Academic literature on the topic 'Printing, Public New Zealand History'

To disseminate new knowledge about scientific discoveries in New Zealand in the nineteenth century, draughtsmen were employed to convey the characteristics of a specimen using techniques of lithography, occasionally assisted by photography and microscopy. The Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute was an annual publication of scientific papers presented by experts at the various provincial branches throughout the country, and was first published in Wellington in 1868 and issued in 1869.1 Until his retirement from government service in 1885, it was primarily illustrated by John Buchanan (1819-1898). This paper aims to give a broader understanding of Buchanan’s significance for both New Zealand’s science history and its art history by considering his relationship to the emergent techniques of photography and lithography. His isolated use of nature printing for the production of the three volume guide to forage plants, The Indigenous Grasses of New Zealand, is placed in the context of the nineteenth century approach to scientific illustration as evidence.

Since the 1960s there has been a growing interest in evaluation shown by most Western countries. Alongside discussion of practical and theoretical issues of evaluation, such as methodological developments, best practice, and cross-cultural practice, there has also been increased interest in mapping the history of evaluation activity. Historical discussions are significant for three reasons; first, in providing a record for future generations of evaluators. Second, they provide a consideration of the domestic and international context that has shaped evaluation development, giving each country its distinct institutional make-up and brand of evaluation activity. Third, they assist a country's evaluation capacity development by building on its strengths and compensating for the weaknesses of its history. This article traces the emergence of evaluation within New Zealand using the metaphor of dramaturgy to introduce the settings and actors that we consider to have been constituent of what was played out in the New Zealand situation. Our remit is a broad one of attempting to describe and explain the range of evaluation activities, including program evaluation, organisational review, performance management, and process and policy evaluation. Within this article a broad overview only is possible. As an example of a more in-depth study, a comprehensive article could be prepared on the history of performance management in the public service. Our comments cover developments in the public sector, tertiary sector, and private and professional organisations. It is a companion paper to one on the history of evaluation in Australia, prepared by Colin A Sharp in a recent issue of this journal (Sharpe 2003).

In colonial times in New Zealand the portrayal of science to the public had a sense of theatre, with nineteenth and early twentieth century grand exhibitions of a new nation’s resources and its technological achievements complemented by spectacular public lectures and demonstrations by visitors from overseas and scientific ‘showmen’. However, from 1926 to the mid-1990s there were few public displays of scientific research and its applications, corresponding to an inward-looking science regime presided over by the Government science agency, the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research. The subsequent development of science centres with their emphasis on visitor participation has led to an increase in the audience for science and a revival of theatricality in presentation of exhibitions, demonstration lectures, café scientifiques, and science-related activities.

A list has been prepared over many years of all medical practitioners, more than 3000, known to have been in New Zealand from 1840, when the country became a British colony, until 1930. The list includes not only those who were registered between those years, but also those qualified persons who were unregistered and those who were trained in medicine but unqualified, if they practised as doctors and were generally accepted by the public as such. Whatever information has been found on the various practitioners' life and work is given.

This essay offers a reinterpretation of the origins of Islamic printing as part of the new global technological and cultural exchanges of the early 19th century. With a special focus on Iranian printers, it reconstructs the interactions of the individual agents of this technological transfer with their European partners. In particular, it traces the emergence of cultural and technological “middlemen” in government employment who traveled to European cities to acquire printing. The “transculturalism” that these middlemen developed was a necessary qualification for success, and here their interaction with missionary organizations and their Arabic typographers proved crucial. They accessed the mass-produced, portable iron handpress, the global proliferation of which in the early 1800s linked pioneer Iranian as well as Indian and Egyptian printers to contemporary developments in England, New Zealand, and America. Islamic printing emerged as less a “late development” than part of the wider globalization of printing that accompanied the Industrial Revolution.

The history of science communication in Aotearoa New Zealand starts with the stories told by the indigenous Māori people and has often been rooted in large, controversial environmental or technological issues. Although science communication in New Zealand began with a culture of wise men informing an uneducated public, by the 1990s it had begun to explore ideas of public outreach and engagement. Driven in part by the country's landscape and unique wildlife, media such as film documentary have risen to take centre stage in public engagement with science. Public radio also features in discussion of scientific issues. New centres for the training of science communicators have emerged and there is governmental and public support for science communication in New Zealand, as demonstrated by the number of awards and funding opportunities offered annually, for those who achieve. However a more critical and strategic approach to science communication in the future is needed if New Zealand wants a more science-literate public, and a more public-literate science community.

It is argued that New Zealand's privatisation programme is unlikely to meet its main overt objective of easing fiscal problems. In the case of sales of major public utilities, neither allocative, internal nor social efficiency are likely to be enhanced either. A brief history, and calendar, of the asset sales programme is provided.

