomats did not have much opportunity to effectively help the Ukrainian prisoners of war due to unfavorable international political conditions. Despite all the efforts of the military and sanitary missions sent to Germany and Austro-Hungary by the Directorate of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the assistance given to the Ukrainian prisoners of war was limited and did not meet the government’s expectations. The mass repatriation of the Ukrainian POWs was further complicated by the UPR’s insufficient financial resources, which forced the government to withdraw all of its military and sanitary missions in 1920.
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Reznick, Jeffrey S. "Oliver Wilkinson. British Prisoners of War in First World War Germany." American Historical Review 124, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy515.
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Apendiyev T.А. and Abdukadyrov N.М. "DURING THE FIRST WORLD WAR GERMANY AND AUSTRIA – HUNGARY PRISONERS OF THE AULIEATA COUNTY." BULLETIN 1, no. 383 (February 15, 2020): 218–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32014/2020.2518-1467.27.
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The First World War was the largest event in the history of mankind, which had a significant impact on the fate of many peoples, including states. One of the main factors was the capture of troops and individuals on the front of the war between warring states and the flight of soldiers as a result of the war. During the war, neighboring states, political allies captured each other's armies and citizens. The capture of citizens of each other took place between the Entente and the central powers. The Russian Empire, which was part of the Entente and was considered the main participant in the war, detained people from the central powers. Citizens of the central powers captured during the war were sent to all regions of the Russian Empire, which also extended to the steppe and Turkestan provinces. Based on this, the Turkestan Territory was considered one of the key regions of the Russian Empire, in which Europeans were accepted. In the era of the empire, European prisoners lived in the Aulieata district of the Turkestan governor general in the SyrDarya region. Representatives of European nationality have lived in the region since the end of the nineteenth century, and this continued during the years of the First World War. During World War I, the Aulieatа district was considered one of the districts where European prisoners and refugees were received. Although the number of prisoners of war from the central powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary) in the Aulieatа district is small, traces of political prisoners of war still remain from these states. The article discusses the history of prisoners of war deported to Aulieata district during the war years. The socio-political status of the citizens of Germany and Austria-Hungary who arrived in Aulieatа County, their life is studied. The nationality and surname of the captives will be determined, and their standard of living will be determined.
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Timofeeva, Natal’ya P. "SOVIET PRISONERS OF WAR IN GERMANY: COMMEMORATIVE PRACTICES OF THE FIRST POST-WAR YEARS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2021): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-4-108-118.
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The paper presents an important part of the Soviet memory policy in Germany in 1945–1949 – the activities of the Soviet military to identify and record the graves, as well as to establish the identity of the Soviet citizens who have died in captivity – the prisoners of war and the so-called “Eastern workers”. It was also of great importance to record the atrocities committed by the Nazis against Soviet citizens. The article shows the process of forming a system of interaction between the Soviet military and the German local self-governing authorities, as well as the allies in the anti-Hitler coalition; the establishment of the system was necessary for the implementation of the above mentioned objectives. The specifics of the activities of the Soviet military missions in the western zones of occupation in Germany is pointed out, with the emphasis laid on the zone of British occupation, where the infamous Nazi camps for the Soviet prisoners of war were located, and the death toll was extremely high. Special attention is paid to the change in the position of the Soviet military missions in West Germany in connection with the escalation of the Cold War. The present paper displays the position that the Soviet prisoners of war who have died in captivity and the “Eastern workers” have taken in the modern culture of memory of Russia. The conclusion is made about the need for their commemoration as a kind of return to their homeland after many years of silence and oblivion.
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Ljubin, Valeriy P. "SOVIET PRISONERS OF WAR IN GERMANY, 1941–1945 – AN UNDESIRABLE TOPIC FOR GERMAN SOCIETY?" RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 2 (2021): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2021-2-105-116.
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In German and Russian historiography, the tragic fate of the Soviet prisoners of war in Germany during the Second World War has not been suffi- ciently explored. Very few researchers have addressed this topic in recent times. In the contemporary German society, the subject remains obscured. There are attempts to reflect this tragedy in documentary films. The author analyses the destiny of the documentary film “Keine Kameraden”, which was shot in 2011 and has not yet been shown on the German television. It tells the story of the Soviet prisoners of war, most of whom died in the Nazi concentration camps in 1941– 1945. The personal history of some of the Soviet soldiers who died in the German captivity is reflected, their lives before the war are described, and the relatives of the deceased and the surviving prisoners of war are interviewed. The film features the German historians who have written books about the Soviet prisoners. All the attempts taken by the civil society organizations and the historians to influence the German public opinion so that the film could be shown on German television to a wider audience were unsuccessful. The film was seen by the viewers in Italy on the state channel RAI 3. Even earlier, in 2013, the film was shown in Russia on the channel “Kultura” and received the Pushkin Prize.
