Journal articles on the topic 'Prisoner of War camps-Great Britain'

AbstractDuring the First World War, all of the belligerent powers interned both civilian and military prisoners. In Britain alone, over one hundred thousand people were held behind barbed wire. Despite the scale of this enterprise, interment barely features in Britain's First World War memory culture. By exploring the place of prisoner-of-war camps within the “militarized environment” of the home front, this article demonstrates the centrality of internment to local wartime experiences. Forced to share the same environment, British civilians and German prisoners clashed over access to resources, roads, and the surrounding landscape. As this article contends, it was only when the British started to employ prisoners on environmental-improvement measures, such as land drainage or river clearance projects, that relations gradually improved. With the end of the war and closure of the camps, however, these deep entanglements were quickly forgotten. Instead of commemorating the complexities of the conflict, Britain's memory culture focused on more comfortable narratives; British military “sacrifice” on the Western Front quickly replaced any discussion of the internment of the “enemy” at home.

The article presents Second Lieutenant Napoleon Segieda, alias Gustav Molin “Wera” or Jerzy Salski (after the war), born in the Zamość region, a resident of Pomerania, and a political courier to the government of the Polish Underground State (during the war), parachuted to the country on the night of 7th November 1941. The paper is the first attempt to show his biography and military achievements. He was a participant in the war of 1939 (the defense of Warsaw), and then, a prisoner of war in the German camps, whence, after many trials and tribulations, he arrived at the Polish Forces base in Great Britain. On completing his mission in the country (summer 1942), Segieda set off to London again with the first comprehensive report of the Polish Underground State to the Polish government-in-exile, London. As early as in 1942, being a witness to the extermination, he alerted the world to the Holocaust, to practically no effect, since the West was not particularly interested in the problem. From spring to summer 1942, Napoleon Segieda stayed in the city of Oświęcim where he collected information about the Concentration Camp Auschwitz. On 8th August 1942, he left Warsaw and, via Cracow and Vienna, reached Switzerland where, for unknown reasons, he got stuck on the way to London for a few months. His report was later distributed among many important and influential politicians of the allied community in Great Britain and the USA. It is worth mentioning that the messages on the Holocaust by Stefan Karboński (the head of the leadership of civil combat) also arrived in London during the summer 1942. After the war, Napoleon Segieda settled down in London, under the surname of Jerzy Salski, where he died completely forgotten.

The history of the German prisoners of war of World War II held by British and American authorities in Europe remains a field of study that is largely ignored by historiography. Although the Allies made an extended use of this prisoner manpower for labour purposes, employing hundreds of thousands of captive German soldiers for all kinds of tasks, all but a few material traces of the prisoners’ life and activities in liberated Europe have vanished. An exception to this are several British, American, and German military cemeteries, especially in Normandy, many of which had been built during or immediately after the battle using the workforce of thousands of German soldiers that had been captured in the region during the summer of 1944. This article examines the general organization of the Allied labour service for German prisoners in Normandy and focuses especially on their work on the military cemeteries, before addressing the question of the memory – or rather the absence of memory – of this process, not only in Normandy itself (and in the United States and Great Britain), but also in German society.

Organization and Course of Repatriation of Poles Through Szczecin From the British Occupation Zone of Germany in 1945–1947 The article characterizes the organization and course of the return to the country of Polish repatriates from the British occupation zone in Germany through Szczecin in the first years after the end of World War II. This planned and mass operation involved thousands of Poles, especially the so-called forced laborers sent to work in the Third Reich, prisoners of war imprisoned in camps and demobilized soldiers of the Polish Armed Forces in the West. Szczecin played a special role in this proces due to its location near the border with Germany in the new geopolitical reality, its location on an important sea route to the Baltic Sea and favorable conditions for the use of road and rail communication. Not without significance was the good preparation of Stage Point No. 2 of the State Repatriation Office in the city on the Oder River, which sometimes received several thousand people a day. The author preceded analysis of the action of return of the Polish population to their homeland with information about the negotiations on this matter between the interested authorities of Great Britain, the USSR and Poland. Repatriation carried out by road, sea and rail brought significant results, as nearly 265,000 people came to Szczecin, the vast majority of whom were then transported by train to the interior of the country, where their families were already waiting. A few remained in the city, some lived in Western Pomerania, being an addition for the population consisted of settlers arriving from the East.

Among the numerous ego-documents, which were written by foreigners about Russia in the epoch of the Civil War, the reminiscences on the dramatic events in the Ural and Siberia holds a unique place. А travelogue of the Irish journalist Francis McCullagh (1874–1956), «A Prisoner of the Reds: the Story of a British Officer Captured in Siberia» (1921), who visited Russia as a member of Knox’s British military mission, has been an important evidence of political events in Ural in the first half of 1920. Nevertheless, McCullagh was watching the Civil War as a war journalist. He judged events in Russia through the prism of his personal religious and political beliefs. He was detained by the Bolsheviks in January 1920 in Krasnoyarsk, along with a group of British officers. However, McCullagh managed to conceal the reasons for his stay in Siberia and passed himself off as a journalist. This allowed him to travel by train from the East to the West toward the Finnish border to leave the country safely. In Siberia and Ural, he traveled through Novo-Nikolayevsk, Omsk, and Yekaterinburg. After reaching Moscow, McCullagh was arrested by the Cheka in April 1920 and spent several days in the Lubyanka prison. In May 1920 the journalist was finally able to leave Russia and return to London. The memoirs of McCullagh are of interest for several reasons. Firstly, the book was written as a response to the tendentious portrayal of Bolshevism in Anglo-American journalism, although the author himself was not a supporter of the Communism. Secondly, McCullagh's religious nonconformism, his strong anti-Anglicanism sentiment, defined his perception of the Bolsheviks. He repeatedly compares the anti-religious policies of the Bolsheviks and anti-Catholic propaganda in the Great Britain. Thirdly, McCullagh's publications and speeches in the Anglo-American press were important evidence in favor of the version of the violent death of the Royal family at the hands of the Bolsheviks. The journalist believed that the tragic events were the initiative of the local Bolsheviks. During his stay in Ekaterinburg, he conducted his own investigation of the causes of the death of the Imperial family. Fourth, a significant part of the book is devoted to Yekaterinburg, the city where McCullagh stayed three times in 1918-1920. Besides describing the daily life of Yekaterinburg, McCullagh explains the reasons of the Kolchak army defeat in the Urals.

Great Britain ruled modern-day Israel and Palestine from 1917 to 1948. The exploitation of prison labour became a source to fund its colonial government. This study explicates the economic and legal rationale for prison labour, the living and working conditions and discipline of convicts, and public debates and controversies surrounding political prisoners in Mandatory Palestine. With specific references to forced labour in the colonised world, it evaluates the experience of Mandatory Palestine from a transnational perspective and makes a connection between global colonialism and prison labour. Using a rich trove of official documents and newspaper articles as its primary sources, this article links the proliferation of the prison labour system with the introduction and consolidation of British colonialism in Palestine and argues that colonial ideology and practices coloured and justified the use of prison labour.

This paper studies mass disobedience among the prisoners of Soviet corrective labour camps (CLCs) during the post-war years (1945–1956) in the context of Soviet corrective labour policy of that time. Noteworthy, there have been conflicting assessments of this aspect of the history of the aforementioned institutions. This research is based on the systematic approach as well as on the principles of historicism and objectivity. The main trends of Soviet corrective labour policy in the wake of the Great Patriotic War are identified; the contradictory nature of this policy is pointed out. On the one hand, documents were adopted to strengthen the rule of law in CLCs, including ensuring the rights of prisoners (e.g., the 1947 Instruction on Regimes in Corrective Labour Camps and Colonies), while on the other hand, the conditions in these camps for certain categories of prisoners were getting more strict (e.g., special camps were established by the Resolution of the Council of Ministers of the USSR in 1948). Further, the authors focus on revealing the main reasons behind mass disobedience of prisoners in the camps. In particular, during the post-war years more people were sent to CLCs convicted of aiding the Nazis in the temporarily occupied territories of the USSR, treason, espionage, sabotage, nationalist banditry, etc. According to the authors, in the overwhelming majority of cases it was these prisoners who organized large-scale mass disturbances, including protests. Disobedience on the part of prisoners was facilitated by the discrepancy between the imposed requirements and the actual conditions in the CLCs, as well as by the rudeness of the camp administration and some prisoners being strong ideological opponents of Soviet rule, etc. The fact that a significant number of prisoners were exempt from Beria’s amnesty (March 1953) acted as yet another catalyst. The authors come to the conclusion that, in spite of the large scale of prisoner disobedience in certain camps, it was generally not characteristic of the corrective labour system of the period under study.

one of the most common experiences during World War I (and one of the least researched topics in the historiography of the war) was the experience of captivity. During four years of fighting, an estimated 8.5 million soldiers were taken captive, or roughly 1 out of every 9 men to don uniforms during the war. Among the warring countries, none had a greater prisoner of war problem than Austria-Hungary: out of 8 million soldiers mobilized by the Dual Monarchy during the war, an estimated 2.77 million wound up in POW camps, the great majority (2.11 million) in Russia.

During the campaign of 1814 the French army was supported by the „free corps”, a unit that carried out irregular operations. A proposal to form a similar unit to supplement the Polish army was presented to the chief of staff of the Great Army by Stanisław Żarski, the chef de battalion from the Duchy of Warsaw’s army. The Polish „free corps” was to include soldiers of Polish descent that were currently held in prisoner of war camps in France. The details of Żarski’s proposal combined elements characteristic of both the Polish and French military.

During World War I, the Swiss state interned nearly 30,000 foreign soldiers who had previously been held in POW camps in Germany, France, Britain, Belgium, Austria, and Russia. The internment camp system that Switzerland implemented arose from the Swiss diplomatic platform of defensive humanitarianism. By offering good offices to the belligerent states of WWI, the Swiss state utilized humanitarian law both to secure Swiss neutrality and to alleviate, to a degree, the immense human suffering of the war. The Swiss government mixed domestic security concerns with international diplomacy and humanitarianism. They elevated a domestic policy platform to the international diplomatic level and succeeded in building enough trust between the party states to create an internment system that reconceptualized the treatment of foreign soldiers from the holding of prisoners to the healing of men.