Consideration of the degree to which social factors have influenced the development of archaeology has become a recent focus of interest among archaeologists; however little work has been done on determining the relationship of social factors to archaeology in new Zealand. The aim of this thesis is to consider whether archaeologists were influenced by the surrounding New Zealand society between the years 1840 and 1954 and if so, in what manner were they influenced. In particular, consideration is given to how the social background of New Zealand archaeology compared with the social influences of British archaeology compared with the social influence of British archaeology of the time. For the purposes of the study the term archaeologist applies to all those who investigated or recovered in situ archaeological material. Lists of archaeologists of the day were compiled from journals, newspaper articles, and unpublished sources. From these lists the social background of those engaging in archaeology was reconstructed. Developments in archaeology theory and methodology were also examined, not only to determine the manner in which they effected the practise of archaeology, but also to determine the source of those developments, and the reasons for their adoption. The wider social context was also examined to determine the degree to which archaeology reflected certain factors in New Zealand society, not simply in the manner in which archaeology was carried out, but also in the reasons for which research was conducted. This study demonstrates that though the discipline, and in particular the power, was concentrated among urban professionals, the social spread of those engaging in archaeology was wide. This was particularly the case between the turn of the century and the Second World War, when archaeologists with a tertiary background were in a minority. Archaeologists were influenced both from inside and outside the field, the degree of influence being determined by individual factors. As archaeologists were a part of society, so too was society part of archaeological practice. In the manner in which archaeology was conducted the influence of societal attitudes towards women and Maori can be seen.

Since the 1980s, there has been an increasing emphasis on drama, in live theatre and on film, which re-addresses the ways in which the post-colonial histories of Australia and New Zealand have been written. Why is there such a focus on �historical� drama in these countries at the end of the twentieth century and what does this drama contribute to wider debates about post-colonial history? This thesis aims both to explore the connections between drama and history, and to analyse the interface between live and recorded drama. In order to discuss these issues, I have used the work of theatre and film critics and historians, supplemented by reference to writers working in the field of post-colonial and performance theory. In particular, I have utilised the methods of Helen Gilbert and Joanne Tompkins in Post-Colonial Drama: Theory, Practice, Politics, beginning with their claim that in the post-colonial situation history has been seen to determine reality itself. I have also drawn on theorists such as Michel Foucault, Linda Hutcheon and Guy Debord who question the �truth� value of official history-writing and emphasize the role of representation in determining popular perceptions of the past. This discussion is developed through reference to contemporary performance theory, particularly the work of Richard Schechner and Marvin Carlson, in order to suggest that there is no clear separation between performance and reality, and that access to history is only possible through re-enactments of it, whether in written or performative forms. Chapter One is a survey of the development of �historical� drama in theatre and film from New Zealand and Australia. This includes discussion of the diverse cultural and performative traditions which influence this drama, and establishment of the critical methodologies to be used in the thesis. Chapter Two examines four plays which are intercultural re-writings of canonical texts from the European dramatic tradition. In this chapter I analyse the formal and thematic strategies in each of these plays in relation to the source texts, and ask to what extent they function as canonical counter-discourse by offering a critique of the assumptions of the earlier play from a post-colonial perspective. The potential of dramatic representation in forming perceptions of reality has made it an attractive forum for Maori and Aboriginal artists, who are creating theatre which has both a political and a pedagogical function. This discussion demonstrates that much of the impetus towards historiographic drama in both countries has come from Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors working in collaboration with white practitioners. Such collaborations not only advance the project of historiographic drama, but also may form the basis of future theatre practice which departs from the Western tradition and is unique to each of New Zealand and Australia. In Chapter Three I explore the interface between live and recorded performance by comparing plays and films which dramatise similar historical material. I consider the relative effectiveness of theatre and film as media for historiographic critique. I suggest that although film often has a greater cultural impact than theatre, to date live theatre has been a more accessible form of expression for Maori and Aboriginal writers and directors. Furthermore, following theorists such as Brecht and Brook, I argue that such aspects as the presence of the live performer and the design of the physical space shared by actors and audience give theatre considerable potential for creating an immediate engagement with historiographic themes. In Chapter Four, I discuss two contrasting examples of recorded drama in order to highlight the potential of film and television as media for historiographic critique. I question the divisions between the documentary and dramatic genres, and use Derrida�s notion of play to suggest that there is a constant slippage between the dramatic and the real, between the past and the present. In Chapter Five, I summarize the arguments advanced in previous chapters, using the example of the national museum of New Zealand, Te Papa Tongarewa, to illustrate that the �performance� of history has become part of popular culture. Like the interactive displays at Te Papa, the texts studied in this thesis demonstrate that dramatic representation has the potential to re-define perceptions of historical �reality�. With its superior capacity for creating illusion, film is a dynamic medium for exploring the imaginative process of history is that in the live performance the spectator symbolically comes into the presence of the past.