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Thorne, Jessica. "Anarchist Prisoner Networks in Franco’s Spain and the Forging of the New Left in Europe." European History Quarterly 54, no. 1 (December 28, 2023): 110–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231214933.
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This article explores the little-known but formative networks developing across the 1960s between anarchist political prisoners in Franco's Spain and emerging activists of the European New Left. As social change accelerated, these prisoners broke with the out-of-touch anarchist leadership-in-exile to connect with a new generation of activists inside and outside Spain. The article uses prisoner correspondence and prisoner-aid bulletins to reconstruct these informational networks, and argues they were an important element in the ‘global rupture of 1968’. It posits that anarchist prisoners’ input was a formative influence on how New Left activists came to see post-war Europe as a whole: both looked beneath Francoism's consumerist surface (habitually foregrounded in discussions of it as a Western client regime), to its reconfigured repressive core. The article discusses key discursive shifts by the anarchist prisoners as they sought international support in a new era of decolonization, ‘national liberation’ and the ramping up of the Cold War. In a landscape shaped by Castro's success in Cuba, war in Algeria and the birth of ETA inside Spain, anarchist prisoners and New Left activists alike defined Franco's political prisoners as victims not only of a national dictatorship but also of the Western Cold-War order.
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Sturma, Michael. "Japanese Treatment of Allied Prisoners During the Second World War: Evaluating the Death Toll." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (August 22, 2019): 514–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419843335.
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The high death rate of Allied prisoners of war in the Pacific compared with those in Europe is commonly used to signify the barbarous way in which the Japanese fought the Second World War. This study examines the extent to which ‘friendly fire’ inflated the death rate of Allied prisoners under the Japanese, and evaluates more broadly the perceived disparity between Japanese and German treatment of Allied prisoners of war (POWs). Four broad conclusions are drawn. First, that while Allied submarine and air attacks elevated the deaths rate of Allied prisoners held by the Japanese, even if these are excluded the POW death rate remains significantly higher than for those held by Germany. Second, in some respects, POW death rates under the Japanese can be more productively and favourably compared to Germany's treatment of Soviet prisoners on the Eastern front than its treatment of Western captives. Third, the death rates mask the diversity of prisoners’ experience under the Japanese. Finally, it is suggested that perhaps the single most important difference between German and Japanese treatment of Allied prisoners was the latter's failure to adequately distribute Red Cross supplies.
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Lazarenko, Elena I. "The condition of Russian World War I prisoners of war in foreign camps (based on materials of personal origin)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 1 (2022): 201–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2022-27-1-201-209.
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The situation of Russian World War I prisoners of war in the camps of the Quadruple Alliance countries is described. The relevance of the research lies in the study of the problem of captivity and comparison of the treatment of Russian prisoners of war in Germany and Turkey, using the preserved testimony of witnesses of the events of past years: diplomats, Russian soldiers who found themselves in German and Turkish captivity. The aim of the study is based on the analysis of previously unexamined documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, letters and memos. During the study, it was concluded that Soviet diplomats attempted to help improve the situation of Russian prisoners of war in German camps, their re-evacuation to their homeland after the signing of the Brest Peace Treaty, by participating in the work of mixed commissions and creating new international legal acts. It was found that the most difficult, unbearable and cruel captivity for the Russian soldiers was in Turkey. Unlike the Turkish captivity, the German one, in spite of all its flaws and severity, still left a chance for survival. Turkey had the highest death rate of prisoners of war.
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Paliienko, Maryna, and Ihor Sribnyak. "Book movement at Ukrainian prisoners' of war camps in Germany during World War I." Rukopisna ta knižkova spadŝina Ukraïni, no. 25 (October 27, 2020): 163–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/rksu.25.163.
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Geerling, Wayne, Gary B. Magee, and Russell Smyth. "Sentencing, Judicial Discretion, and Political Prisoners in Pre-War Nazi Germany." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 46, no. 4 (February 2016): 517–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00903.
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The tools of econometric analysis and inferential statistics reveal that senior Nazi-era judges in pre-war Germany exhibited statistically significant levels of discretion in their sentencing of individuals convicted of high treason or treason. In fact, some of these judges, though appointed to the People’s Court to serve the Nazi state, were inclined to show relative leniency, within certain political limits, when taking into account the characteristics, backgrounds, affiliations, actions, and experiences of those whom they convicted. A modicum of judicial autonomy can co-exist with dictatorship so long as it enhances the efficiency of the courts and does not impugn the regime.