The interest in political crime has been growing in the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology of the 1980's. In 1982, the Institute of Penal Law of Warsaw university organized a conference dealing with the problems of political crime and the status of political prisoners. In 1984, the works of J. Kubiak and S. Hoc were published, with those of T. Szymanowski and S. Popławski to follow during the next two years. In 1986, articles by Z. Ciepiński and S. Pawela appeared in the organ of the Academy’s of Internal Affairs Institute of Law, and the Learned Society for Penal Law devoted one of its 1987 session to the problems of political crime. The present paper formulates and develops the main threads of the lectures delivered in 1982 and 1987 by the present authors. Accepting the opinions of O. Kirchheimer and S. Schafer, classical in a sense, as to the extreme complexity of political crime and the impossibility of formulating a universal criterion basing on which such crime might be distinguished, we give an outline of the chief elements of that interesting social phenomenon. The oldest Roman legal constructions of proditio and perduellio were transformed during the period of empire into crimen leasae maiestatis, an institution that was to persist for centuries to come in the shape of offences against state or the ruler. The origins of the modern history of political crime as a separate legal category date back to the end of the 18th century and the changes brought about by the French Revolution. In the early half of the 19th century, France and Belgium were the first to grant to political offences a privileged status among prohibited acts, introducing the competence of assizes, a separate system of penalties, and abolishing death penalty towards political offenders; this also took place in several other European countries. The privilege of political offences was based mainly on their distinct motives and their perpetrators personality traits. The 19th-century optimism and romanticism of approach towards political crime paled in the late half of the century as the surge of anarchistic and revolutionary movements grew. The legal status of a political offender started to worsen; the great 20th-century dictatorships were tragic to their real and supposed antagonists, treated with particular severity so as to terrify the citizens. In about two centuries of modern history, the legal category of political offence went through all possible extremes: now the time has come to reconsider it. A general, universal and timeless definition of political offence does not seem possible, even the most extreme of its forms being relativistic. Offenders called by some ,,terrorists’’ are ,,fighters for liberty’’ in the eyes of others. On the other hand, state terror is sometimes given the neutral name of ,,special operation’’ or ,,new policy’’. Last of all, one might also say quoting the extreme section of radical criminology that there is a political entanglement to all offences, administration of justice being an instrument of politics. Also the opposite is sometimes contended, namely, that political crime does not exist at all, enemies of the system being common criminals or madmen. There is also a marked trend to exclude terrorism, war crimes, and genocide from the discussed definition. In international law, the notion of political crime is purely functional: the separate states base on it when refusing extradition and granting political asylum. As regards the internal penal legislation, some states only distinguish political offence as a legal notion. There are in the doctrine of penal law three basic methods of defining that notion. According to the objective approach, the kind good being assaulted constitutes the essence of political crime: thus the group of such acts is restricted to direct attempts against the state's basic political interests only. According to the second conception, the subjective one political crime is any prohibited act committed for political motives or to political end. The third, mixed theory consists in taking both these aspects into account: the interest protected by law and the perpetrator's ideological motivation or aims which cannot be recognized as censurable. Additionally, the preponderance or domination theory allows for a punishable act to be recognized as a political offence if political elements prove to have predominated in the given circumstances, aims, and motives. Robert Merton's was the most successful attempt to characterize a political (nonconformist) offender. Contrary to the common offender, his political counterpart 1) makes no effort whatever to hide his infringement of norms he repudiates or questions as to their legal validity; 2) he wants to replace the norms he considers wrong with other norms based on a different moral foundation; 3) his aims are completely or largely disinterested; 4) he is commonly perceived as quite different a person than a common offender. If we broaden the notion of ,,nonconformist" by adding adjectives like ,,religious" and ,,ethical" to it, we bring it closer to that of ,,convictional criminal" used by Schafer and of ,,prisoner of conscience" used by the Amnesty International. The radical trends in sociology and criminology of the recent decades brought an important element to change the aproach to political crime: an opinion is promoted that the state itself is the main source of that crime as it may use every possible legal norm and institution to fight its opponents. As opposed to the two countries where the conception of political criminals separate status was born, France and Belgium - discussed particularly broadly by the authors of lectures - the United States repudiate in their law and law courts decisions the existence of political crime. Instead, there is ,,civil disobedience'' which, together with the specifically American constitutional mechanisms, constitutes an instrument of the struggle for the protection of civil rights and liberties. The fact is stressed in the legal and criminological literature that a refusal to recognize the political character of acts that deserve such recognition contributes to the discredit of administration of justice as the establishment's political instrument. At the same time, various methods of illegal ,,neutralization" of political opponents are brought to light, including the so-called dirty tricks of the FBI and the different forms of abuse of authority by the CIA. In Great Britain, there is according to the official standpoint no political crime in the light of penal law. But the problem itself does exist in practice which is evidenced among others by the quest - a feverish one at times - after the measure to control the difficulties resulting from it; among such measures, there are administrative acts or on appropriate interpretation of the existing regulations, e.g. rules of imprisonment. The doctrine of penal law and criminology do not seem too interested in the discussed problem; its treatment by L. Radzinowicz and R. Hood is no doubt an exception, particularly if we consider the fates of the activists of the three socio-political movements before World War I: Chartists who fought for workmen’s rights, Fenians who demanded the grant of rights to the Irish, and suffragists. Despite the fact that the problem is only treated in its historical aspect, materials of immediate interest can be drawn from its analysis. In the Federal Republic of Germany, political crime lacks a separate status: yet a growth in the interest in such crime can be observed. This was particularly true in the seventies and was due to the activities of terrorist groups and to students protests. Also G. Radbruch’s conception of ,,convictional criminal’’ plays a certain part there, among intellectuals with leftist tendencies above all. Also in that country, the discussion grows especially important about the relation between the powerful and the powerless. Another significant point is H. J. Schneider’s demand for the problems of political crime to be granted a privileged position in criminological research. Considering the aspects of that crime in their broad interpretation, Schneider found it possible to include both terrorism and genocide in his discussion; thus, for the first time ever, a profound treatment of Nazi crimes was included in the West-German criminology. In Poland, after the country regained independence in 1918, several different laws were in force for over ten years concerning political crime and prisoners, in a difficult internal situation. In 1931, uniform rules of imprisonment entered into force which provided for no mitigation for political prisoners. The penalty of arrest, introduced by the 1932 penal code admittedly included certain elements of the status of a political prisoner, but the opposition’s struggle for its proper formulation went on till the outbreak of World War II. After the war, ,,counter-revolutionaries’’ and ,,traitors of the nation’’ were treated with utmost severity. This situation in which political opponents were so treated on a mass scale ended with the fall of Stalinism. The recent Polish discussion about the notion and status of political prisoner dates from the events of 1980-1981. Many were not aware at that time that there had been in the 1970’s in Poland a partial legal regulation of the special status of persons defined as perpetrators of political offences. It followed from the fact that Poland ratified in 1958 the ILO Convention No. 105 and that in consequence, the Minister of Justice issued an appropriate order. In the provisions of the decree (issued on the imposition of martial law on December 13, 1981) on remittal and forgiveness of certain offences, those ,,committed for political reasons’’ were mentioned amond others. Thus the lawyers could argue that the notion of political offence was know to the legislator, the only problem consisting in providing a more detailed legal regulation of that sphere. But the authorities chose a different solution. At the beginning, those convicted of the sc-called ,non-criminal" acts were granted an actual (and not legal) status of political prisoners. Later on, most of such persons were released from prison by the terms of the succeeding amnesty acts. in 1986, the Act on ,,decriminalization'' transferred the competence to decide in most of those cases to misdemeanour courts. The interest in the problems of political crime, increased since 1982, still persists in the circles of the Polish doctrine of penal law and criminology. There is a general trend to give that notion a broader interpretation as compared with the present doctrine of penal law which practically limits its range to offences against the state's basic political and economic interests only. We believe the Polish doctrine of penal law; criminology and legislation in Poland now face at least three basic questions: 1) whether to introduce into the law a special status of political offenders and prisoners in its traditional construction; 2) whether to recognize similarly a privileged legal situation of a larger group of ,,ideological nonconformists" mentioned by the ILO Convention No. 105;3) whether and to what extent to include in the notion of political offence the prohibited acts committed by state functionaries while exercising authority.

The World War can be justifiably called the great seminal catastrophe of the 20th century, because the war that should have ended every further war, just disseminated the seeds of another cataclysm. From this point of view it is comprehensible why lots of historians deal with the named period. Numerous monographies and articles that deal with the destructing and stimulating eff ect of the Great War have seen the light of day. However, the mentioned works usually have serious defi cenceis, as most of them deal only with the battlefi elds, and a small proportion deals with the question of everyday life and hinterland, and the ordeals of the POWs are superfi cially described. In case of Hungary, the more serious researches related to POWs only started at the time of the centenary. This is why we can still read in some Serbian literatures about the people annihilating endeavors of the „huns” of Austria–Hungary. My choice of subject was therefore justified by the reasons outlined above. In my presentation I expound on briefly introducing the situations in the austro–hungarian POW camps. Furthermore, the presentation depicts in detail the everyday life, the medical and general treatment, clothing supply, the question of the minimal wages and working time of the prisoner labour forces. Lastly, I am depicting the problem of escapes and issues dealing POWs marriage and citizenship requests.

The life of the prominent scholar and organizer of science and Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences S.R. Mikulinskii (19191991), who determined strategic directions for the development of the history of science and lay the foundation for the science of science in the 1960s 1980s, was full of tragic turns. In his biography, it is said that his years of schooling were followed by his volunteering for the army during the Great Patriotic War, years of being a prisoner in first Nazi, and then Soviet, camps, followed by years of studies and a meteoric scientific career that abruptly ended with his expulsion from the USSR Academy of Sciences, Institute for the History of Science and Technology that he himself had nurtured. Under his guidance, prominent scientists in a wide range of disciplines were brought together at the Institute, which reached the peak of its development having become a globally recognized center for the advancement of thought in the history of science.

This article is centred on the life’s story of the Czechoslovak instructor and aerobatics pilot, Josef Flekal. It emerges particularly from documents from the private family archive, specialist publications and from interviews with J. Flekal himself (conducted by Jiří Říha). The article describes Flekal’s studies at flight schools, his successes in aerial acrobatics, his activities as a flight instructor in Czechoslovakia, his departure to Poland prior to the beginning of World War II, and his subsequent service as a flight instructor in Great Britain and in Canada. It also recalls his time spent in prison after World War II. It thus describes the story of a notable figure in Czechoslovak aviation, primarily in the 1930s and in the course of World War II.

He had died ignominiously and swiftly of pneumonia following measles, without ever having gotten any closer to the Yankees than the camp in South Carolina.(Mitchell 1960 [1936])Writing for an American audience in the 1930s, Margaret Mitchell was able to dispatch the husband of Scarlett O’Hara with a certain irony. By then measles had become a childhood disease that was seldom fatal. During the nineteenth century, however, measles was not so lightly dismissed. Epidemics in populations with high proportions of susceptible individuals could be dangerous indeed. This article traces the history of measles in South Africa, showing how political and economic changes temporarily produced conditions that led to a devastating epidemic during the Boer War (1899–1902). It then compares the history of measles in South Africa with that in Great Britain and closes with a discussion of the relationship between human and biological causes in the history of the disease.

AbstractAlthough the South African War was a colonial war, it aroused great interest abroad as a test of international morality. Both the Boer republics were signatories to the Geneva Convention of 1864, as was Britain, but the resources of these small countries were limited, for their populations were small and, before the discovery of gold in 1884, government revenues were trifling. It was some time before they could put even the most rudimentary organization in place. In Europe, public support from pro-Boers enabled National Red Cross Societies from such countries as the Netherlands, France, Germany, Russia and Belgium to send ambulances and medical aid to the Boers. The British military spurned such aid, but the tide of public opinion and the hospitals that the aid provided laid the foundations for similar voluntary aid in the First World War. Until the fall of Pretoria in June 1900, the war had taken the conventional course of pitched battles and sieges. Although the capitals of both the Boer republics had fallen to the British by June 1900, the Boer leaders decided to continue the conflict. The Boer military system, based on locally recruited, compulsory commando service, was ideally suited to guerrilla warfare, and it was another two years before the Boers finally surrendered. During this period of conflict, about 30,000 farms were burnt and the country was reduced to a wasteland. Women and children, black and white, were installed in camps which were initially ill-conceived and badly managed, giving rise to high mortality, especially of the children. As the scandal of the camps became known, European humanitarian aid shifted to the provision of comforts for women and children. While the more formal aid organizations, initiated by men, preferred to raise funds for post-war reconstruction, charitable relief for the camps was often provided by informal women's organizations. These ranged from church groups to personal friends of the Boers, to women who wished to be associated with the work of their menfolk.

The text describes fragmentary education gained by children deported from the territory of Poland occupied by the Soviet Union to the forced labour camps and kolkhozes. They were subsequently evacuated from the USSR to Iran and other countries controlled by Great Britain. The release of such a large group of people from Gulag camps and places of isolation was an unprecedented situation in the Soviet system, and the presence of such a large number of civilians along the regular military units being formed at the time was unexampled in history. The authors illustrate education methods and conditions of Polish youth released with their families from Gulag camps and locations of compulsory labour together under the so-called amnesty. They provide details regarding the young refugees’ health issues, numerous cases of starvation to death or symptoms of post-traumatic stress (PTSD ‒ post-traumatic stress disorder). They present the problems with the evacuation itself and confront the standards of living and expulsion from Soviet Russia with a highly positive reception of refugees on the Persian land. They indicate their further fate, including the creation of orphanages and schools, as children in the USSR were deprived of the opportunity to learn. It was important to depict extremely difficult, frequently provisional attempts at schooling Polish youngsters against the background of historic events.

AbstractDespite West End producers' and critics' expectations that it would never turn a profit, R. C. Sherriff's Journey's End (1928) became the most commercially successful First World stage drama of the interwar period, celebrated as an authentic depiction of the Great War in Britain and around the world. This article explains why. Departing from existing scholarship, which centers on Sherriff's autobiographical influences on his play, I focus instead on the marketing and reception of this production. Several processes specific to the interwar era blurred the play's ontology as a commercial entertainment and catapulted it to international success. These include its conspicuous engagement with and endorsement by veterans of the war, which transformed the play into historical reenactment; the multisensory spectatorial encounter, which allowed audiences to approach Journey's End as a means of accessing vicarious knowledge about the war; and a marketing campaign that addressed anxieties about the British theatrical industry. Finally, I trace the reception of this play into the Second World War, when British soldiers and prisoners of war spontaneously revived it around the world. The afterlives of Journey's End, I demonstrate, suggest new ways of conceiving of the cultural legacy of the First World War across the generations.