In the 1970s and 1980s New Zealand experienced significant socio-economic upheaval due in part to the global economy, economic experiments, and the gains of Maori activism. Despite the divisiveness of this period (or possibly because of it), anxieties over notions of New Zealand national identity were heightened. There was a general feeling among many Kiwis that New Zealand culture (however it was defined) was in danger of extinction, mostly due to the dominant influences of the United states and Britain. New Zealanders sought ways to distinguish themselves and their nation. One of the ways in which this desire was manifested was in the establishment of the New Zealand Film Commission (NZFC). This government sponsored body corporate was designed to provide an infrastructure for New Zealand filmmaking, through which New Zealand and New Zealanders could be represented. As a result, New Zealand filmmaking boomed during the early to mid-1980s. Significantly, this boom occurred simultaneous to the increasing relevance and importance of notions of biculturalism, both in cultural and socio-political terms. The question that drives this thesis is how (or whether) biculturalism was articulated in the explicit or implicit relationships between cultural debates, governmental policies, the NZFC�s own policies and practices and its interaction with filmmakers. This thesis examines the ways in which aspects of the discourse of biculturalism feature in New Zealand cinema of the 1980s in terms of the content, development, production and marketing of three films of this era that share particular bicultural themes and elements: Utu (Geoff Murphy, 1983), The Quiet Earth (Geoff Murphy, 1985) and Arriving Tuesday (Richard Riddiford, 1986). This thesis also examines the role of the NZFC in these processes as prescribed by legislation and in terms of the NZFC�s own policies and procedures. This thesis consults a variety of primary and secondary sources in its research. Primary sources include film texts, public documents, archival material, trade journals, and interviews with important figures in the New Zealand film industry. Conclusions suggest that the interaction of numerous socio-historical factors, and the practices and policies of the NZFC, denote a process that was not direct in its articulation of notions of biculturalism. Rather, this involved an array of complex cultural, fiscal. industrial, professional and aesthetic forces.

The importance of parental nutritional status on planktotrophic larvae was investigated in both laboratory-conditioned and field (populations) parents of two New Zealand echinoderms: the sea urchin Pseudechinus huttoni and the starfish Sclerasterias mollis. Three questions were addressed: (i) Does parental nutritional status affect the reproductive features (gonad index, gametogenesis, fecundity and biochemical composition) both in the laboratory and under natural conditions? (ii) Does parental nutritional status affect egg characteristics (diameter, number, dry weight, fertilization rate and biochemical composition)? (iii) Are the characteristics of larvae (growth, development, morphology, mortality rate and body composition) influenced by parental or larval nutrition (or both)? To answer the first question, adult P. huttoni and S. mollis were maintained in the laboratory with a low or high diet (in terms of quantity and quality for P. huttoni, and in terms of quantity for S. mollis) for one year. The effect of low and high diets on reproductive features was studied and the same parameters were studied in two parental populations with dissimilar food availability (for P. huttoni: Otago Shelf and Doubtful Sound populations; for S. mollis: Otago inshore and offshore populations). To address the second question, egg characteristics of the laboratory-held and field parents were measured. The third question was answered by rearing larvae of the laboratory and field parents with both low and high concentration planktonic diets. P. huttoni reared in the laboratory with a higher food ration had greater gonad indices and lipid concentration and larger oocyte area. Sea urchins from the Doubtful Sound population had higher food availability, greater gonad lipid concentration and larger oocytes. Parental nutrition had some effect on the characteristics of the egg in P. huttoni. The laboratory-held urchins fed a high diet produced larger eggs: P. huttoni from Doubtful Sound produced larger eggs with a greater carbohydrate concentration. P. huttoni larvae from low-fed laboratory and Otago Shelf parents had faster development The effect of larval nutrition was more important than parental food availability on larval growth and development. Feeding parents in the laboratory had no effect on larval morphology but larvae from Doubtful Sound, which had better food availability, had longer arms relative to body width. A higher cell concentration in the planktonic diet led to shorter larval arm relative to body width. In S. mollis reared in the laboratory, a higher food ration led to larger gonad and pyloric caeca indices. The starfish from an Otago inshore population mainly had a higher gonad index than those from an Otago offshore population. In the laboratory-held parents S. mollis, nutrition had no effect on the egg characteristics. In the field, starfish with higher food availability produced smaller eggs with lower carbohydrate concentration. There was no significant difference between development rates of S. mollis larvae from low and high fed laboratory parents. However, those from the Otago inshore parents, with better food availability, had faster development than the larvae from Otago offshore parents. In S. mollis larvae, the origin of the parents (either from the laboratory or the field) had no effect on larval shape. A higher concentration planktonic diet led to longer larvae relative to body width in larvae from high-fed laboratory parents. In both P. huttoni and S. mollis, parental and larval diet had no effect on rate of instantaneous larval mortality. In both P. huttoni and S. mollis larvae, biochemical composition of the larvae and the egg were different to each other. Egg reserves appear not to be a factor which affects larval characteristics in these species.