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Kokebayeva, G. K., and E. I. Stamshalov. "FORMATION OF MILITARY UNITS FROM SOVIET PRISONERS OF WAR IN GERMANY." History of the Homeland 98, no. 2 (June 29, 2022): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/1814-6961_2022_2_151.
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There are problems in the history of World War II that at certain periods of modern history have been a stumbling block for researchers seeking impartial study and objective interpretation of historical events and phenomena. Someof these problems, in particular the history of the creation of military units from Soviet prisoners of war, served as a pretext for political repression during the Stalinist period. In Soviet historiography, the initiative to create military formations from Soviet POWs was prescribed to emigrants who had left for European countries in the early years of the establishment of Soviet power in the former Russian Empire. In reality, a variety of historical factors influenced the creation of volunteer formations from POWs.
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Rebkalo, M. M., and V. S. Oliinyk. "CORRESPONDENCE OF THE GENEVA CONVENTIONS (1949) WITH THE CONSTITUTIONAL AND MILITARY LEGISLATION OF UKRAINE: LEGAL ANALYSIS." Scientific Herald of Sivershchyna. Series: Law 2022, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32755/sjlaw.2022.01.019.
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The essence of the Geneva Conventions (1949), which deal with the protection of persons under the rule of the protecting state during the war are summarized in the article. The correspondence of the norms of the constitutional legislation of Ukraine with the Geneva Conventions (1949) in the context of such values as freedom, non-discrimination, justice, responsibility is studied. It is found out that the Constitution of Ukraine and some constitutional laws contain norms concerning the rights and freedoms of persons, including war prisoners and civilians, who needs protection. These norms coincide with the requirements of the Geneva Conventions (1949). But the norms of constitutional law are local in their nature, and international norms are universal ones. It is noted that the constitutional legislation and the Geneva Conventions (1949) have certain collisions. Some acts of military legislation of Ukraine and their correspondence the Geneva Conventions (1949) are analyzed. Attention is drawn to the Charter of the Internal Service of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, which defines the obligations of certain categories of persons to comply with international humanitarian law. Among them are the Assistant Brigade Commander for Legal Affairs and Chief Sergeants of the Battalion, Troop and Platoon. It is mentioned that such approach allows not only to implement the rules of the Geneva Conventions (1949), but also to control this process. The conformity of by-laws of the military legislation of Ukraine to the requirements of the Geneva Conventions (1949) is revealed. It is stated that, among other things, these acts define the information about war victims, namely: wounded and sick, persons who suffered from a shipwreck, war prisoners and others whose freedom is restricted due to armed conflict, civilians at the occupied territories. The conclusions state that the Geneva Conventions (1949) and the constitutional and military legislation of Ukraine protect the rights and freedoms of war victims, although they need some unification. Key words: Geneva Conventions, “Geneva Law”, rights and freedoms, constitutional law, military law, war prisoners, civilians, protecting state.
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Ulmschneider, Katharina, and Sally Crawford. "Post-War Identity and Scholarship: The Correspondence of Paul Jacobsthal and Gero von Merhart at the Institute of Archaeology, Oxford." European Journal of Archaeology 14, no. 1-2 (2011): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/146195711798369319.
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Archives form a valuable but under-researched resource for mapping the development of prehistoric archaeology as a discipline in post-war Europe. New work on the previously un-catalogued archives of Professor Paul Jacobsthal at the Institute of Archaeology, Oxford, exemplify the opportunities offered by archival research. Here, we focus on the correspondence between Professor Jacobsthal of Marburg University, who sought refuge in Oxford before the war, and his colleague, Professor Merhart, who remained in Germany. The surviving personal correspondence between Germany and Oxford from 1936 to 1957 illustrates the complexities, uncertainties, and challenges to personal and academic identities in the aftermath of the war, and show how the individual responses of archaeologists to their personal experiences impacted on the directions taken by archaeological scholarship in Europe and beyond after the war.
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Donson, A. "Violence against Prisoners of War in the First World War: Britain, France and Germany, 1914-1920." German History 30, no. 3 (December 9, 2011): 466–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghr118.
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Graham-Dixon, Francis. "British Justice in Western Germany, 1949-55." Social and Education History 2, no. 3 (October 23, 2013): 210–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4471/hse.2013.14.