GULAG is the Russian acronym for the Chief Administration of Corrective Labour Camps made famous and permanently inscribed into the English vocabulary through the genius of Alexander Solzhenitsyn in his classic, The Gulag Archipelago 1918–1956: An Experiment in Literary Investigation, published in 1974. The author used the testimony of 227 survivors as well as recollections of his own 11 years of labour camps and exiles. The Archipelago of Solzhenitsyn's work is that system of secret police installations, camp prisons, transit centers, communication facilities, transport systems and espionage organizations which, in his view, was a state within a state holding about 15 million people. The book shows how ordinary people, who are referred to by their own names, can be turned into planners and executives of oppression, brutality and torture.

The purpose of the study is to reconstruct the procedure for providing food to military personnel of various nationalities captured in the wars of the XVIII century. The object of the article is prisoners interned in Russia, Austria, England, France, Prussia, Spain, Sweden and Turkey. The absence of such works in both domestic and foreign historiography indicates the novelty of the work, and its relevance is due to the fact that it allows us to expand and clarify our ideas about the place of Russia in the world in the early modern period. In the process of investigation, mainly historical-typological and historical-comparative method were used. The source base of the article consists of works published mainly abroad, and documents from six archives of the former USSR. In the course of the study, three key Western European models of food supply for prisoners were identified. The genesis and evolution of the corresponding Russian model are studied step by step. The article shows that the basis of the Russian model was based on the principle of equality of food provision for prisoners of war and Russian soldiers of the garrison troops. The article emphasizes that the Russian model was a synthesis of domestic and foreign experience and retained the best features from the practice of the Moscow state of the XVI–XVII centuries. The article proves that in terms of the quantity and assortment of food products released to prisoners (36 kg of bread and 2–3 kg of cereals per month), Russia surpassed any other European country until the middle of the XVIII century and only with the beginning of the Seven Years' War of 1756–1763 was inferior to the leadership of Great Britain and France (and even then only in terms of the assortment). According to the author, the Russian model of prisoners' nutrition was highly effective and could be easily adapted to any situation, including the ethnic and confessional characteristics of individual groups of prisoners of war.

Italy’s participation in the war against the USSR was dictated by at least three reasons: the common ideology which Mussolini and Hitler shared; Mussolini’s aspiration to revise the European order in the Mediterranean area, to the detriment of France and Great Britain; the goal of supplying Italy with the Russian raw material. The article examines the behavior of the Italian troops towards the Soviet war prisoners and the local population during the occupation from July 1941 to winter 1942–1943, which also depended on these reasons. Since 1944 some countries occupied by Italian forces, such as the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, had started asking the Italian government for the extradition of Italian alleged war criminals to be judged by local courts. In 1944, on the grounds of the reports produced by state and local commissions, the list of alleged war criminals in response to the USSR’s requests was limited to ten militaries who had been repatriated after the defeat. Initially the USSR was intransigent, but afterwards began changing its tune, and finally Moscow proved less adamant in its accusations. This new attitude was connected to negotiations on handing over of Soviet citizens who stayed in Italy after the end of the war. This was most likely a contributing factor in persuading the Soviets to relax their demands on the matter of alleged Italian war criminals. The strategy was successful and, according to the Yalta conference, many Russian and Soviet citizens, who had left the Soviet Union, against their own will were handed over to the Soviet authorities facing a very uncertain fate.

The issues of preparation and conduct of the Nuremberg Trials (1945-1946) have sufficiently fully and comprehensively covered in domestic and foreign historical, legal, and journalistic literature, while Kharkiv Trial 1943 (December 15-18, 1943) has remained outside the field of vision of scholars. The purpose of the study is to highlight the issue of organizing and conducting the Kharkiv show trial over war criminals—servicemen of the Wehrmacht and the German police, as well as their collaborators. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, systematic scientific analysis and synthesis. The principle of historicism allows us to consider the issues of organizing and conducting the Kharkiv Trial in chronological sequence as a natural process that developed in accordance with the then sociopolitical situation and the global context. The objectivity of the study lies in the coverage and condemnation of the crimes of Nazism. Analysis and synthesis makes it possible to determine the role of the Kharkiv Tribunal in the process of forming international criminal legislation. Scientific novelty of the research. During 1941-1943, the Soviet justice has formed a legal framework, which made it possible to hold trials of war criminals involved in the massacres of civilians and prisoners of war in the territory of the USSR. The agreements reached between Great Britain, the USA, and the USSR at the Moscow Conference (1943) were used by the Soviet government for the preparation of the show trial over the servicemen of Hitlerite Germany. During the Trial, the facts of the mass destruction of the civilian population and prisoners of war by the Nazis in the territory of Kharkivshchyna were established. The verdict of the Kharkiv Tribunal in practice has implemented the thesis, which became the cornerstone of international criminal law: «A crime committed by order of the high command does not exempt the perpetrator from criminal liability». Conclusions. The Kharkiv Trial has become a legal precedent for the punishment of Nazi war criminals – German citizens, it has laid the foundations of international criminal law and given an acceleration in the decision to hold a trial of the main war criminals of Hitlerite Germany. Keywords: Nazi war crimes, Main Directorate of Counter-Intelligence “SMERSH”, Military Tribunal of the 4th Ukrainian Front, show trial, Kharkiv Trial 1943, World War II.

This paper analyses two war travelogues from World War I whose authors served in the Serbian Army on the Macedonian front, Ruth Farnham's A Nation at Bay: What an American Woman Saw and Did in Suffering Serbia and Douglas Walshe's With the Serbs in Macedonia. Farnham's duty was to take charge of the medical stores brought to Serbia from various English and American sources and Walshe was a driver in a Light Supply and Ammunition Column of Ford vans attached to the Serbian Army. Apart from offering detailed descriptions of their duties, Farnham and Walshe convey through their travelogues a very favourable picture of Serbia and its people, thus distancing themselves from the discourse of Balkanism, predominant in Great Britain and the United States during World War I. With due respect they write about Serbian soldiers, their ethics and humane attitude towards the Austrian and Bulgarian prisoners of war, whereas they do not hesitate to condemn the Allies' treasonous response towards the Serbian Army in times of its greatest need. Having come to the Macedonian front to learn about Serbia and help it, Ruth Farnham and Douglas Walshe can be said to have challenged the negative reputation Serbia had in the British and American public. Their war travelogues clearly show that what they saw and experienced is in many ways incongruous with the then predominant discourse of Balkanism. That is why Farnham reveals to her reader that she feels "the highest regard for that brave little nation, Serbia, and its gallant and heroic people" and Walshe ends his book in a simple and memorable sentence: "It has been a privilege to serve them".

“We Serbs must militarily defeat our enemies and conquer the territories we need.”Vojislav Maksimovic, MemberBosnian Serb Parliament“I don't see what's wrong with Greater Serbia. There's nothing wrong with a greater Germany, or with Great Britain.”Bosnian Serb LeaderRadovan KaradžićThe break-up of Yugoslavia has come about as a result of national, economic and political conflicts which by the end of 1987 had taken on unprecedented dimensions. At that point, latent political conflicts between various republics came into the open. More specifically, the conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo had turned into a low-intensity war. Under Slobodan Miloševićs leadership in Serbia, the Serbo-Slovenian conflict over Kosovo deepened, forcing other republics and provinces to take sides. The Slovenian leadership opposed a military solution to the Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo. By 1990 the Serbo-Slovenian conflict had spilled over into Croatia, completely polarizing the Yugoslav political elite into two distinct camps; one encompassed Slovenia and Croatia, the other Serbia and Montenegro, with Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina playing the role of unsuccessful mediators.

Деятельность внутренних войск НКВД по охране тыла действующей армии и организации лагерей для военнопленных противника в районе Сталинграда относится к числу важных, но малоизученных проблем истории Великой Отечественной войны. Сталинград и его окрестности стали местом не только ожесточенного сопротивления войск противника в окружении, но и одного из их крупнейших поражений. Последовавшие за этим разгромом пленение, прием и размещение гитлеровских военнопленных приобрели беспрецедентный по своим масштабам и содержанию характер, что повлекло необходимость решения внутренними войсками СССР новых важных задач. В статье представлены результаты изучения опыта работы внутренних войск НКВД СССР с военнопленными вермахта, захваченными в ходе Сталинградской битвы: проанализированы процесс формирования сталинградских лагерей военнопленных, место и роль внутренних войск НКВД в приеме и обеспечении пленных; определены основные направления работы с пленными в условиях прифронтовой полосы; обобщены практики создания им надлежащих бытовых условий, организации их питания, медицинского обеспечения, этапирования и проч. Автором показано, что советские органы военного управления, внутренних дел и командный состав внутренних войск прилагали все силы и использовали имевшиеся возможности для сохранения жизней и здоровья пленных противника. Издержки и недостатки в организации приема, транспортировки и размещения военнопленных, хотя и довольно распространенные, носили, как правило, частный характер и влекли за собой строжайшие меры воздействия. Руководство органов и войск НКВД не оставалось безучастным к нарушению правил приема и содержания военнопленных, настойчиво боролось за устранение недостатков, применяя соответствующие санкции к виновным, невзирая на их звания и ранги. Выводы и обобщения настоящей статьи расширяют представления об отечественной истории периода Великой Отечественной войны, об организации и деятельности внутренних войск НКВД СССР в условиях военного времени. The activities of the internal troops of the NKVD of the USSR for the protection of the rear of the active army and the organization of camps for enemy prisoners of war in the Stalingrad area are among the most significant and still little-studied problems in the history of the Great Patriotic War. Stalingrad and its environs were not only the place of fierce resistance of enemy troops when they were surrounded but also the place of one of their most large-scale and deciding defeats. The subsequent reception and accommodation of Hitler’s prisoners of war became unprecedented in its scale and composition, which required solving new significant tasks by the internal troops of the NKVD of the USSR. The purpose of this work is to summarize the experience of the NKVD internal troops in working with prisoners of war of the Wehrmacht captured during the Battle of Stalingrad. The author analyzed the process of forming the Stalingrad prisoner-of-war camps; determined the main lines of work with prisoners of war in the conditions of the front-line area; summarized the practices of creating proper living conditions for prisoners of war, organizing their nutrition, medical support, escorting them under guard, etc. The author has shown that the Soviet military authorities, bodies of internal affairs, and commanding officers of internal troops made every effort and used every available opportunity to preserve the lives and health of enemy prisoners. Despite the fact that faults and shortcomings in organizing the reception, transportation, and accommodation of prisoners of war were quite common, as a rule, they were of a individual rather than general nature and led to the strictest responsibility. The leadership of the NKVD bodies and troops did not remain indifferent to violations of the rules for the reception and detention of prisoners of war and persistently fought to eliminate the shortcomings, applying appropriate sanctions to those responsible regardless of their titles and military ranks. The conclusions and generalizations made in this article expand the understanding of Russian history during the Great Patriotic War and of the organization and activities of the internal troops of the NKVD of the USSR in wartime conditions.

Abstract Ion Valjan is the literary pseudonym of Ion Al. Vasilescu (1881-1960), famous lawyer, playwright, writer of memoirs, publicist and politician. Dramatic author in the line of Caragiale, he was the manager of The National Theatre in Bucharest between 1923 and 1924, and general manager of theatres between 1923 and 1926. He wrote drama, he collaborated with Sburătorul, Vremea, Rampa, being appreciated by the exigent literary critique of the inter-war period. After the war, in 1950, he was involved in a political trial, accused of high treason, espionage for Great Britain, and got sentenced to 15 years imprisonment, where he died. Valjan is the author of the only theatrical show, played in a communist prison, Revista Piteşti 59. Ion Valjan’s memoirs, With the Voice of Time. Memories, written during the Second World War, represent a turn back in time, into the age of the author’s childhood and adolescence, giving the contemporary reader the chance to travel in time and space, the end of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the past century projecting an authentic image, in the Romanian version of a Belle Epoque, interesting and extremely prolific for the Romanian cultural life. Also, evoking his childhood years spent in cities by the Danube (Călăraşi, Brăila, Turnu-Severin), Valjan unveils the harmonious meeting of different peoples and their mentalities, which transform the Danube Plain into an interethnic space of unique value.