Summary: Written, visual and material evidence demonstrates that the indigenous and immigrant peoples of nineteenth century New Zealand both retained aspects of their traditional burial practices and forms of memorialisation while modifying others in response to their new environmental and social contexts. Maori had developed a complex set of burial rituals by the beginning of the nineteenth century, practised within the framework of tangihanga. These included primary and secondary burial and limited memorialisation, with practices varying between iwi. Change and continuity characterised the development of Maori burial practices and materials, translated traditional practices into new materials, and new practices into traditional materials. Although urupa came to appear more European, they were still firmly embedded in the framework of tangihanga and notions of tapu. The nineteenth century settlement of New Zealand occurred at a time of transition in British burial practices, with the traditional churchyard burial ground giving way to the modern cemetery. The predominantly British settlers transplanted both institutions to the colonial context. The cemeteries, churchyards and burial grounds created in nineteenth century New Zealand were influenced by a great number of factors. These included the materials available, the religious and ethnic make up of settler society, regionalism, economic ties, major events, political and social conditions, means of establishment and function. These processes, events, and influences resulted in a rich yet neglected material culture of urupa, cemeteries, churchyards, burial grounds and lone graves which are today valuable components of our historic and cultural landscapes. Portions of this heritage have already been lost through decay and destruction. Neglect is now the major threat. Part of this neglect is due to the fact that we do not understand our cemeteries, what they show, how and why they have developed over time. Neglect is also engendered by cultural perceptions of what is valuable. While Maori regard urupa and burial places as toanga and sacred sites, Pakeha have tended to ignore their historic cemeteries. Such attitudes have been reflected and enforced by the policy of external agencies such as the New Zealand Historic Places Trust. New Zealand�s nineteenth century cemeteries have a great but under-utilised research potential, which it is important to recognise if we wish to preserve them.

Using a series of interlocking case-studies, this thesis investigates environmental anxieties in New Zealand�s settler society in the period 1830-1920. A central premise of this study is that the rapid environmental transformation of New Zealand stimulated widespread anxieties and reforms within settler society. These anxieties focussed as much on the changes already begun as on apprehensions of the results of these changes. Applying the concept of environmental anxiety to settler New Zealand expands understandings about colonial culture and its environmental history. It moves debate beyond simple narratives of colonial environmental destruction. Instead, this thesis highlights the ambiguities and complexities of colonial views of the natural world. This thesis points to the insecurities behind seeming Victorian confidence, even arrogance, in the ability of science and technology to bring constant material improvement. Europeans recognised that modern living brought material advantages but that the rapid environmental changes that underpinned these improvements also brought and threatened to bring unwanted outcomes. A diverse range of settlers worried about the effects of environmental changes. Individuals, institutions, committees, councils, doctors, scientists, artists, governments, engineers and politicians expressed environmental anxieties of one kind or another. Some farmers, politicians and scientists held that deforestation decreased rainfall but increased temperatures. Other scientists and politicians feared that it brought devastating floods and soil erosion. Some Maori, travellers, politicians and scientists held that it destabilised sand that would inundate fertile fields. Councillors, engineers and doctors constantly debated ways of improving the healthiness of towns and cities, areas seen as particularly dangerous places in which to live. Doctors� and settlers� anxieties focused on the effects of New Zealand�s climate on health and racial development. The impact of environmental change on the healthiness of certain areas, as well as the role played by humans in climate change, also provoked lively discussion. The effects of these anxieties are evident in some of the land policies, artworks, legislation, parliamentary and scientific debates, and writings of this period. Settlers believed curbing pollution, laying out parks, planting trees and restricting the construction of unhealthy properties improved living conditions in cities. Some scientists and politicians thought setting aside forest �climate reserves� in highland areas, tree-planting legislation and sustainable forestry practices prevented flooding and climate change. Individuals and authorities also established sanatoria and spas in particularly healthy spots, such as at the seaside and in high, dry places. In investigating these topics, this thesis expands the discipline of environmental history, bringing to light the importance of studying urban environments, aesthetics, climate change, desertification and health. It expands the largely �national� narratives of New Zealand�s environmental histories by acknowledging that local environments, events and attitudes as well as global environments, events and attitudes shaped anxieties and policies. Global ideas, often operating at a local level, played a role in reinforcing and providing solutions to New Zealand�s environmental anxieties. This thesis also acknowledges the on-going significance of Christianity in under-girding ideas about improvement and environmental protection. Most significantly, perhaps, this study underlines both that many settlers displayed an emotional attachment to the New Zealand environment and that most colonists wanted to ensure the long-term productivity of its lands.

This study examines three basic questions. Why did so many familiar floral species with which agricultural people have more or less successfully contested places for some 10,000 years apparently become highly problematic in New Zealand? How did those in whom the developing contest aroused considerable anxiety try to solve the problems they saw emerging? And what were the outcomes of their chosen courses of action? This study is organised around three main themes, science, the law and agricultural practices. Within each theme I take into consideration the ways New Zealanders used particular aspects of these broad disciplines to try to identify, understand and solve the problems they perceived to have been caused by their weedy biota. I also consider the extent to which recourse to these means has helped or hindered the ends they sought. The methodology adopted for this study is a variation of an 'organisational approach', advocated by the German environmental historian Frank Uekoetter. It focuses on the ways responses to perceived environmental problems are organised within a society. From my use of Uekoetter�s model I conclude that, despite a number of setbacks during the mid to late 19th century, by 1939 New Zealanders had developed highly dynamic processes within their weed science, extending into the wider farming community, by which they could feel their way with some confidence into a future where they might better manage the contest with their weeds, if not actually eradicate them.