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Britain did not release its final two prisoners from the prison it administered in West Germany until July 1957, eight years after the formation of the Federal Republic and the formal ending of its military rule. By 1949, Germany, once the enemy of Europe assumed greater strategic significance in the minds of western politicians seeking its reintegration within a new European family of nations to forestall fears of Soviet hegemony, not least because it now wanted to re-arm West Germany. The continuing incarceration of German war criminals had become a lesser priority in the battleground of Cold War ideologies. The Adenauer government pressurised Britain to honour its pledge to review the sentences for the hundreds of detainees who remained in custody following the Nuremberg trials. Britain’s moral mandate to govern Germany from 1945 was underpinned by its claims to be exporting democratic liberal values but, as this article explains, was exposed in its illiberal handling of the war criminals issue which ran counter to the new moves towards reconciliation.
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Hachtmann, Rüdiger. "Fordism and Unfree Labour: Aspects of the Work Deployment of Concentration Camp Prisoners in German Industry between 1941 and 1944." International Review of Social History 55, no. 3 (December 2010): 485–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859010000416.
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SummaryThis article examines the relationship between Fordism and unfree labour in Nazi Germany. Fordism is understood here as a form of workplace rationalization (especially assembly-line production), but also as a “technology of domination” and an “exploitation innovation”. In contrast to the Weimar Republic, Fordism was established in broad sectors of German industry under Nazi rule in the form of “war Fordism”. In order to examine the connections between the specific historical variants of these two apparently contradictory production regimes – Fordism and forced labour – the article focuses on the “labour deployment” of the most severely terrorized and brutalized group of labourers in Nazi Germany: concentration camp prisoners. Surveying the existing literature, it explores the compatibilities and tensions between Fordism and the deployments of concentration camp prisoners in German industry. In closing, several theses are presented on how Fordism between 1941 and 1944 can be classified within an entire history of Fordism in Germany.
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Höhn, Maria. "Frau im Haus und Girl im Spiegel: Discourse on Women in the Interregnum Period of 1945–1949 and the Question of German Identity." Central European History 26, no. 1 (March 1993): 57–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019968.
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Defeat after the Second World War was complete for Germany, and life for the civilian population was grim. In one of Erich Kästner's poems, read at a 1947 theater production, a war widow laments that “ganz Deutschland ist ein Wartesaal mit Millionen von Frauen.” Indeed, in 1945 there were approximately seven million more women in Germany than men. More than three million German soldiers were killed in the war. Seven million German soldiers were still prisoners of war, leaving their wives and families to fend for themselves in the rubble heaps of the German cities. Adding to the hardship of the rural areas were the twelve million refugees who had been expelled from the territories conquered by the Soviet army and then had streamed into the American and British zones of occupation to resettle. Defeated Germany was split into four zones of occupation ruled by military governments. German men who had been promised the conquest of the world returned from the war and found their treasured patriarchy undermined in the home and in the state.
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Lewandowsky, Stephan, Werner G. K. Stritzke, Klaus Oberauer, and Michael Morales. "Memory for Fact, Fiction, and Misinformation." Psychological Science 16, no. 3 (March 2005): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0956-7976.2005.00802.x.
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Media coverage of the 2003 Iraq War frequently contained corrections and retractions of earlier information. For example, claims that Iraqi forces executed coalition prisoners of war after they surrendered were retracted the day after the claims were made. Similarly, tentative initial reports about the discovery of weapons of mass destruction were all later disconfirmed. We investigated the effects of these retractions and disconfirmations on people's memory for and beliefs about war-related events in two coalition countries (Australia and the United States) and one country that opposed the war (Germany). Participants were queried about (a) true events, (b) events initially presented as fact but subsequently retracted, and (c) fictional events. Participants in the United States did not show sensitivity to the correction of misinformation, whereas participants in Australia and Germany discounted corrected misinformation. Our results are consistent with previous findings in that the differences between samples reflect greater suspicion about the motives underlying the war among people in Australia and Germany than among people in the United States.
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Jopp, Tobias A. "War, Coal, and Forced Labor: Assessing the Impact of Prisoner-of-War Employment on Coal Mine Productivity in World War I Germany." Journal of Economic History 81, no. 3 (July 7, 2021): 763–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050721000310.
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This paper assesses the causal relationship between POW assignments and labor productivity for a vital sector of the German World War I economy, namely coal mining. Prisoners of war (POWs) provided significant labor. Combining data on all Ruhr mines with a treatment-effects approach, I find that POW employment alone accounted for 36 percent of the average POW-employing mine’s annual productivity decline over wartime. Estimates also suggest that the representative POW’s productivity averaged 32 percent of the representative regular miner’s productivity and that POWs’ contribution to wartime coal output amounted to 3.9 percent. Violence did not serve as a powerful work incentive.