Tijdens een debat in de Kamer van volksvertegenwoordigers over amnestie voor incivieken tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog zette Frans Van Cauwelaert op 25 januari 1921 in het lang en het breed uiteen waarom volgens hem de recente strafrechtelijke repressie van het Vlaamse activisme tijdens de oorlog mislukt was. Om die stelling te staven, deed hij een beroep op meerdere gegevens die hij verkregen had van bevriende advocaten en ook op zijn eigen ervaringen als advocaat. Tussen juni 1918 en december 1920 verdedigde hij immers zeventien personen die wegens activisme voor een krijgsraad, het krijgshof of een Hof van Assisen terecht stonden. Sommige van hen waren daarbij aan het Belgische front, anderen in het bezette gebied en nog anderen in de Duitse krijgsgevangenenkampen werkzaam geweest. Van Cauwelaert had in deze processen niet altijd succes en viel daarbij ook niet op door zijn spitsvondige of vernieuwende juridische standpunten. Hij slaagde er met deze processen wel in om zijn kiezerspubliek uit de Antwerpse Kempen tevreden te stellen alsook in de rest van Vlaanderen bekend te geraken als de grote verdediger van diegenen die, ondanks de oproep van de Koning om de taalstrijd tijdens de oorlog te laten rusten, toch waren doorgegaan met het opeisen van meer rechten voor de Vlamingen. Meteen slaagde hij erin om zijn Vlaams blazoen wat op te poetsen dat geleden had onder het feit dat hij in het begin van de oorlog naar het buitenland was gevlucht en hierdoor veel minder onder de oorlog had geleden dan diegenen die aan het front hadden gestreden, in het bezette gebied de Duitse dictatuur hadden ondergaan of in een Duits krijgsgevangenenkamp veel hadden ontbeerd.________Frans Van Cauwelaert as attorney in criminal proceedings against Flemish ActivistsDuring a debate in the Chamber of Representatives concerning amnesty for disloyal persons during the First World War, Frans Van Cauwelaert spoke at length on why, according to him, the recent judicial punishment of Flemish Activism during the war had failed. To back this argument up, he drew on several facts that he gathered from lawyers who were friends of his, and also from his own experiences as an attorney. Between June 1918 and December 1920 he defended seventeen persons who stood before a court martial, an appellate court martial or the Court of Assizes on account of Activism. Some of them had been involved with Activism at the front, some in the occupied territory and yet others in German prisoner-of-war camps. Van Cauwelaert was not always successful in these proceedings, and did not stand out on account of any clever or novel legal positions. He did however manage to please his voting constituency from the Campine area around Antwerp, as well as to become known in the rest of Flanders as the great defender of those who, despite the call from the King to leave the language struggle alone during the war, nevertheless went ahead in demanding more rights for Flemings. At the same time, he was able to shore up his Flemish bona fides, which had previously come up short on account of the fact that he had fled abroad at the beginning of the war and therefore had suffered much less than had those who had fought on the front, experienced the German dictatorship in the occupied territory or undergone deprivation in a German prisoner-of-war camp.

This article describes the relationship between Polish geneticist Stanisław Skowron's views on eugenics during the interwar period, his experiences in Nazi concentration camps during World War II, and his response to Trofim D. Lysenko's ban on genetic research in Soviet-allied states after 1948. Skowron was educated at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow and received funding from the Rockefeller Foundation to study in the United States, Italy, Denmark, and Great Britain from 1924 to 1926. His exposure to research being conducted outside of Poland made him an important figure in Polish genetics. During this time Skowron also began to believe that an understanding of biological principles of heredity could play an important role in improving Polish society and became a supporter of eugenics. In 1939 he was arrested along with other faculty members at the Jagiellonian and sent to Sachsenhausen and Dachau. In 1947 he published the first book updating Polish biologists on recent developments in genetics; however, after learning of the outcome of the 1948 session of the Lenin All-Union Academy of Agricultural Sciences in Moscow, Skowron emerged as one of the most vocal advocates for Michurinism. I argue that Skowron's conversion to Lysenkoism was motivated by more than fear or opportunism, and is better understood as the product of his need to rationalize his own support for a theory he could not possibly have believed was correct.

Modern Karen education began in the early 1800s when introduced by British and American missionaries at roughly the time the British colonial powers arrived from India. After independence from Great Britain in 1948, Burma faced revolt from ethnic groups including the Karen, in large part, over issues of language and cultural self-rule. This led to the forcible closing of Karen-language schools by the military junta beginning in the 1960s and the re-establishment of Karen schooling by the Karen National Union (KNU) in independent self-rule territories, often near the Thai border. In this context, beginning in the 1980s, Karen-medium language spread into the highlands of Burma and into Thai refugee camps where Karen had been living for nearly four decades. Karen medium education is an important element establishing what Benedict Anderson called the “imagined community”. With mass Karen literacy, a national consciousness emerged, particularly in areas where schools were sustained. This separate consciousness is at the heart of the Karen of Kawthoolei. The Karen Education and Culture Department (KECD) was established in 1947 by the KNU. Karen schools provide mother-tongue-based education. Much of the development of the Karen medium curricula was undertaken by the KECD, and it is significantly different from that of the Burmese government’s curriculum, particularly in terms of language medium, literature, and history. Karen schooling reflects the Karen political consciousness, which will be at the heart of any peace agreements negotiated in the still-ongoing Burmese Civil War.

Through a critical analysis of Guiding's official programming books, the hierarchy of its organizational structure, and scholarly works on the history of the Guiding and Scouting Movements in Britain and Canada, this paper explores the early development of the Girl Guides of Canada; analyzing the early 20th century public's shifting views on girlhood and examining the relationship between Guiding and the British Empire. The central thesis of this essay is that the organization was originally founded in 1910 with a strict, conservative gender ideology and a strong imperial connection, but changed its messaging during the Interwar Period to reflect emerging modern notions of girlhood and imperialism; while still retaining its core values in its official programming. Born out of the Scouting Movement of Great Britain, the Girl Guides of Canada were originally founded with the intention of preparing young girls for a domestic life; serving the British Empire by being dutiful wives and mothers. The organization's mission was to address the public's anxiety surrounding modern girlhood. As new economic and leisure opportunities appeared for women and girls in Canada's urban areas, so did the fear that these working women would lead lives of promiscuity, potentially causing the breakdown of domestic life. Guiding sought to prevent this issue by taking up young girls' spare time with gendered instruction on subjects such as how to run a home and the role of women in the British Empire. This messaging and ideology was incredibly popular at the time, and the Guiding movement spread like wildfire. Following the First World War, the Canadian public's views on the role of girls and the British Empire were changing: through Guiding's wartime volunteer efforts, girls had proven themselves to be capable of much more than domestic instruction, and Canada began to question its place within the empire. The emergence of alternative youth movements, with a specific focus on physical training and fostering a Canadian national identity, reflected this change. In response to these developments, the Girl Guides released introduced international camps with messaging surrounding peace and international friendship, and promoted a more progressive view of girls with new badges and activities. This new rhetoric made the movement more appealing to a wider array of girls, but only obscured the organizations original values of imperialism and domesticity. The structure of the organization still adhered to a hierarchy that favoured British Girl Guides, with the Canadian arm taking all direction from Britain. Upon analysis of Guiding's programming books, it is also clear that gendered instruction was still the primary focus of the organization. This paper also examines how Canadian Girl Guides' programming was used to naturalize and assimilate girls who did not fit the Empire's idealized model of white womanhood, such as Indigenous girls attending residential schools and girls from immigrant households, further complicating its notion of internationalism. The changes to the Guiding Movement's programming reflect the organization's desire to spread its ideology to a wider audience, rather than a commitment to more modern ideas of girlhood and progressive notions of international friendship. The programming, while becoming more refined over time, still centered around domestic skills and preparing girls for motherhood, while the organization's international structure relied on a hierarchy that placed Britain at the top, and kept Canada at an arms' length.

Louisa Garrett Anderson, daughter of Britain's first woman doctor, has been largely forgotten today despite the fact that her contribution to the women's movement was as great as that of her mother. Recognized by her contemporaries as an important figure in the suffrage campaign, Anderson chose to lend her support through high-profile action, being one of the few women doctors in her generation who risked their professional as well as their personal reputation in the fight for women's rights by becoming a suffragette – in her case, even going so far as to spend a month in prison for breaking a window on a demonstration. On the outbreak of war, with only the clinical experience she had gained as outpatient surgeon in a women's hospital, Anderson established a series of women-run military hospitals where she was a Chief Surgeon. The most successful was the Endell Street Military Hospital in London, funded by the Royal Army Medical Corps and the only army hospital ever to be run and staffed entirely by women. Believing that a doctor had an obligation to take a lead in public affairs, Anderson continued campaigning for women's issues in the unlikely setting of Endell Street, ensuring that their activities remained in the public eye through constant press coverage. Anderson's achievement was that her work played no small part in expunging the stigma of the militant years in the eyes of the public and – more importantly – was largely instrumental in putting women doctors on equal terms with their male colleagues.

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract also in English.本文從歷史的角度考容了西方社會對待同性戀的態度的演化，從同性戀被譴責為罪惡到被認為是一種精神疾病，一直到最近根據經驗研究和跨文化研究，國際醫學和心理學共同體確認人類性傾向的多樣性是一種正常現象，同性戀與異性戀一樣是自然的。The term 'homosexuality' was invented by 19 century German physician Benkert. It means that a man cannot respond to opposite sex, but is attracted by the other of same sex. Before Benkert homosexuality was condemned as a sin by Christian church, and even illegal in some European countries. With the industrial revolution the condemnation against homosexuality came from civil society and medical profession rather than religion.In the end of the 19th century there was a tendency in which homosexual orientation was taken as a diagnostic unit in European and American countries. In 1920s a movement of homosexuality was born in Germany, but the Nazi regime promulgated a law to prohibit it, thousands of homosexuals were arrested and died in concentration camps. Then Freud fled to Britain and announced that homosexuality is not a pathological phenomenon in the sense of psychiatry.While men and women joined together in an unprecedented way in the Second World War, but in 1950s homosexuality as well as communists was cracked down in a movement initiated by Joseph McCarthy in United Sates. However, Alfred Kinsey and his associates found many men have experienced homosexual behaviour. Then many physicians and psychiatrists made great efforts to treat homosexuality with hormones, shock therapy, castration and even surgery, but failed eventually.In 1970s psychologists and psychiatrists came to realize that · homosexuality is not a mental illness on the basis of empirical studies. ln 1980s three empirical studies led international medical community and psychological community to the consensus that homosexuals are as normal and natural as heterosexuals.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 73 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.

John V. Jensen: In Denmark’s Interest … Mine clearing on Jutland’s west coast 1945 The article is about mine clearing on Jutland’s west coast in 1945. The mine clearing started shortly after the German capitulation. It was unusual because German soldiers were forced to do the work, which, with a few exceptions, was completed on 1 October 1945. The work cost the lives of around 150 German soldiers and wounded even more. In the many years that followed, the perception was that, despite the loss of German lives, the mine clearing had been achieved in a satisfactory way. This perception faced criticism in 1998 with the claim that the mine clearing was a dark chapter in Denmark’s history, and that Danish war crimes had been committed. The German Wehrmacht surrendered to the Allies in Denmark on 4 May 1945, and it was the British liberation force that gave the order for the mines to be cleared. There is evidence to suggest that the political powers in Denmark may have drawn British attention to the mines on Jutland’s west coast. At any rate, the order to clear the mines was incorporated into the terms and conditions of the capitulation. Under the British command, the mines were to be cleared by German soldiers in as short a time as possible, while the Det Danske Pionerkommando (Danish Engineer Command Battalion) was tasked with supervising the clearing work. The article shows that this German-British-Danish collaboration was far from problematic. There were conflicts from the Danish side, especially in terms of sloppiness and laziness among its own inspectors, while the Pionerkommando’s more limited collaboration with the Germans, in terms of counting and subsequent checks, was apparently less strained than one would have expected. This perception was based on the erroneous assumption that it was the Danes who were in command of the German mine clearers. It has been claimed that the mine clearing work was achieved by forced labour. The article states that this is not as clear-cut as it sometimes has been claimed. It is quite obvious that the German soldiers, who were commandeered from the marched groups immediately after the liberation of Denmark, must to a great extent have been forced because of their training. However, there were supposedly also several volunteers among the later arrivals of mine clearers, even though they were less well trained. The work in Denmark was a way of avoiding the prison camps and an alternative to working, for example, in the coal mines in Germany. One argument is that the British, and especially the Danes, had a significant interest in the Germans not getting maimed or killed in the minefields, because as long as the Germans cleared the mines, it meant that Danes did not have to do the work. It is believed that this was the harsh logic of the times. It is believed without a doubt, that the high German losses are explained by the high speed, at which the mine clearing work was carried out. It was work that had to be done, and both the British and the Danish authorities were in agreement on that. However, notwithstanding the tempo, the task’s complexity, the Germans’ work methods and relative inexperience played a role. The article questions whether there actually were any Danish war crimes. From a British (and a Danish) perspective, there were not any German prisoners of war, but military units, which had capitulated and whose labour could be exploited, for example, for mine clearing without there being any conflict with international conventions. In that sense, there were no war crimes. However, be it soldier or war prisoner, the losses remain the same.The contemporary material paints a different and more detailed picture than has been shown up until now and shows that the history of the mine clearing is less clear-cut and more complex than supposed. The tension between Danes and Germans was nowhere near as pronounced as posterity would have it, and internal Danish factors and the relationship with the British also played a role, thereby downplaying the revenge motive, which otherwise has been used to explain the German loss of life. The Danish and German soldiers had an important common interest. This has been overlooked and undermines the explanation that there were revenge and inhumanity. This revenge motive is perhaps to be found in particular outside the ranks of the soldiers, whether Danish, German or British: for example, in the wider Danish population, who conversely had nothing to do with the mine clearing.The mutual interest between the Germans, the British and the Danes was expressed precisely in a written statement from Pionerkommandoet to the ‘Jydsk-fynske Kommando’ (Jutland-Fyn Command) on 14 June 1945: “It is also in Denmark’s interests that the Germans clear the mines, and that we [the Danes] are not forced to do it ourselves”.