Constructions of memory, myth and legend relating to Gallipoli have dominated the academic assumption which suggests that this dimension alone has allowed for the reawakening of the exceptional interest in the Anzac tradition; a tradition that has converged at the physical site in modern day Turkey. While these intangible constructions have waxed, waned, and re-emerged over the Twentieth Century, possessing the site to commence the construction of an Anzac Battlefield Cemetery has been ignored in academic enquiry. This significant series of events from 1916 to 1965 were indispensable to memory perpetuation and essential to the commemorative primacy that this preserved headland now enjoys. The desire to repossess, and then own in perpetuity the battlefield in order to attach the appropriate masonry adornments, is in itself unique. This dimension has not been academically scrutinised by any historian until now. Nor has the deliberate desire to construct an Anzac shrine that would someday attract pilgrims from the Antipodes been studied. Present day site-sacralisation by rite-of-passage pilgrims, thoroughly emersed in the Anzac tradition, suggests the convergence of the two dimensions is complete. To counteract this problem of the �hegemony of the intangibles� this thesis explores primary sources, gleaned largely from archival records, then evaluates the significance of the history of �physical Gallipoli.� Thematic approaches based upon the lines of possession, preservation and pilgrimage argue that this parallel dimension has played an indispensable role in shaping the end result today. Tens of thousands Australasian travellers now flock to this preserved battlefield to encounter the actual physicality of the tradition. The battlefield cemetery, complete with botanical emblems of ownership, had been out of the reach of the very generation who had created, acquired and constructed the battlefield landscape. The New Zealand public had to be content with assorted forms of vicarious pilgrimage coupled with widespread domestic memorialisation. New Zealand�s post-evacuation experience at Gallipoli became a story completely distinctive from that of Australia or Great Britain. The deliberately constructed Anzac Battlefield Cemetery is a unique landscape artefact that a proud but mournful generation set out to create. They eventually achieved this end by a complicated mixture of conquest, occupation, careful preservation, and commemorative ownership. These efforts were assisted by the vagaries of economic happenstance and international politics that left this remote Peninsula isolated and off-limits to human encounter. Fortuitously frozen in time, this landscape artefact, so steeped in Classical history, has emerged as one of the most sacred, and perhaps the most recognisable, geographic features associated with Australasia. Overriding these plans for shrine construction had been the stated goal of securing a reverent final resting place for those who fell during the creation of the Anzac legend in 1915. Sepulture perpetuelle became the post-evacuation catchphrase that propelled this Great War generation to go almost to the brink of war to secure the principles of this phrase. This lofty goal of permanence, by passage of time and the re-appropriation of nature, had mercifully been completed before the current �second invasion� that commenced in the 1980s. The Anzac Battlefield Cemetery is now a victim of its own very successful physical preservation.

This cultural history of paua shell jewellery redresses the lack of visibility of such objects as a significant part of 20th century New Zealand material culture and provides a basis for a more balanced interpretation beyond its stereotyping as tourist kitsch. It questions why quality paua shell jewellery made before the late 1960s failed to gain recognition with most New Zealanders until fairly recently as anything other than tourist souvenirs. Over 1,500 items of paua shell jewellery, mainly in private collections, formed the basis for this multidisciplinary research project that incorporates historical, anthropological and material culture studies approaches to write a cultural history of such jewellery. The objects were photographed and where available, their provenance recorded. A visual analysis of the items - paying attention to details of design and construction - established various, often overlapping categories that facilitated the dating and identification process. Gradually, a picture of the production of paua shell jewellery over the decades emerged. The wider socio-cultural context was then built using archival sources, various publications, conversations with one-time industry representatives, and discussions with original owners of paua shell jewellery. Interpretation of the material established multiple roles for paua shell jewellery over the decades for various groups of people. Changes over time provided insights into aspects of identity creation by New Zealanders. Until the 1920s, the shell�s main role had been as a European applied arts material and as inlay for Maori woodcarvings. Paua shell as a commercial souvenir material developed during the Depression and was shaped by the interaction between an emerging nationalism and a democratising of travel in New Zealand. Paua shell native bird brooches functioned as affordable alternatives to greenstone souvenirs for the working-class tourists that began exploring their own country. In addition to its role as emblems of nationhood in the interwar years, paua shell jewellery had meaning as souvenirs for American servicemen stationed in New Zealand during the War, and as patriotic tokens for its own population due to its association with disabled servicemen. Paua shell jewellery functioned as acknowledgement of settlement for European immigrants in the post war era, and as travel memento for trans-Tasman tourists from the mid 1950s. New Zealand girls received paua shell items as first jewellery, and women wore it as dress or costume jewellery. Until the increase of tourism in the 1960s, paua shell jewellery had existed on a number of planes. The exploitation of paua shell by the tourist industry, however, upset the balance and its dominance as souvenir forced a retreat of alternative uses. Other than as tourist souvenir, paua shell jewellery became invisible to the local population. Their withdrawal from an association with paua shell as a cultural marker of national identity explains why so many New Zealanders were uncertain about liking or disliking paua shell jewellery until recently.