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Sribnyak, I., and S. Holosko. "«Submit to your friends particle of mental consolation and oblivion for their own trouble»: the Camp Newspaper of Ukrainian War Prisoners of «Vilne Slovo» (Salzwedel, Germany) in 1916-1917." Problems of World History, no. 8 (March 14, 2019): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-8-5.
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The article reproduces the history of the publication of the prison community of Ukrainian warriors-prisoners in Salzwedel “Vilne Slovo” (“Free Word”) in 1916-1917, which regularly informed the prisoners about events in the world and Ukraine, the situation on the fronts of the First World War, includes information on news of social and cultural life in the occupied Ukrainian lands. The newspaper succeeded in significantly influencing the formation of the national consciousness of the prisoners, with its materials, it managed to raise thousands of conscious Ukrainians in the camp of Salzwedel. Also, the “Vilne Slovo” successfully performed the mission of communication between the camp Ukrainian community and its members, who temporarily left the camp as part of the working teams. In the relatively short time of its existence, the prison magazine of captive Ukrainians in Salzwedel has become an authoritative Ukrainian foreign publication, which in the conditions of war and further revolutionary upheavals in Germany carried the word of support and solace for the prisoners, inspiring their hopes of returning home, proclaiming them a belief in the state selfaffirmation of Ukraine and the need for its armed defense against the invasion of the Bolshevik Russia.
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Dimić, Natalija. "CONNECTING TRADE AND POLITICS: NEGOTIATIONS ON THE RELEASE OF THE GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR IN YUGOSLAVIA AND THE FIRST WEST GERMAN-YUGOSLAV TRADE AGREEMENT OF 1949/1950." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (August 1, 2021): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.dim.333-352.
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After repatriations were officially over in January of 1949, around 1,400 German prisoners remained in Yugoslavia on charges of war crimes. Yugoslavia’s foreign political shift westward following the Cominform Resolution of 1948, paved the way for establishing productive economic, as well as political and cultural cooperation with West Germany. The first trade agreement between the two states was signed in December of 1949. In the next four months, the West German Government attempted to pressure the Yugoslav side to release the remaining German prisoners by not ratifying the agreement. Eventually, in April of 1950, the two sides reached an unofficial agreement, according to which the Yugoslav side would release its prisoners gradually and improve their living conditions, while the West Germans would ratify the trade agreement and agree to negotiate long-term economic cooperation. The last transport of German prisoners arrived from Yugoslavia in March of 1953.
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Kren, George M., Gerhard Hirschfeld, and Wolfgang J. Mommsen. "The Policies of Genocide: Jews and Soviet Prisoners of War in Nazi Germany." American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (October 1987): 990. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864046.
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Fein, Helen, and Gerhard Hirschfeld. "The Policies of Genocide: Jews and Soviet Prisoners of War in Nazi Germany." Contemporary Sociology 16, no. 5 (September 1987): 670. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069774.
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Gellately, Robert, and Gerhard Hirschfeld. "The Policies of Genocide: Jews and Soviet Prisoners of War in Nazi Germany." German Studies Review 10, no. 2 (May 1987): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431140.
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Fox, J. P. "The Policies of Genocide: Jews and Soviet Prisoners of War in Nazi Germany." German History 6, no. 1 (January 1, 1988): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/6.1.106.
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Tait Jarboe, Andrew. "The Prisoner Dilemma: Britain, Germany, and the Repatriation of Indian Prisoners of War." Round Table 103, no. 2 (March 4, 2014): 201–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2014.898501.
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Jones, Heather. "Christiane Wienand, Returning Memories. Former Prisoners of War in Divided and Reunited Germany." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 2 (April 2018): 458–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417749502k.
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Black, Monica. "Christiane Wienand. Returning Memories: Former Prisoners of War in Divided and Reunited Germany." American Historical Review 122, no. 3 (June 2017): 950–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.3.950.
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Althöfer, Ingo. "Computer Chess and Chess Computers in East Germany." ICGA Journal 42, no. 2-3 (November 10, 2020): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/icg-200163.
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After World War II, Germany was split into four occupation zones, from which two states arose in 1949: West Germany (officially called FRG) and East Germany (officially GDR). East Germany was under Soviet control until 1989. In both states, computer chess and chess computers followed interesting, but rather different paths. We give an overview of East German developments: on commercial chess computers, problem chess programs, the book of 1987, the Serfling tournaments, and correspondence chess pioneer Heinrich Burger. There exist important interrelations between topics. The starting point is a short description of the Cold War situation with its harsh economic consequences for the socialist states, including East Germany.