Among the thousands of camps Britain operated in the twentieth century were some that gained a notorious reputation for how they treated prisoners. Such places were often seen as aberrations within their individual contexts. Their recurrence across different places and times – including in Aden, Cyprus, and Northern Ireland – nonetheless renders it difficult to dismiss them as mere anomalies. This article examines one of the first post-war camps to have attracted such attention in Allied-occupied Germany, which was closed down following an investigation into its appalling conditions. Seeking to understand how an establishment ended up departing so drastically from accepted interrogation norms, which saw torture as unproductive and un-British, it finds that prisoners were subject to a combination of neglect due to difficult circumstances and malevolence. Tracing the camp's successors, the article also finds that political considerations ensured future camps in Germany did not step out of line; nevertheless, there was a failure to ensure the same for other cases more generally and to turn this into a one-off affair for Britain. Overall, while the camp existed within a unique post-war context, its history points to conditions and structures that may serve as units of analysis for investigating similar establishments.

The number of collections of music from the Arab world housed in the Berlin Phonogramm-Archiv (BPhA), 30 in all, is impressive, as is the great number of wax cylinders. In the beginning, Arab music was not the main concern of the Berlin Phonogramm-Archiv; there were a small number of collections of music from the Arab world until 1918, but even then, extensive research was being done (see Hornbostel's 1906–7 article on Tunisian music). Recordings made in German prisoner-of-war camps during World War I augmented the holdings. Fieldwork in Arab countries peaked around 1930, with recordings made by Robert Lachmann as the leading figure and several other scholars associated with the Berlin School of Comparative Musicology. This article presents an overview of the BPhA's collections from the Arab world, their status and content, and highlights their specific features compared to its collections from other regions of the world. Based on the historical documents associated with the collections (correspondence, publications), information will also be given about the collectors, their backgrounds, motivations, and fieldwork.

Abstract American Jews’ mass protests against Nazi antisemitism, begun soon after Hitler assumed power, provided a major impetus to, and model for, the post–World War II drive to establish a Jewish state. This postwar agitation had a considerable impact because, after the Holocaust, the Jewish population in the United States far exceeded that of any other country. The mass demonstrations of 1945–1948 were as large as those of the 1930s, even reaching 250,000, and in both periods, it was working- and lower–middle-class Jews who provided the intense commitment and huge numbers that proved critically important. Many speakers who had addressed the anti-Nazi rallies were featured at the postwar demonstrations for a Jewish state. Now promoting Zionist goals, American Jews turned to work stoppages, neighborhood rallies, and boycotts—resuming tactics deployed in the anti-Nazi campaign. Similarly, American Jews’ grassroots 1930s campaign to transport Jewish children from Nazi Germany to Palestine resurfaced after the Holocaust as a drive to generate mass support for the Haganah’s efforts to run Jewish displaced persons through the British blockade of Palestine. To great effect, American Zionists also frequently drew parallels between the Nazis’ actions and the British treatment of Jews in displaced persons camps, on refugee ships, and in the Yishuv.

According to the topics of study, The intensity of the news coverage of the Abu Ghraib scandal and the US soldiers' torture of Iraqi prisoners have become apparent since the scandal was revealed on April 29, 2004 until May 30, 2004 and the period in which the coverage of this scandal had intensified not only in Al-Zaman, but in all newspapers, magazines and other media locally and internationally. And according to a research taken from Al-Zaman magazine that showed great interest in highlighting the event, interpreting it, following up its roots and results, and showing contradictory claims and slogans between the US and Britain, particularly in respecting human rights and the spread of justice, equality and well-being in Iraq specifically and what happened actually from violations and abuses of US forces, and whoever made an alliance with them against the Iraqi people which are contrary to all international laws, legislations and conventions that prevent the violation of human dignity in times of peace and war alike and can not be accepted under any justification. The importance of the news reports was also revealed in the dissemination of the essence of the event and its reasons, and based on new factual information in a clear and simple manner, and a comprehensive explanation of most aspects of the event and all relevant developments, ideas, attitudes and results. For more honest and objective follow-up, the reports relied on documents supporting the information since the beginning of the event, and highlighted the US abuses and violations of international laws and the resolutions of the Security Council and the United Nations in the violation of human rights, and that was proved by the (categories of analysis) which highlighted the obvious contradiction between the slogans and behaviors and practices, this was obtained with the adoption of specific scientific steps. After the analysis of the news reports of the newspaper Al-Zaman, it showed many results focusing on highlighting the condemnation and anger of the Iraqi people against the crimes of torture in Abu Ghraib prison, whereas the US officials’ stated that the US administration’s justice will punish the American soldiers for Abusing the Iraqi prisoners, also highlighting the heinous torture and humiliation of US soldiers against prisoners. The Red Cross, The Unicef and Amnesty International were also concerned about the need to punish the perpetrators of torture crimes. The focus was also on the US president's claim to insist on peace and security in Iraq. Iraqi and international claims blamed the American minister of defense Donald Ramsfield, for the torture crimes against Iraqi prisoners. This scandal led to the escalation of international and US hostility against Washington and It showed how clear the British claims were contradictory in the analysis which questions the validity of the abuse of British soldiers against the Iraqi detainees.

OPSOMMING Die waardering vir president MT Steyn onder sy mense het weerklink in beskrywings waarmee hulle hom gekarakteriseer het, soos "Afrikaner van die Afrikaners" en "siel van die Vryheidstryd". Steyn (1896-1902) was die laaste president van die Republiek van die Oranje-Vrystaat, maar die eerste een wat in dié onafhanklike Boererepubliek gebore is. Omstanders kon sy belydenis van God Drie-enig as die Driemaal Heilige God uit sy eie mond hoor. Hy het sy taak, waaronder die Vrystaat se deelname aan die Anglo-Boereoorlog, in die geloof aangepak. Sy reaksie op probleme was gegrond op Christelike lewenswaarhede. Hoewel hy soms in onpersoonlike, onsydige terme na God verwys het, sou dit hom nie verhinder om die Bybel as gids vir die lewe te aanvaar nie. Vanuit sy agtergrond as 'n Vrystaatse boerseun sou Steyn 'n spontane band met die Afrikaner en veral die Vrystaatse Afrikaner ontwikkel. Deur studie en opleiding as 'n Afrikaner uit Afrika in Nederland en Brittanje, asook deur sy vriendskap met bekende Engelse van Bloemfontein en sy werk as 'n Vrystaatse regter, sou Steyn ontwikkel in 'n moderne, belese en berese staatsman. Hierdie Vrystaatse president het gedurende sy ampstydperk (1896-1902) getoon dat hy deeglik op hoogte was van Suid-Afrikaanse en Westerse denkrigtings en dat hy sy eie posisie as Vrystater in hierdie opsig na binne en buite kon verantwoord. Steyn se optrede as president op nasionale sowel as internasionale vlak is deurgaans gerig deur die beginsel van reg en geregtigheid. Hy was uitgesproke Afrikaans, maar met lewensruimte vir ander groepe. Daarby was hy 'n voorstander van die strukturele gelykwaardigheid van state, ongeag hulle mag of vermoë. Steyn se sentrale lewenskompas is op die Vrouemonument aangebring: "Uw wil geschiede …". Trefwoorde: Afrikaner van die Afrikaners; belydende gereformeerde Christen; eerste seun van die land as president; Britse imperialisme; "Laat U wil geskied" ("Uw wil geschiede …") ABSTRACT MT Steyn was the last president of the Republic of the Orange Free State (1896-1902), since his term as president coincided with the Anglo Boer War (1899-1902) in which the small republic, together with its sister state, the South African Republic (Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek, ZAR), had to defend themselves against imminent invasion by Great Britain. His inspirational leadership during this war gave rise to nicknames such as "Afrikaner van die Afrikaners" (the outstanding Afrikaner) and "Siel van die Vryheidstryd" (the spiritual driving force behind the fight for freedom), simultaneously showing his close ties with the Afrikaner people. This article takes a closer look at MT Steyn as an able leader of Christian Afrikaners in his time. It focuses on Steyn as an outspoken reformed Christian, his credo or expression of faith in God and his application of biblical truths to everyday life. His spontaneous identification with and leadership of the Afrikaner people are discussed with reference to his term as president, but also taking into consideration his conduct as an ex-president and community leader. Steyn was born near the town of Winburg in the Free State on 2 October 1857, the first president to be born in the republic as such and educated within an Afrikaner farming community - according to him he was a "simple" son of a farmer ("'n gewone boerseun"), familiar with both "a horse and a gun". Given this kind of background Steyn's spiritual and emotional bond with the Afrikaner people was never doubted. It was simply accepted. He was the political and spiritual leader - the real first citizen - of the Republic of the Orange Free State at the outbreak of the Anglo-Boer war in 1899. His reading of this momentous event was that the very existence of the Afrikaner people was at stake. In his opinion, imperialists such as the British High Commissioner in Southern Africa, Lord Alfred Milner, precipitated the Anglo-Boer War with the intent of discouraging the Afrikaner people in trying to resist the proposed expansion of the British Empire, which would cost them their freedom as citizens of an independent Boer republic. Steyn spoke of the Triune God as our God who is three times holy. Apart from certain unpersonal names associated with the influence of the Enlightenment from 1750 onwards, he used scriptural or biblical names for the Lord. He accepted the beneficial effect of the providence of God in human life. His notion that nothing happened outside the will of the Lord, was shared by his fellow Afrikaners' unquestionable belief in the providence of God. Although the Boers could not explain it properly, they nevertheless believed in God's guiding while engaging in fierce battles with the English. Even the unimaginable suffering endured by women and children in concentration camps, where more than 34 000 Afrikaner women and children reportedly died of unnatural causes, eventually resulted in the words, "Let thy will be done.." being included in the inscription on the Women's Memorial in 1913. It is important to note, here, that the by then ex-president Steyn was instrumental in having this particular inscription approved, thereby showing his ability to influence the opinion of his fellow Afrikaner people. It should be clear that Steyn knew his people well enough to persuade them to follow his lead. Towards the end of the Anglo Boer War a well-known British enemy, Lord Kitchener, while in charge of the British troops in Southern Africa, remarked that Steyn had the ability to turn his people around in not accepting a peace treaty and, instead, to continue with the war. Undoubtedly, it was no easy decision for Steyn to surrender to the British, thereby accepting the reality that the Republic of the Orange Free State would cease to exist. At the end of the peace talks, his absence from signing the peace treaty due to serious illness, as far as he was concerned, could be ascribed to the providence of God. During the war Steyn often took the initiative of leading by example, thereby inspiring citizens of both the republics engaged in the war. According to his perspective the Afrikaners or Boers could physically lose the war, but still overcome the British emotionally and spiritually. However, should the Boers cowardly surrender to the British, they would lose both their self-esteem and self-respect. A similar view was shared by Emily Hobhouse, the British Florence Nightingale who had endeavoured to alleviate the suffering of the Boer women and children in the concentration camps during the Anglo Boer War. In an address, read on her behalf at the opening of the Women's Memorial in Bloemfontein in 1913, she urged women and children to forgive the British aggressors, because, in her opinion, the Boers had gained the upper moral ground and could therefore afford forgiveness. This sentiment was echoed by Steyn in his reference to the triumphant martyrdom of the Afrikaner people, in particular the women and children. According to him they had lost the war but won the peace, and to his satisfaction they had also retained their self-esteem, Christian faith and proven values of life. In Steyn's view, then, the struggle against British oppression could be justified as an attempt to uphold justice between the states of the world. As a Christian he opted for the structural equality of states, irrespective of their military power, material wealth or superior numbers. He chose to help the sister republic of the Free State, the ZAR, against the British, because as a Christian state, the Free State had to keep its promise, which was included in a treaty with the ZAR in 1889 and 1897. In the representative assembly of the Free State or the meeting of his "Volksraad" before the war, on 22 September 1899, he declared in public that although the Free State was a small and weak state, it was strong enough to keep its word. Steyn saw in a republic with democratic customs the preferred way whereby a Christian Afrikaner state could be established. He chose a republic as the right of his people and one in which he as a Christian was willing to accommodate other cultures and languages. Already before his term as president, the Republic of the Free State was complimented as a model state. As a republican and a man with insight in the ways of the Afrikaner people, Steyn embraced the Free State as his homeland. Keywords: outstanding Afrikaner; confessing reformed Christian; first president born in the Republic of the Orange Free State; British imperialism; "Thy will be done …" ("Uw wil geschiede …")