This thesis traces the uncomfortable relationship between a mainstream Christian denomination in New Zealand, the Anglican Church, and a movement of religious enthusiasm, the Charismatic Movement. The institutional Anglican Church�s struggle with the movement went through different stages from initial discomfort and concern, to some cautious acceptance before moving to marginalise it. This marginalisation led to the creation of Anglican Renewal Ministries New Zealand (ARMNZ), an Anglican charismatic institution within the Anglican Church. The reasons for this "struggle to embrace" were that the movement originated, and was resourced from, outside the institutional New Zealand Anglican Church structures; fulfilled needs that the institutional Church in New Zealand was perceived as having failed to fulfil; introduced beliefs and practices perceived as "un-Anglican;" and competed with other initiatives within the New Zealand Anglican Church. This uncomfortable relationship contributed to the failure of the Charismatic leaders to renew spiritually the whole New Zealand Anglican Church. The movement however, helped to broaden the scope of New Zealand Anglicanism and left a legacy of some large charismatic churches. This is the first substantial study of the Charismatic Movement in the New Zealand Anglican Church covering the period from the emergence of the movement in the mid-1960s, through the growth years in the 1970s marked by the formation of a national and ecumenical charismatic agency (Christian Advance Ministries), to the establishment of the Charismatic Movement as an institution within the Anglican Church in the early 1980s.

Abstract Case records examined here are those of inmates in two public institutions for the insane in colonial Victoria, Australia, and in Auckland, New Zealand, between 1870 and 1910. In the international field of mental health studies and histories of psychiatry, intellectual disability has been the subject of detailed historical inquiry and forms part of the critical discussion about how institutions for the “insane” housed a range of inmates in the nineteenth century. Yet the archival records of mental hospitals have rarely been examined in any sustained way for their detail about the physically disabled or those whose records denote bodily difference. References to the physical manifestations of various forms of intellectual or emotional disability, as well as to bodily difference and “deformity,” were part of the culture of the colonial institution, which sought to categorize, label, and ascribe identities to institutional inmates.

This paper examines the history within Australia of the ‘parklet’, a small architecturally-framed open space installed temporarily on an on-street car-parking space. The paper traces parklets’ varied and evolving forms, materials, production processes and functions. It examines how parklets have adapted to rapidly-changing social needs and priorities for economic activity, health, safety, socialising and on-street parking, and changes in street function. The contemporary parklet began in 2005 as a localised, grassroots activity to temporarily reclaim street space for public leisure, as part of the wider movement of ‘tactical urbanism’. Parklets rapidly became a worldwide phenomenon. Starting in 2008, parklets were absorbed into institutional urban planning practice, as a strategic tool to enhance community engagement, test possibilities, and win support for longer-term spatial transformations. From 2012, commercial parklet programs were developed in Australian cities to encourage local businesses to expand into street parking spaces, to calm traffic and enhance pedestrian amenity. A new generation of commercial ‘café parklets’ has emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic, facilitated by local governments, to support the heavily-impacted hospitality industry. Their design and construction show ongoing innovation, increasing scale and professionalism, but also standardisation. This paper draws on diverse Australian parklet examples to chart the emergence of varying approaches to their design and construction, which draw upon different materials, skills, local government strategies and international precedents. The findings also illustrate several convergences in the evolution of parklet design across different Australian cities, due to strong similarities in the spatial contexts, needs, risk factors, and technologies that have defined this practice.

In his article series “Modern Homes of Newcastle”, published in the Newcastle Morning Herald between 1961 and 1964, journalist Alan Farrelly wrote about the contemporary domestic architecture of Newcastle and its surrounds and in doing so brought public attention to the work of a generation of the city’s younger architects. Prominent amongst these was Sydney Charles Morton who had four houses of his own design featured in the series. These houses stand out for their bold modernist appearance involving stark rectilinear forms, light-weight construction, flat roofs and large amounts of glazing. For readers of the newspaper, they were an illustration of how far residential design in their region had come. This paper looks at the pre-history of these houses in the early domestic work of Morton which included the design of ‘Orana’, or what locally became known as “the chicken coop”. In the context of early 1950s Newcastle, where pitched roof, brick and tile homes were standard, ‘Orana’ certainly represented a radical departure and rethinking of the modern house. Like that of many of his generation, Morton’s work, and in particular his breakthrough project in ‘Orana’, occupies a position of ‘ultra’ defiance against convention. The aim of this paper is to understand how this position developed and grew in strength within his time as a student at Sydney Technical College and within his early practice.