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MOORE-COLYER, R. J. "The Call to the Land: British and European Adult Voluntary Farm Labour; 1939–49." Rural History 17, no. 1 (March 16, 2006): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793305001615.
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As the armed forces continued to siphon away labour from the land following the outbreak of the war, the Ministry of Agriculture's County War Agricultural Executive Committees were hard put to meet the demand for labour to sustain the plough-up campaign. While schoolchildren made a major contribution, there were few prisoners-of-war before the North African campaign and volunteers from all walks of life were sought to attend harvest camps, weekend farm clubs and other land-based activities. At the end of the war the Ministry of Agriculture turned to mainland Europe for volunteers to work towards the solution of the British and pan-European food shortages. They were supplemented by members of the Polish Resettlement Corps, German prisoners who had opted to defer repatriation and volunteers from the British zones of Austria and Germany. The article raises the issue of how far the enterprise promoted international understanding as was assumed at the time or, indeed, whether the home volunteer experience narrowed the so-called rural-urban divide as opposed to reinforcing entrenched prejudices.
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Desideri, Paola, and Mariapia D’Angelo. "The voice of the great war: italian prisoners’ letters collected by Leo Spitzer." Linguistica 58, no. 1 (March 14, 2019): 271–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.58.1.271-282.
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From September 1915 until the end of the First World War, the Viennese Romance scholar Leo Spitzer was dispatched to the Censorship section of the Austrian Central Bureau of Information on Prisoners-of-War, where he was in charge of examining the correspondence of the Italian prisoners. In the unusual dual role of censor and philologist, he was the first to collect extensive documentation of popular Italian written texts during a crucial period of Italian linguistic history. The first part of the present paper focuses on the linguistic and communicative properties of the letters included and analyzed in the volume Italienische Kriegsgefangenenbriefe, published by Spitzer in 1921 and translated into Italian in 1976 (Lettere di prigionieri di guerra italiani), whereas the second part deals with stylistic and onomasiological aspects of the circumlocutions expressing hunger, on the basis of Spitzer’s study Die Umschreibungen des Begriffes “Hunger” im Italienischen (1920) and with reference to his work Motiv und Wort (1918).
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Ivanov, Vyacheslav A. "The Struggle of Soviet Prisoners of War Against the Nazi Occupiers of Sevastopol in 1943–1944." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v317.
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The paper deals with one of the little-studied issues in the history of the resistance movement during the Great Patriotic War, namely, the participation of Soviet prisoners of war in the anti-fascist struggle in the ranks of the Communist underground organization in occupied Sevastopol in 1943–1944. The purpose of this article was to study the formation and structure of the aforementioned organization, as well as the involvement in the antifascist struggle of Soviet prisoners of war, and to identify the effect of their activities on the general course of the anti-Hitler struggle in occupied Crimea. The objects of the research are the underground group headed by Nikolai Ignatyevich Tereshchenko (pseudonym Mikhailov), which was part of the Communist underground organization, and the places where it carried out its anti-fascist operations: camps for Soviet prisoners of war around Sevastopol and in the city itself, especially after Tereshchenko’s escape from German captivity. The study was performed within the framework of the large-scale All-Russian educational project “Without Statute of Limitations” aimed at preserving historical memory. Along with providing insights into the tragedy of the civilian population of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War, the paper highlights the heroic deeds of the anti-fascist resistance movement in the temporarily occupied territory of the Soviet Union and demonstrates the contribution of individuals and groups to the defeat of Nazi Germany and its satellites. The author used documents that were declassified in the course of this project by the Federal Security Service Office for the Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol and transferred to the Sevastopol Archives. The analysis revealed a significant feature of the Sevastopol underground: prisoners of war were one of the most important components of the Communist underground organization, performing risky and dangerous tasks deep behind enemy lines. According to the plan, in the event of a Black Sea Fleet landing, it was the prisoners of war who were supposed to be the striking force and spark an armed uprising in the occupied city. Consequently, it is concluded that Soviet prisoners of war were one of the combat weapons teams of the Sevastopol underground movement, which carried out various operations: reconnaissance, agitation and propaganda, as well as sabotage and subversion deep behind enemy lines.