Предметом, которому посвящена данная статья, являются отдельные аспекты межгосударственных отношений, сложившихся в период с 1933 по 1945 год между Германией и Персией (Ираном). Они развивались в достаточно позитивном ключе, несмотря на довольно большие расстояния, разделяющие оба государства. Цель, определенная для данной публикации, – показать сложную палитру этого взаимодействия, а также двойную игру, которую вела гитлеровская Германия в конкретном случае со своим ближневосточным партнером. В публикации использованы многочисленные документальные источники по данной теме, выявленные в государственных архивах Российской Федерации, часть которых в таком сочетании публикуется впервые. Помимо традиционных финансовых, промышленных и иных контактов, несомненно выгодных для обеих стран, немцы использовали территорию своего союзника для осуществления широкомасштабной подрывной деятельности, в первую очередь против Советского Союза и Великобритании. И предвоенный период германскими спецслужбами использовался прежде всего для создания на территории Ирана разветвленной и действенной агентурной сети, в которой были заняты как профессионалы нелегальной разведки, так и специалисты, работающие в стране с открытых, легальных позиций. Если для Ирана Третий рейх был образцом планомерного и быстрого экономического развития, то для Германии ближневосточный партнер был интересен в первую очередь как источник крупных запасов нефти, в которой Германия испытывала постоянную нехватку. Помимо природных богатств, Иран был государством, занимающим исключительно выгодное (с геополитической точки зрения) стратегическое положение, которое могло быть успешно использовано немцами для завоевания государств Азии, и прежде всего Индии, где хозяйничали англичане. С оккупацией Ирана советско-британскими войсками все немецкие граждане, находящиеся на его территории, были интернированы в специальные лагеря; часть сотрудников германских спецслужб перешла на нелегальное положение. В зависимости от положения на основных фронтах мировой войны, спецслужбы Германии начинают проводить на территории Ирана целый ряд специальных операций различной направленности – от организации восстания населения до проведения общегосударственных выборов под собственным контролем. Однако эти попытки не увенчались успехом – совместные усилия советских и британских спецслужб окончились их уверенной победой в этом проти­востоянии. The subject of this article is some aspects of interstate relations that developed in the period from 1933 to 1945 between Germany and Persia (Iran). They have developed in a fairly positive way, despite the rather long distances separating the two states. The goal defined for this publication is to show the complex palette of this interaction, as well as the double game played by Hitler's Germany in a particular case with its Middle Eastern partner. The publication uses numerous documentary sources on this topic identified in the state archives of the Russian Federation, some of which are published in this combination for the first time. In addition to traditional financial, industrial, and other contacts that were undoubtedly beneficial to both countries, the Germans used the territory of their ally to carry out large-scale subversive activities, primarily against the Soviet Union and Great Britain. And the pre-war period was used by the German special services primarily to create an extensive and effective agent network on the territory of Iran, which employed both illegal intelligence professionals and specialists working in the country from open, legal positions. If for Iran the Third Reich was a model of planned and rapid economic development, for Germany the Middle East partner was interesting primarily as a source of large oil reserves, in which Germany was constantly in short supply. In addition to its natural resources, Iran was a state that occupied an exceptionally advantageous (from a geopolitical point of view) strategic position, which could be successfully used by the Germans to conquer the states of Asia, and above all India, where the British ruled. With the occupation of Iran by Soviet-British troops, all German citizens on its territory were interned in special camps; some of the employees of the German special services moved to an illegal position. Depending on the situation on the main fronts of the world war, the German special services begin to conduct a number of special operations on the territory of Iran in various directions – from organizing a population uprising to holding national elections under their own control. However, these attempts were not crowned with success – the joint efforts of the Soviet and British special services ended in their confident victory in this confrontation.