Project Financing for functional recovery of the “Forte dei Pianelloni” in LericiThe central theme is the Project Financing, a complex financial instrument that can potentially be used to give a new life to a state property with a strong historical and architectural value and in a state of neglect, through the use of public-private partnerships. This evaluation technique makes it possible to understand the economic and financial feasibility of an intervention both for the owner of the asset (the public) and for the private entity that puts the resources for the requalification / restructuring and will own the profits from the management of the asset. Therefore, assuming the role of a Private Financial Promoter, I developed the Preliminary Project and the Feasibility Study with reference to two possible uses. The work was divided in two parts: in the first part the Preliminary Project was a reworking of an architectural relief kindly lent by the municipality of Lerici to expose the current state of the structure adding also hints of history. Then I made two proposals: one hypothesis is a fancy project with Resorts & Suites and the other is a more affordable one with Hostel & Camping; I considered also the differences between the two proposals. To develop the work, the use of a drone for inspections and a 3D printing to create the plastics were also experimented. In the second part that consists in the Feasibility Study was developed through an analysis of the possible positioning on the market with respect to the project hypotheses, the definition of the restructuring, management and maintenance costs. There were also analyzed other fortifications in the Gulf of Spezia, that were already reconverted in other uses. This study highlights the economic and financial feasibility of both design assumptions.