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Sribnyak, Ihor. "«...Out of the earned money from a sincere heart, I donate to orphans»: charitable assistance to Ukrainian prisoners of war from camp Rastatt and pows' charitable activities (1915-1918)." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 27 (2020): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-27-46-56.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of providing charitable assistance to captive Ukrainians from the Rastatt camp (Germany), as well as the specifics of the charitable activities of the camps. The prisoners Ukrainians have often acted as donors, raising funds for different national needs, for patients in the camp infirmary and so on. However, the prisoners did not refuse assistance to the Germans themselves – donating money to the German orphans of war and to the needs of the German Red Cross. Numerous donations have been made to build a monument that forever etched in stone the memory of the deceased Ukrainians. The prisoners, in turn, received charitable assistance from international and national Red Cross organizations, which had never been of a regular nature. Considering the scarcity of the camp rations and the quality of the food, the quality of the food is not always sufficient; the prisoners had some hopes of receiving charitable help. She was especially needed by patients from the camp hospital as well as prisoners with disabilities. The distribution of charitable assistance in Rastatt was carried out by the Central Committee, which was composed of elected representatives of prisoners.
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Sribniak, Ihor. "The Camp for Ukrainian Prisoners of War of the Russian Army in Rastatt, Germany (1916-1918) according to photo-documents." European Historical Studies, no. 14 (2019): 114–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.114-146.
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The article seeks to represent the peculiarities of everyday life of the Ukrainian camp organization «Independent Ukraine» through a combination of textual and visual approaches. The organization discussed was founded by the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine in camp Rastatt. The intensive cultural, educational and later organizational and national work started there thanks to persistent efforts of camp activists as well as members of the Enlightenment department. The camp saw the emergence of several autonomous organizations established by prisoners of war who supported cultural and art centers (national theatre, choirs, orchestra) as well as educational ones (primary schools and courses). Prisoners of war had a possibility to attend camp church and canteen («Chayinia», or «Tea Room»). Moreover, they could work at camp «Kustarnia» as well where they were involved in woodcarving and manufacturing faience, as well as learned basics of visual art. Ukrainian camp activists did an enormous amount of work, seeking to influence Ukrainian POWs who stayed apart from Rastatt for a longer time laboring in work teams. Thanks to such initiatives, more and more captives were joining the organization «Independent Ukraine», whose internal activity was based on the principles of self-governance. Nonetheless, this situation could not be used for the benefit of Ukraine because the UNR did not succeed in the facilitation of massive repatriation. Therefore, the captives’ emotional state was considerably challenged, along with the worsening of food quality. In summer of 1918, the «Committee of Cultural Assistance to Ukrainians in Germany» assumed the responsibility upon Ukrainian prisoners of war but its activity had an only temporary effect. In autumn of 1918, Ukrainian camp organization was closed down and its members returned to Ukraine.
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Ashkenazi, Ofer. "Prisoners’ fantasies in Weimar film." Journal of European Studies 39, no. 3 (September 2009): 290–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244109106683.
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Prison cells constituted a unique sphere in post-World War I German films. Unlike most of the modern city spheres, it was a realm in which the private and the public often merged, and in which reality and fantasy incessantly intertwined. This article analyses the ways in which filmmakers of the Weimar Republic envisaged the experience within the prison, focusing on its frequent association with fantasies and hallucinations. Through the analysis of often-neglected films from the period, I argue that this portrayal of the prison enabled Weimar filmmakers to engage in public criticism against the conservative, inefficient and prejudiced institutions of law and order in Germany. Since German laws forbade direct defamation of these institutions, filmmakers such as Joe May, Wilhelm Dietherle and Georg C. Klaren employed the symbolism of the prisoner’s fantasy to propagate the urgent need for thorough reform. Thus this article suggests that Weimar cinema, contrary to common notions, was not dominated by either escapism or extremist, anti-liberal worldviews. Instead, the prison films examined in this article are in fact structured as a warning against the decline of liberal bourgeois society in the German urban centres of the late 1920s.
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Moore, Bob. "Barbed Wire Diplomacy: Britain, Germany and the Politics of Prisoners of War, 1939–1945." International History Review 33, no. 4 (December 2011): 743–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2011.634214.
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Stibbe, M. "Barbed Wire Diplomacy: Britain, Germany and the Politics of Prisoners of War, 1939-1945." German History 29, no. 2 (November 16, 2010): 341–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghq124.
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Speed, R. B. "HEATHER JONES. Violence against Prisoners of War in the First World War: Britain, France and Germany, 1914-1920." American Historical Review 117, no. 5 (December 1, 2012): 1654. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.5.1654.
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Lazarenko, E. I. "Докладные записки атташе по делам военнопленных при посольстве РСФСР в Берлине С. М. Семкова как исторический источник." Вестник гуманитарного образования, no. 1(25) (April 21, 2022): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.21.070.