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Introduction“From every kind of man obedience I expect; I’m the Emperor of Japan.” (“Miyasama,” from Gilbert and Sullivan’s musical The Mikado, 1885)This commentary is facilitated by—surprisingly resilient—oriental stereotypes of an imagined Japan (think of Oscar Wilde’s assertion, in 1889, that Japan was a European invention). During the Victorian era, in Britain, there was a craze for all things oriental, particularly ceramics and “there was a craze for all things Japanese and no middle class drawing room was without its Japanese fan or teapot.“ (V&A Victorian). These pastoral depictions of the ‘oriental life’ included the figures of men and women in oriental garb, with fans, stilt shoes, kimono-like robes, and appropriate headdresses, engaging in garden-based activities, especially tea ceremony variations (Landow). In fact, tea itself, and the idea of a ceremony of serving it, had taken up a central role, even an obsession in middle- and upper-class Victorian life. Similarly, landscapes with wild seas, rugged rocks and stunted pines, wizened monks, pagodas and temples, and particular fauna and flora (cranes and other birds flying through clouds of peonies, cherry blossoms and chrysanthemums) were very popular motifs (see Martin and Koda). Rather than authenticity, these designs heightened the Western-based romantic stereotypes associated with a stylised form of Japanese life, conducted sedately under rule of the Japanese Imperial Court. In reality, prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Emperor was largely removed from everyday concerns, residing as an isolated, holy figure in Kyoto, the traditional capital of Japan. Japan was instead ruled from Edo (modern day Tokyo) led by the Shogun and his generals, according to a strict Confucian influenced code (see Keene). In Japan, as elsewhere, the presence of feudal-style governance includes policies that determine much of everyday life, including restrictions on clothing (Rall 169). The Samurai code was no different, and included a series of protocols that restricted rank, movement, behaviour, and clothing. As Vincent has noted in the case of the ‘lace tax’ in Great Britain, these restrictions were designed to punish those who seek to penetrate the upper classes through their costume (28-30). In Japan, pre-Meiji sumptuary laws, for example, restricted the use of gold, and prohibited the use of a certain shade of red by merchant classes (V&A Kimono).Therefore, in the governance of pre-globalised societies, the importance of clothing and textile is evident; as Jones and Stallybrass comment: We need to understand the antimatedness of clothes, their ability to “pick up” subjects, to mould and shape them both physically and socially—to constitute subjects through their power as material memories […] Clothing is a worn world: a world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body. (2-3, emphasis added)The significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities are explored here through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. There are many ways to examine how indigenous cultures respond to European, British, or American (hereafter Western) influences, particularly in times of conflict (Wilk). Western ideology arrived in Japan after a long period of isolation (during which time Japan’s only contact was with Dutch traders) through the threat of military hostility and war. It is after this outside threat was realised that Japan’s adoption of military and industrial practices begins. The re-imagining of their national identity took many forms, and the inclusion of a Western-style military costuming as a schoolboy uniform became a highly visible indicator of Japan’s mission to protect its sovereign integrity. A brief history of Japan’s rise from a collection of isolated feudal states to a unified military power, in not only the Asian Pacific region but globally, demonstrates the speed at which they adopted the Western mode of warfare. Gunboats on Japan’s ShorelinesJapan was forcefully opened to the West in the 1850s by America under threat of First Name Perry’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ (Hillsborough 7-8). Following this, Japan underwent a rapid period of modernisation, and an upsurge in nationalism and military expansion that was driven by a desire to catch up to the European powers present in the Pacific. Noted by Ian Ferguson in Civilization: The West and the Rest, Unsure, the Japanese decided […] to copy everything […] Japanese institutions were refashioned on Western models. The army drilled like Germans; the navy sailed like Britons. An American-style system of state elementary and middle schools was also introduced. (221, emphasis added)This was nothing short of a wide-scale reorganisation of Japan’s entire social structure and governance. Under the Emperor Meiji, who wrested power from the Shogunate and reclaimed it for the Imperial head, Japan steamed into an industrial revolution, achieving in a matter of years what had taken Europe over a century.Japan quickly became a major player-elect on the world stage. However, as an island nation, Japan lacked the essentials of both coal and iron with which to fashion not only industrial machinery but also military equipment, the machinery of war. In 1875 Japan forced Korea to open itself to foreign (read: Japanese) trade. In the same treaty, Korea was recognised as a sovereign nation, separate from Qing China (Tucker 1461). The necessity for raw materials then led to the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), a conflict between Japan and China that marked the emergence of Japan as a major world power. The Korean Peninsula had long been China’s most important client state, but its strategic location adjacent to the Japanese archipelago, and its natural resources of coal and iron, attracted Japan’s interest. Later, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), allowed a victorious Japan to force Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East, becoming the first Asian power in modern times to defeat a European power. The Russo-Japanese War developed out of the rivalry between Russia and Japan for dominance in Korea and Manchuria, again in the struggle for natural resources (Tucker 1534-46).Japan’s victories, together with the county’s drive for resources, meant that Japan could now determine its role within the Asia-Pacific sphere of influence. As Japan’s military, and their adoption of Westernised combat, proved effective in maintaining national integrity, other social institutions also looked to the West (Ferguson 221). In an ironic twist—while Victorian and Continental fashion was busy adopting the exotic, oriental look (Martin and Koda)—the kimono, along with other essentials of Japanese fashions, were rapidly altered (both literally and figuratively) to suit new, warlike ideology. It should be noted that kimono literally means ‘things that you wear’ and which, prior to exposure to Western fashions, signified all worn clothing (Dalby 65-119). “Wearing Things” in Westernised JapanAs Japan modernised during the late 1800s the kimono was positioned as symbolising barbaric, pre-modern, ‘oriental’ Japan. Indeed, on 17 January 1887 the Meiji Empress issued a memorandum on the subject of women’s clothing in Japan: “She [the Empress] believed that western clothes were in fact closer to the dress of women in ancient Japan than the kimonos currently worn and urged that they be adopted as the standard clothes of the reign” (Keene 404). The resemblance between Western skirts and blouses and the simple skirt and separate top that had been worn in ancient times by a people descended from the sun goddess, Amaterasu wo mikami, was used to give authority and cultural authenticity to Japan’s modernisation projects. The Imperial Court, with its newly ennobled European style aristocrats, exchanged kimono silks for Victorian finery, and samurai armour for military pomp and splendour (Figure 1).Figure 1: The Meiji Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince resplendent in European fashions on an outing to Asukayama Park. Illustration: Toyohara Chikanobu, circa 1890.It is argued here that the function of a uniform is to prepare the body for service. Maids and butlers, nurses and courtesans, doctors, policemen, and soldiers are all distinguished by their garb. Prudence Black states: “as a technology, uniforms shape and code the body so they become a unit that belongs to a collective whole” (93). The requirement to discipline bodies through clothing, particularly through uniforms, is well documented (see Craik, Peoples, and Foucault). The need to distinguish enemies from allies on the battlefield requires adherence to a set of defined protocols, as referenced in military fashion compendiums (see Molloy). While the postcolonial adoption of Western-based clothing reflects a new form of subservience (Rall, Kuechler and Miller), in Japan, the indigenous garments were clearly designed in the interests of ideological allegiance. To understand the Japanese sartorial traditions, the kimono itself must be read as providing a strong disciplinary element. The traditional garment is designed to represent an upright and unbending column—where two meters of under bindings are used to discipline the body into shape are then topped with a further four meters of a stiffened silk obi wrapped around the waist and lower chest. To dress formally in such a garment requires helpers (see Dalby). The kimono both constructs and confines the women who wear it, and presses them into their roles as dutiful, upper-class daughters (see Craik). From the 1890s through to the 1930s, when Japan again enters a period of militarism, the myth of the kimono again changes as it is integrated into the build-up towards World War II.Decades later, when Japan re-established itself as a global economic power in the 1970s and 1980s, the kimono was re-authenticated as Japan’s ‘traditional’ garment. This time it was not the myth of a people descended from solar deities that was on display, but that of samurai strength and propriety for men, alongside an exaggerated femininity for women, invoking a powerful vision of Japanese sartorial tradition. This reworking of the kimono was only possible as the garment was already contained within the framework of Confucian family duty. However, in the lead up to World War II, Japanese military advancement demanded of its people soldiers that could win European-style wars. The quickest solution was to copy the military acumen and strategies of global warfare, and the costumes of the soldiery and seamen of Europe, including Great Britain (Ferguson). It was also acknowledged that soldiers were ‘made not born’ so the Japanese educational system was re-vamped to emulate those of its military rivals (McVeigh). It was in the uptake of schoolboy uniforms that this re-imagining of Japanese imperial strength took place.The Japanese Schoolboy UniformCentral to their rapid modernisation, Japan adopted a constitutional system of education that borrowed from American and French models (Tipton 68-69). The government viewed education as a “primary means of developing a sense of nation,” and at its core, was the imperial authorities’ obsession with defining “Japan and Japaneseness” (Tipton 68-69). Numerous reforms eventually saw, after an abolition of fees, nearly 100% attendance by both boys and girls, despite a lingering mind-set that educating women was “a waste of time” (Tipton 68-69). A boys’ uniform based on the French and Prussian military uniforms of the 1860s and 1870s respectively (Kinsella 217), was adopted in 1879 (McVeigh 47). This jacket, initially with Prussian cape and cap, consists of a square body, standing mandarin style collar and a buttoned front. It was through these education reforms, as visually symbolised by the adoption of military style school uniforms, that citizen making, education, and military training became interrelated aspects of Meiji modernisation (Kinsella 217). Known as the gakuran (gaku: to study; ran: meaning both orchid, and a pun on Horanda, meaning Holland, the only Western country with trading relations in pre-Meiji Japan), these jackets were a symbol of education, indicating European knowledge, power and influence and came to reflect all things European in Meiji Japan. By adopting these jackets two objectives were realised:through the magical power of imitation, Japan would, by adopting the clothing of the West, naturally rise in military power; and boys were uniformed to become not only educated as quasi-Europeans, but as fighting soldiers and sons (suns) of the nation.The gakuran jacket was first popularised by state-run schools, however, in the century and a half that the garment has been in use it has come to symbolise young Japanese masculinity as showcased in campus films, anime, manga, computer games, and as fashion is the preeminent garment for boybands and Japanese hipsters.While the gakuran is central to the rise of global militarism in Japan (McVeigh 51-53), the jacket would go on to form the basis of the Sun Yat Sen and Mao Suits as symbols of revolutionary China (see McVeigh). Supposedly, Sun Yat Sen saw the schoolboy jacket in Japan as a utilitarian garment and adopted it with a turn down collar (Cumming et al.). For Sun Yat Sen, the gakuran was the perfect mix of civilian (school boy) and military (the garment’s Prussian heritage) allowing him to walk a middle path between the demands of both. Furthermore, the garment allowed Sun to navigate between Western style suits and old-fashioned Qing dynasty styles (Gerth 116); one was associated with the imperialism of the National Products Movement, while the other represented the corruption of the old dynasty. In this way, the gakuran was further politicised from a national (Japanese) symbol to a global one. While military uniforms have always been political garments, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as the world was rocked by revolutions and war, civilian clothing also became a means of expressing political ideals (McVeigh 48-49). Note that Mahatma Ghandi’s clothing choices also evolved from wholly Western styles to traditional and emphasised domestic products (Gerth 116).Mao adopted this style circa 1927, further defining the style when he came to power by adding elements from the trousers, tunics, and black cotton shoes worn by peasants. The suit was further codified during the 1960s, reaching its height in the Cultural Revolution. While the gakuran has always been a scholarly black (see Figure 2), subtle differences in the colour palette differentiated the Chinese population—peasants and workers donned indigo blue Mao jackets, while the People’s Liberation Army Soldiers donned khaki green. This limited colour scheme somewhat paradoxically ensured that subtle hierarchical differences were maintained even whilst advocating egalitarian ideals (Davis 522). Both the Sun Yat Sen suit and the Mao jacket represented the rejection of bourgeois (Western) norms that objectified the female form in favour of a uniform society. Neo-Maoism and Mao fever of the early 1990s saw the Mao suit emerge again as a desirable piece of iconic/ironic youth fashion. Figure 2: An example of Gakuran uniform next to the girl’s equivalent on display at Ichikawa Gakuen School (Japan). Photo: Emerald King, 2015.There is a clear and vital link between the influence of the Prussian style Japanese schoolboy uniform on the later creation of the Mao jacket—that of the uniform as an integral piece of worn propaganda (Atkins).For Japan, the rapid deployment of new military and industrial technologies, as well as a sartorial need to present her leaders as modern (read: Western) demanded the adoption of European-style uniforms. The Imperial family had always been removed from Samurai battlefields, so the adoption of Western military costume allowed Japan’s rulers to present a uniform face to other global powers. When Japan found itself in conflict in the Asia Pacific Region, without an organised military, the first requirement was to completely reorganise their system of warfare from a feudal base and to train up national servicemen. Within an American-style compulsory education system, the European-based curriculum included training in mathematics, engineering and military history, as young Britons had for generations begun their education in Greek and Latin, with the study of Ancient Greek and Roman wars (Bantock). It is only in the classroom that ideological change on a mass scale can take place (Reference Please), a lesson not missed by later leaders such as Mao Zedong.ConclusionIn the 1880s, the Japanese leaders established their position in global politics by adopting clothing and practices from the West (Europeans, Britons, and Americans) in order to quickly re-shape their country’s educational system and military establishment. The prevailing military costume from foreign cultures not only disciplined their adopted European bodies, they enforced a new regime through dress (Rall 157-174). For boys, the gakuran symbolised the unity of education and militarism as central to Japanese masculinity. Wearing a uniform, as many authors suggest, furthers compliance (Craik, Nagasawa Kaiser and Hutton, and McVeigh). As conscription became a part of Japanese reality in World War II, the schoolboys just swapped their military-inspired school uniforms for genuine military garments.Re-imagining a Japanese schoolboy uniform from a European military costume might suit ideological purposes (Atkins), but there is more. The gakuran, as a uniform based on a close, but not fitted jacket, was the product of a process of advanced industrialisation in the garment-making industry also taking place in the 1800s:Between 1810 and 1830, technical calibrations invented by tailors working at the very highest level of the craft [in Britain] eventually made it possible for hundreds of suits to be cut up and made in advance [...] and the ready-to-wear idea was put into practice for men’s clothes […] originally for uniforms for the War of 1812. (Hollander 31) In this way, industrialisation became a means to mass production, which furthered militarisation, “the uniform is thus the clothing of the modern disciplinary society” (Black 102). There is a perfect resonance between Japan’s appetite for a modern military and their rise to an industrialised society, and their conquests in Asia Pacific supplied the necessary material resources that made such a rapid deployment possible. The Japanese schoolboy uniform was an integral part of the process of both industrialisation and militarisation, which instilled in the wearer a social role required by modern Japanese society in its rise for global power. Garments are never just clothing, but offer a “world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body” (Jones and Stallybrass 3-4).Today, both the Japanese kimono and the Japanese schoolboy uniform continue to interact with, and interrogate, global fashions as contemporary designers continue to call on the tropes of ‘military chic’ (Tonchi) and Japanese-inspired clothing (Kawamura). References Atkins, Jaqueline. Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States. Princeton: Yale UP, 2005.Bantock, Geoffrey Herman. Culture, Industrialisation and Education. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968.Black, Prudence. “The Discipline of Appearance: Military Style and Australian Flight Hostess Uniforms 1930–1964.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture. Ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 91-106.Craik, Jenifer. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Cumming, Valerie, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. “Mao Style.” The Dictionary of Fashion History. Eds. Valerie Cumming, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. Oxford: Berg, 2010.Dalby, Liza, ed. Kimono: Fashioning Culture. London: Vintage, 2001.Davis, Edward L., ed. Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Chinese Culture. London: Routledge, 2005.Dees, Jan. Taisho Kimono: Speaking of Past and Present. Milan: Skira, 2009.Ferguson, N. Civilization: The West and the Rest. London: Penguin, 2011.Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. London: Penguin, 1997. Gerth, Karl. China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation, Cambridge: East Asian Harvard Monograph 224, 2003.Gilbert, W.S., and Arthur Sullivan. The Mikado or, The Town of Titipu. 1885. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://math.boisestate.edu/gas/mikado/mk_lib.pdf›. Hillsborough, Romulus. Samurai Revolution: The Dawn of Modern Japan Seen through the Eyes of the Shogun's Last Samurai. Vermont: Tuttle, 2014.Jones, Anne R., and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2000.Keene, Donald. Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852-1912. New York: Columbia UP, 2002.King, Emerald L. “Schoolboys and Kimono Ladies.” Presentation to the Un-Thinking Asian Migrations Conference, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 24-26 Aug. 2014. Kinsella, Sharon. “What’s Behind the Fetishism of Japanese School Uniforms?” Fashion Theory 6.2 (2002): 215-37. Kuechler, Susanne, and Daniel Miller, eds. Clothing as Material Culture. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Landow, George P. “Liberty and the Evolution of the Liberty Style.” 22 Aug. 2010. ‹http://www.victorianweb.org/art/design/liberty/lstyle.html›.Martin, Richard, and Harold Koda. Orientalism: Vision of the East in Western Dress. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994.McVeigh, Brian J. Wearing Ideology: State, Schooling, and Self-Presentation in Japan. Oxford: Berg, 2000.Molloy, John. Military Fashion: A Comparative History of the Uniforms of the Great Armies from the 17th Century to the First World War. New York: Putnam, 1972.Peoples, Sharon. “Embodying the Military: Uniforms.” Critical Studies in Men’s Fashion 1.1 (2014): 7-21.Rall, Denise N. “Costume & Conquest: A Proximity Framework for Post-War Impacts on Clothing and Textile Art.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture, ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 157-74. Tipton, Elise K. Modern Japan: A Social and Political History. 3rd ed. London: Routledge, 2016.Tucker, Spencer C., ed. A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2013.V&A Kimono. Victoria and Albert Museum. “A History of the Kimono.” 2004. 2 Oct. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/h/a-history-of-the-kimono/›.V&A Victorian. Victoria and Albert Museum. “The Victorian Vision of China and Japan.” 10 Nov. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/t/the-victorian-vision-of-china-and-japan/›.Vincent, Susan J. The Anatomy of Fashion: Dressing the Body from the Renaissance to Today. Berg: Oxford, 2009.Wilde, Oscar. “The Decay of Lying.” 1889. In Intentions New York: Berentano’s 1905. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://virgil.org/dswo/courses/novel/wilde-lying.pdf›. Wilk, Richard. “Consumer Goods as a Dialogue about Development.” Cultural History 7 (1990) 79-100.