Background Lung cancer is the number one cause of cancer death worldwide.(1) It is the fifth most commonly diagnosed cancer in Australia (12,741 cases diagnosed in 2018) and the leading cause of cancer death.(2) The number of years of potential life lost to lung cancer in Australia is estimated to be 58,450, similar to that of colorectal and breast cancer combined.(3) While tobacco control strategies are most effective for disease prevention in the general population, early detection via low dose computed tomography (LDCT) screening in high-risk populations is a viable option for detecting asymptomatic disease in current (13%) and former (24%) Australian smokers.(4) The purpose of this Evidence Check review is to identify and analyse existing and emerging evidence for LDCT lung cancer screening in high-risk individuals to guide future program and policy planning. Evidence Check questions This review aimed to address the following questions: 1. What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 2. What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 3. What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? 4. What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Summary of methods The authors searched the peer-reviewed literature across three databases (MEDLINE, PsycINFO and Embase) for existing systematic reviews and original studies published between 1 January 2009 and 8 August 2019. Fifteen systematic reviews (of which 8 were contemporary) and 64 original publications met the inclusion criteria set across the four questions. Key findings Question 1: What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? There is sufficient evidence from systematic reviews and meta-analyses of combined (pooled) data from screening trials (of high-risk individuals) to indicate that LDCT examination is clinically effective in reducing lung cancer mortality. In 2011, the landmark National Lung Cancer Screening Trial (NLST, a large-scale randomised controlled trial [RCT] conducted in the US) reported a 20% (95% CI 6.8% – 26.7%; P=0.004) relative reduction in mortality among long-term heavy smokers over three rounds of annual screening. High-risk eligibility criteria was defined as people aged 55–74 years with a smoking history of ≥30 pack-years (years in which a smoker has consumed 20-plus cigarettes each day) and, for former smokers, ≥30 pack-years and have quit within the past 15 years.(5) All-cause mortality was reduced by 6.7% (95% CI, 1.2% – 13.6%; P=0.02). Initial data from the second landmark RCT, the NEderlands-Leuvens Longkanker Screenings ONderzoek (known as the NELSON trial), have found an even greater reduction of 26% (95% CI, 9% – 41%) in lung cancer mortality, with full trial results yet to be published.(6, 7) Pooled analyses, including several smaller-scale European LDCT screening trials insufficiently powered in their own right, collectively demonstrate a statistically significant reduction in lung cancer mortality (RR 0.82, 95% CI 0.73–0.91).(8) Despite the reduction in all-cause mortality found in the NLST, pooled analyses of seven trials found no statistically significant difference in all-cause mortality (RR 0.95, 95% CI 0.90–1.00).(8) However, cancer-specific mortality is currently the most relevant outcome in cancer screening trials. These seven trials demonstrated a significantly greater proportion of early stage cancers in LDCT groups compared with controls (RR 2.08, 95% CI 1.43–3.03). Thus, when considering results across mortality outcomes and early stage cancers diagnosed, LDCT screening is considered to be clinically effective. Question 2: What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? The harms of LDCT lung cancer screening include false positive tests and the consequences of unnecessary invasive follow-up procedures for conditions that are eventually diagnosed as benign. While LDCT screening leads to an increased frequency of invasive procedures, it does not result in greater mortality soon after an invasive procedure (in trial settings when compared with the control arm).(8) Overdiagnosis, exposure to radiation, psychological distress and an impact on quality of life are other known harms. Systematic review evidence indicates the benefits of LDCT screening are likely to outweigh the harms. The potential harms are likely to be reduced as refinements are made to LDCT screening protocols through: i) the application of risk predication models (e.g. the PLCOm2012), which enable a more accurate selection of the high-risk population through the use of specific criteria (beyond age and smoking history); ii) the use of nodule management algorithms (e.g. Lung-RADS, PanCan), which assist in the diagnostic evaluation of screen-detected nodules and cancers (e.g. more precise volumetric assessment of nodules); and, iii) more judicious selection of patients for invasive procedures. Recent evidence suggests a positive LDCT result may transiently increase psychological distress but does not have long-term adverse effects on psychological distress or health-related quality of life (HRQoL). With regards to smoking cessation, there is no evidence to suggest screening participation invokes a false sense of assurance in smokers, nor a reduction in motivation to quit. The NELSON and Danish trials found no difference in smoking cessation rates between LDCT screening and control groups. Higher net cessation rates, compared with general population, suggest those who participate in screening trials may already be motivated to quit. Question 3: What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? There are no systematic reviews that capture the main components of recent major lung cancer screening trials and programs. We extracted evidence from original studies and clinical guidance documents and organised this into key groups to form a concise set of components for potential implementation of a national lung cancer screening program in Australia: 1. Identifying the high-risk population: recruitment, eligibility, selection and referral 2. Educating the public, people at high risk and healthcare providers; this includes creating awareness of lung cancer, the benefits and harms of LDCT screening, and shared decision-making 3. Components necessary for health services to deliver a screening program: a. Planning phase: e.g. human resources to coordinate the program, electronic data systems that integrate medical records information and link to an established national registry b. Implementation phase: e.g. human and technological resources required to conduct LDCT examinations, interpretation of reports and communication of results to participants c. Monitoring and evaluation phase: e.g. monitoring outcomes across patients, radiological reporting, compliance with established standards and a quality assurance program 4. Data reporting and research, e.g. audit and feedback to multidisciplinary teams, reporting outcomes to enhance international research into LDCT screening 5. Incorporation of smoking cessation interventions, e.g. specific programs designed for LDCT screening or referral to existing community or hospital-based services that deliver cessation interventions. Most original studies are single-institution evaluations that contain descriptive data about the processes required to establish and implement a high-risk population-based screening program. Across all studies there is a consistent message as to the challenges and complexities of establishing LDCT screening programs to attract people at high risk who will receive the greatest benefits from participation. With regards to smoking cessation, evidence from one systematic review indicates the optimal strategy for incorporating smoking cessation interventions into a LDCT screening program is unclear. There is widespread agreement that LDCT screening attendance presents a ‘teachable moment’ for cessation advice, especially among those people who receive a positive scan result. Smoking cessation is an area of significant research investment; for instance, eight US-based clinical trials are now underway that aim to address how best to design and deliver cessation programs within large-scale LDCT screening programs.(9) Question 4: What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Assessing the value or cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening involves a complex interplay of factors including data on effectiveness and costs, and institutional context. A key input is data about the effectiveness of potential and current screening programs with respect to case detection, and the likely outcomes of treating those cases sooner (in the presence of LDCT screening) as opposed to later (in the absence of LDCT screening). Evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening programs has been summarised in two systematic reviews. We identified a further 13 studies—five modelling studies, one discrete choice experiment and seven articles—that used a variety of methods to assess cost-effectiveness. Three modelling studies indicated LDCT screening was cost-effective in the settings of the US and Europe. Two studies—one from Australia and one from New Zealand—reported LDCT screening would not be cost-effective using NLST-like protocols. We anticipate that, following the full publication of the NELSON trial, cost-effectiveness studies will likely be updated with new data that reduce uncertainty about factors that influence modelling outcomes, including the findings of indeterminate nodules. Gaps in the evidence There is a large and accessible body of evidence as to the effectiveness (Q1) and harms (Q2) of LDCT screening for lung cancer. Nevertheless, there are significant gaps in the evidence about the program components that are required to implement an effective LDCT screening program (Q3). Questions about LDCT screening acceptability and feasibility were not explicitly included in the scope. However, as the evidence is based primarily on US programs and UK pilot studies, the relevance to the local setting requires careful consideration. The Queensland Lung Cancer Screening Study provides feasibility data about clinical aspects of LDCT screening but little about program design. The International Lung Screening Trial is still in the recruitment phase and findings are not yet available for inclusion in this Evidence Check. The Australian Population Based Screening Framework was developed to “inform decision-makers on the key issues to be considered when assessing potential screening programs in Australia”.(10) As the Framework is specific to population-based, rather than high-risk, screening programs, there is a lack of clarity about transferability of criteria. However, the Framework criteria do stipulate that a screening program must be acceptable to “important subgroups such as target participants who are from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, people from disadvantaged groups and people with a disability”.(10) An extensive search of the literature highlighted that there is very little information about the acceptability of LDCT screening to these population groups in Australia. Yet they are part of the high-risk population.(10) There are also considerable gaps in the evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening in different settings, including Australia. The evidence base in this area is rapidly evolving and is likely to include new data from the NELSON trial and incorporate data about the costs of targeted- and immuno-therapies as these treatments become more widely available in Australia.