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The article talks about the fact that memos are not only office documents, but also a necessary historical source that can help to comprehensively study the problem posed by the historian. The relevance of the study lies in the fact that on the example of the memos of the attache for prisoners of war at the Embassy of the RSFSR in Berlin, S. M. Semkova, The author reveals the real situation of Russian prisoners of war of the First World War in the German camps of Gustrov, Stendel and Deberitz after the signing of the Brest Peace Treaty and the very tense relations between Soviet Russia and Germany. The article is based on previously unexplored documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation, which are presented for the first time. In the course of the study, it was concluded that the surviving memos can become a very valuable source for obtaining the necessary information down to the smallest detail. After reviewing these documents, it becomes clear that the Russian prisoners of war in Germany were treated much worse than the French and British prisoners. They were not only poorly fed, clothed, but also almost not paid for hard work, and therefore they were in no hurry to send them home even after the signing of the Brest Peace Treaty, putting the Russian delegation in a dead end in the summer of 1918. The Russian prisoners of war were demoralized, having lost all hope of help and liberation. Beatings, disciplinary penalties, and the seizure of personal belongings and money were commonplace in German camps. В статье идет речь о том, что докладные записки являются не только делопроизводственными документами, но и необходимым историческим источником, который может помочь всесторонне изучить поставленную историком проблему. Актуальность исследования заключается в том, что на примере докладных записок атташе по делам военнопленных при посольстве РСФСР в Берлине С. М. Семкова, автор раскрывает реальное положение русских военнопленных Первой мировой войны в немецких лагерях Гюстров, Стендель и Дебериц после подписания Брестского мирного договора и очень напряженные отношения между Советской Россией и Германией. Статья основана на ранее неизученных документах Государственного архива Российской Федерации, которые представлены впервые. В ходе исследования был сделан вывод о том, что сохранившиеся докладные записки могут стать очень ценным источником для получения необходимой информации вплоть до мелочей. Ознакомившись с этими документами, становится ясно, что к русским военнопленным в Германии относились гораздо хуже, чем к пленным французам и англичанам. Их не только плохо кормили, одевали, но и почти не платили за тяжелый труд, в связи с чем не спешили отправлять на Родину даже после подписания Брестского мирного договора, поставив русскую делегацию летом 1918 г. в тупик. Русские военнопленные были деморализованы, потеряв всякую надежду на помощь и освобождение. Избиения, дисциплинарные взыскания, изъятие личных вещей и денег было обычным явлением в немецких лагерях.
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Kurek, Arkadiusz. "Życie kobiet — więźniarek w obozie Auschwitz-Birkenau." Prace Literackie 60 (December 31, 2021): 101–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0079-4767.60.8.
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The book by Halina Rusek Koleżanki z Birkenau. Esej o pamiętaniu [Friends from Birkenau: An essay on remembering] published by the University of Silesia is a kind of diary about the life of women in the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp. The author describes the fate of her mother and her friends confined in one of the most horrific war camps. This publication, apart from descriptions and memories of female prisoners, contains original letters and photographs collected by families, which allows the reader to refer to the past more directly. The book was divided by the author into chapters which intensify the women’s experiences: from pre-war times through the war period to regaining freedom and returning to their family homes. Reading the book, one gets to know the early life of young girls who were unexpectedly captured and transported to the concentration camp. Their fates are intertwined with the struggle for existence, forced labour, camp experiences and the anticipated freedom. Important throughout the book is the documentation collected by the families of the prisoners. Post-war letters, mutual contacts, feelings and family memories make the reader feel close to the characters. The author tries to describe the lives of girls coming from different regions of Poland, whose fates were intertwined with each other. The book shows different ways in which the female prisoners were treated, based on their nationalities. In an attempt to make camp life more real for the reader, the author refers to prison correspondence. Halina Rusek’s publication shows young readers how important it is to remember the past and what concentration camps were.
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Petrović, Zorica. "Zarobljeni vojnici i oficiri kragujevačkog okruga, 1915. godine (Prilog proučavanju interniranih lica u Prvom svetskom ratu)." Šumadijski anali 19, no. 13 (2023): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/sanali19.13.111p.
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The work encompasses military prisoners who originated from the territory of the Kragujevac district and were captured during the attacks by Austria, Germany, and Bulgaria on Serbia in October and November of 1915. The names of 217 of them are listed on five lists deposited in the military archive in Belgrade. Following their capture, they were initially imprisoned in the Braunau camp and then transferred to the Königsbrück camp in Germany from January 19th to February 10th, 1916. Our intention with this work is to contribute to determining the approximate number of Serbs who perished in World War I and to encourage researchers to delve into this topic.