The Fæsted iron shackleEvidence of the slave trade between Barbaricum and the Roman Empire? In 2018-19, Sønderskov Museum excavated the remains of a multi-phase Iron Age hall at Stavsager Høj, north of the village of Fæsted in southern Jutland (fig. 1). Fæsted and the nearby village of Harreby are thought to have been the site of a pre-Christian cultic centre during the Iron Age and Viking Age, similar to well-known localities such as Tissø and Lejre on Zealand and Uppåkra in Scania. Like Scandinavia’s other central places, Fæsted’s environs are characterised by rich and extraordinary archaeological finds. These include large amounts of gold and silver and, in the case of the Iron Age, also relatively large quantities of continental imports such as Roman bronze artefacts, drinking glasses and silver coins. A remarkable discovery in 2018 constituted four depositions, two of weapons and two of gold, in two pairs of postholes for roof-bearing posts in the western half of a multi-phase longhouse. Moreover, the eastern half of the longhouse yielded metal finds which, after conservation, must be seen as being at least as interesting as these depositions, with a well-preserved iron shackle attracting particular attention (fig. 2). The longhouse, which, in the light of its robust character and the finds it yielded, is interpreted as a hall or temple (fig. 3), encompassed as many as eight construction phases, all dating from the Roman Iron Age and the beginning of the Early Germanic Iron Age. The shackle derives from a later phase in this sequence.The shackle is made up of four separate parts, all made from iron rod with a round cross-section; a large central, complex, composite hoop and three elongate chain links that only vary slightly innermost (figs. 2 & 5). One link is solely attached to an eye in the hoop. It is 68 mm long and has a maximum width of 41 mm – both measured externally. The link is obviously worn, as the iron is clearly thinner at its ends. The opposing eye on the composite hoop has two chain links attached in continuation of one another. The outer link is more elongated than the inner one; they measure 29 x 31 mm and 65 x 44 mm, respectively. Consequently, the inner link appears thicker than the outer ones, but it is unclear to what degree this is due to corrosion. Both links attached to an eye on the hoop are slightly bent, possibly because they have been subjected to tension, twisting and pressure over a longer period. Common to all three links is that they appear to have been welded shut. The central, composite hoop appears to be made up of three bars, which have been welded together, bent into an approximate horseshoe shape and then laid on top of each other. The hoop is c. 98 mm wide externally and c. 76 mm internally. At the two proximal eyes, the otherwise flat-forged iron divides into three separate pieces, which then run parallel around the outside. They appear to have been twisted (fig. 6), which has increased their strength. Even though an attempt was made to reinforce the hoop with the three external, twisted rods, metallurgical analyses of its structure show that it was also necessary to deal the hoop some heavy blows with a hammer, and this must have been done without first heating the iron. Moreover, the conservation process revealed evidence that the shackle was rather worn (fig. 7) when it ended up at the bottom of the posthole (fig. 4). The internal transverse dimension of the Fæsted shackle suggests that it would have been applicable to a human wrist or slender ankle, although it is also possible that it may have been used for animals. It would not have been suitable for use on the necks of either humans or animals.This is one of the first potential slave shackles found outside the Roman Empire. To date, only one locality in Barbaricum is known to have yielded a similar example. Based on the comparable archaeological material, it seems likely that the Fæsted shackle belongs to Hugh Thompson’s type, which is known particularly from present-day France, Germany and the British Isles. The iron used for the Fæsted shackle has been identified as having been made in England, which concurs with the distribution of this shackle type. The type is considered to date from the Late Roman Iron Age.So far, only a few examples of slave shackles from this period have been recorded north of Limes, with the exception of those found at Roman forts situated on this border. In 2011, there were records of 114 shackles from the northern Roman provinces, but from widely differing contexts. Analyses of the distribution of shackles from the Roman Iron Age (fig. 8) have led to the suggestion that they reveal the locations of the most important slave markets in the Roman Empire, and a clear concurrence has been demonstrated between Roman villas, towns and military camps and the incidence of slave shackles. Given this conclusion, it can be argued that Fæsted was a Scandinavian centre for the Iron Age slave trade.There has been little discussion of the use of shackles with respect to the finds from the Roman period. Unequivocal evidence that the find from Fæsted constitutes a prisoner or slave shackle is, however, provided by an article published by Chris Chinnock and Michael Marshall in Britannia 2021, which addresses the use of shackles of, the type to which the Fæsted shackle belongs. This relates to the excavation of an atypical burial at Great Casterton, Rutland, England in 2015 (fig. 9). The deceased had been placed somewhat carelessly in the burial pit and a set of iron shackles of the same type as described here were found around their ankles. These appeared, however, to constitute a complete set, which it is reasonable to assume the Fæsted example was also a part of. The grave could be 14C-dated to AD 226-427, making the burial approximately coeval with the Fæsted shackle. The burial at Great Casterton is interpreted as being that of a Roman slave.An extremely diverse range of Roman imports was found at Fæsted, which testifies to interaction via a highly ramified network of contacts. The clearest indication of trade appears to be the occurrence of Roman denarii (fig. 10). Also found at the locality were three fragments of scrap bronze, interpreted as pieces of draped cloth from a rather large figurine. No less interesting are the large numbers of glass shards, derived from imported drinking glasses. The locality clearly encompasses an extraordinary finds assemblage – especially when viewed in the light of other coeval localities in southern Jutland, where no other settlements with a comparable assemblage of artefacts have yet been found. Only the well-known Dankirke site has a finds assemblage of a similar typological composition.The iron shackle is the latest in a series of spectacular finds from Stavsager Høj which testify to a highly developed network involving both the ‘civilised’ Roman Empire and the barbarians to the north. Very little is known about the circumstances of slaves or thralls during the Nordic Iron Age, but this group is relatively well investigated in Roman archaeology and history. Were these individuals Scandinavians who were sold out of the country as slaves – perhaps prisoners of war – or were slaves brought to Scandinavia from the British slave markets? This question cannot be answered unequivocally based on the discovery of a single artefact, but the Fæsted shackle does makes an important contribution to the discussion about the slave trade between Barbaricum and Rome.

Edith and John Power were a wealthy expatriate Australian couple who lived in England and Europe from the early years of the 20th century until their deaths. In 1915 John Power married Edith Lee in London before serving as a surgeon on the Western Front in the Royal Army Medical Corps. After the war Edith and John left Britain to live in Paris and Brussels in the centre of a large international group of avant-garde artists. Edith, who was twelve years older than her husband, and had been married twice before (once widowed and once divorced), was to all accounts the driving force behind John's success as an artist -- he exhibited alongside Picasso, Braque and Kandinsky -- and the great love of his life. The following comes from a book-length fictionalised biography of their lives, narrated by Edith in the early 1960s when she was ninety-two years old. This extract comes from the part of the manuscript dealing with the Nazi Occupation of the Channel Island of Jersey in the second world war; the 'safe haven' to which the Powers had fled in 1938 when war threatened. The first winter under the Germans was very hard and there were reports of old people dying of starvation and exposure. Jack had terrible chilblains and we were both very thin. Cooking fat was only available for doctors to give to invalids, and one poor chap was so desperate that he used sump oil from his car to fry up some gull eggs, and poisoned himself. Sitting down to a plate of boiled potatoes I couldn't sometimes help but reminisce about the wonderful meals we had eaten in Paris and Brussels. How decadent they seemed -- oysters, poached salmon, grilled tournedos with asparagus or a roasted duck, then a glass of champagne, a slice or two of Ange à Cheval and some wild strawberries to finish off with. I also realised how petty all our worries had been up 'til then. We would be upset if the hotel we fancied was booked out for the summer, the bath water cold or a soufflé heavy. When the stock market dropped a point or two we were devastated, and Jack used to sulk for days when he had trouble with a painting or if his frames were not exactly as ordered, the moulding wrong, the gilding scratched or too bright. Such concerns seemed absurd when we faced death every day and misery and fear were all around us. Then the prisoners-of-war arrived from Russia, dressed in rags and even thinner than us. They suffered terribly, working impossibly hard every day on the railway and underground hospital, with nowhere proper to sleep and very little to eat. We felt so sorry for them, and admired those Islanders who, although it was a serious crime, sheltered them if they managed to escape. We had another dreadful reminder of just how awful the Germans could be when they started shooting anyone caught with a crystal radio set. By the summer of 1942 Jack was very ill, although he continued to deny anything was wrong. He finally confided in me just how dire things were one afternoon when we were sitting on the terrace. We were drinking the last of our English tea and discussing how wild the garden had become. One minute Jack was saying how much he enjoyed watching everything return to its natural state, the next he was telling me that he thought he had a cancerous tumour in his kidneys and should see a doctor. I listened in a daze as he detailed the possible treatments and his prognosis, which he anticipated to be poor. Then he stood, drank the dregs in his cup, kissed me and said he had to return to the studio. He had salvaged a piece of wood from somewhere to paint on and didn't want to lose the last light. I was stunned, not wanting to believe what he had told me. I never found out whether Jack suspected the cancer before the Occupation, but if he did, I can't understand why he didn't tell me. We could have gone back to England or over to Switzerland and seen the best doctors. This still puzzles me for Jack was never reticent to seek medical treatment. Tony even laughingly called Jack a hypochondriac, he was so careful with his health, but then again, I know Jack's father had hidden the same condition from his family some forty years before. For many years after the war Ceylon tea only ever tasted of trouble and dismay to me. Nowadays everyone wants to give me tea all the time, especially the nurses. I tell them I'd really like a stiff gin and tonic, but alcohol is another of life's pleasures denied to the elderly. If I could only get out of this bed, I'd get one for myself -- a big one. I have forgotten the name of that doctor we consulted a few days later, but I remember exactly what he said. He confirmed what Jack thought, that the tumours were in his kidneys, but added that they had possibly settled in his lungs as well. In a last (but futile) effort, my poor darling was operated on by this old fashioned surgeon who had to work in the most primitive conditions; without the drugs, anaesthetics or antiseptics he needed. By that time it was difficult to find soap whatever price you were willing to pay, and I gave him some fancy little rose scented tablets to wash up with before he cut Jack open. Jack had never been a fast healer and all the odds were against him; the strain of the advancing cancer, the inadequacy of our diet and the lack of proper medicines. The only foods we could obtain were quite coarse, there was no lean meat to make beef tea or eggs for milk puddings. Jack once said to me something to the effect that the ghastly jokes of fate are not always in the best of taste but they could be extremely witty. I never, however, found anything except the most savage cruelty in his situation, that such a highly trained surgeon had to endure such a crude assault on his body, and that a wealthy philanthropist could suffer so for the want of the most basic requirements of food, firewood and pain killers. My darling, who had been so dreadful when struck down with the slightest illness, was a model patient. It took a long time, but eventually he was able to leave his bed, and the first thing he did was to boil up his own analgesics, potent narcotics which he followed with a stiff whisky. When his condition deteriorated and I had to tend to all his most intimate needs, he was always good tempered and never made me feel I was humiliating or demeaning him. We grew closer than ever, but I knew our time was running out. In another cruel twist of fate Jack was only exempted from deportation to a German internment camp by the sick certificate. An order of 1942 decreed that all the British men not born on the Channel Islands, from the young boys of sixteen to poor old men of seventy, would be transferred to Germany. Thinking about it now, it seems bizarre that such a reasonable bureaucratic rule could regulate the Germans' inhumanity. My darling's last days are as clear in my memory as if they were yesterday. He lay in our yellow bedroom, looking out over the garden to the sea. I only left his side for the briefest periods, and slept in a chair by his bed. Early one morning I woke from an uneasy doze. I looked over to Jack. His face was grey and much too old for his sixty-two years, he was no longer the boy he had always been in my heart. Lying stiffly in the middle of the bed, arms by his side, eyes and lips closed, his breathing was so shallow that his chest hardly rose or fell. I wondered if he felt the weight of the blankets or heard the wind outside. Did he even know how I sat with him? I looked out over the garden. The vegetable patches dug in the chamomile lawn were flourishing, but the grass was long, the roses run to briars, the pond filled with sludge and rotting weeds. I wanted to lie beside my darling and hold him, just as I had each night for so many years, so after I had removed my shoes and placed them together under the bed, I pulled back the sheets and lay on my side facing Jack. He didn't move. I traced my finger across his cheekbones and down his nose to the mouth I had kissed so often. His skin was cool and very dry. I moved over and pressed my body close to his and as he made no sign that this was uncomfortable, I began to relax. The house was quiet and, for the first time in weeks, I sank into a peaceful sleep. When I woke, the soft light of late afternoon was filtering through the curtains. The breeze had dropped outside and I heard a lone bird calling for its mate. Most of the birds had been killed and I thought I would put out some potato bread for him. What depths we were reduced to in those days, eating the gentle creatures around us. It was rumoured that some desperate soul had roasted and eaten a hedgehog, but I still can't believe that was true. There were so many dreadful stories in those days, you never knew what to believe. My hand found Jack's. It was icy. I willed myself not to think of it, but I knew he was gone. I touched his cheek, my fingers slightly warming the cold flesh, then I put my arms right around him and pressed my face into his neck. We lay like that for a long time. Eventually I got up, tucked the blankets around him and closed the window. Downstairs I washed in cold water and dressed in black stockings, black slip and my best black dress. My black shoes were still under Jack's bed, so I laced on my tan brogues. I found my veiled black hat and put it on the sideboard. Even though I knew it was ridiculous, I felt uncomfortable wearing brown shoes with black and returned them to the cupboard. I looked around for my pearls, and realised I had left them upstairs too. I stood outside the bedroom door for some time before I could enter. Then I went in, raised the window and sat on the chair. I don't know what I thought about, but after some time the chirping of the little bird brought me back to the present. I bent and retrieved my shoes from under the bed and placed them beside the door. I could see my pearls lying in a shining mound on top of the blankets just below his hip. As I was picking them up I finally looked at Jack properly. His eyes were closed and his face was relaxed as if in a deep dreamless sleep. He looked years younger. He wore his favourite blue striped pyjamas from Jeremyn Street, but he was a stranger to me. I kissed him for the last time, then lifted the linen sheet to cover the face I had loved so much. I turned away, picked up my shoes and left the room, closing the door behind me. Although I hadn't noticed, that dreadful Sunday, the 1st of August 1943, had been a beautifully hot summer's day, just the sort of day Jack had always loved. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Donna Lee Brien. "Just the Sort of Day Jack Had Always Loved." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.8 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/day.php>. Chicago style: Donna Lee Brien, "Just the Sort of Day Jack Had Always Loved," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 8 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/day.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Donna Lee Brien. (1999) Just the sort of day Jack had always loved. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(8). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9912/day.php> ([your date of access]).