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1
Day, Thomas R. "Jamaican Revolts in British Press and Politics, 1760-1865." VCU Scholars Compass, 2016. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/4089.
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This research examines the changes over time in British Newspaper reports covering the Jamaican rebellions of 1760, 1832 and 1865. The uprisings: Tacky’s Rebellion, the Baptist War and the Morant Bay Rebellion respectively, represented three key moments in the history of race, slavery and the British Empire. Though all three rebellions have been studied, this work compares the three events as moments of crisis challenging the British public discourse on slavery, race and subjecthood as it related to the changing Atlantic Empire. British newspapers provided the most direct way in which popular readers and the growing literate public examined and explored distant relations with colonial peoples. This research sheds light on the significant impact these rebellions had on rhetorical choices regarding race and slavery, and establishes that by forcing a public discourse on the topics of subjecthood and race, the rebellions in Jamaica had a dramatic trans-Atlantic impact.
2
Burrows, Simon. "French exile journalism and European politics, 1792-1814 /." Woodbridge (GB) : the Royal historical society : the Boydell press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb377203254.
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Clement, Andrew A. "An integration of discord : how national identity conceptions activate resistance to EU integration in the popular press discourses of Poland, Spain and Great Britain." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/98850/.
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The EU has widened and deepened the single market over time according to a transactionalist discourse of common-interests in integration. This rationale holds that as amounts of cross-border movement increase, Member State populations should perceive the single market as beneficial, thus leading to the creation of an affective European identity. Instead, as consequences of integration have become more visible, resistance to the EU has become more pronounced, especially with relation to the Union's right of free movement of persons. This thesis argues that interest-based theories of integration ignore prospects for resilient national identities to influence the accordance of solidarity ties, so as to color interest perceptions within national public spheres. Combining the literature on European identity, moral panic and communication studies on news framing, it maintains that the popular news media provide a conduit through which these interest perceptions can be taken up through the tendency of news outlets to report events that deviantly threaten underlying identity conceptions. Through content analysis of 'popular' press in the UK, Spain and Poland, it seeks to show how the inane tendency of news to report events in terms of an identity-based narrative can serve to foment moral panic within national publics. Contrary to interest based theories of integration, the EU's discourse clashes with national identity. Disintegration may be posited as the 'proper stance' to be supported on the part of the public in news narrative, if threatening deviance caused by EU migration is to be resolved.
4
Farzaneh, Farzin. "The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.
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Otterbach, Benjamin. "Evolving EU climate policy discourses and self-representation : A study of press-releases from Kyoto to Copenhagen." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-69118.
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This thesis analyzes EU international climate policy discourses around the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol, its entry‐into‐force and the COP15‐negotiations in Copenhagen. Using EU‐press releases and employing Hajer’s argumentative approach, the main focus lies on discursive shifts and self representation. The thesis finds considerable discursive shifts, including a changing role of science, global responsibility and the economy. Findings also include the self‐representation of the EU changing from an emerging to an established and powerful actor but with a sharp rupture after COP15.
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Stoycheff, Elizabeth L. "Free media consolidation in Eastern Europe: Citizen attitudes about political, legal, and economic media freedom." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373925072.
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Мусієнко, Ірина Володимирівна. "Політика пам'яті та проблеми європейського сприйняття України." Thesis, Національний університет "Києво-Могилянська академія", 2012. http://repository.kpi.kharkov.ua/handle/KhPI-Press/20856.
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Vinsand, Daniel John. "Architecture and politics in Central Europe." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FVinsand.pdf.
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Yasar, Rusen. "The institutionalization of multilevel politics in Europe." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/269685.
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This thesis addresses the question as to why multilevel politics is becoming an integral part of politics in Europe. Multilevel politics is conceptualized as a system which functions through a complex web of political relations within and across levels of decision making. The thesis argues that the rise of multilevel politics can be explained by its institutionalization in terms of the emergence, the evolution and especially the effects of relevant institutions. Based on a mixed-method research project, the influence of European institutions on subnational actors and the alignment of actor motives with institutional characteristics are empirically shown. The first chapter of the dissertation establishes the centrality of institutions for political transformation, examines the role of transnational and domestic institutions for multilevel politics, and contextualizes the research question in terms of institution-actor relations. The second chapter develops a new-institutionalist theoretical framework that explains the emergence, the evolution and the effects of the institutions, and formulates a series of hypotheses with regard to freestanding institutional influence, power distribution, material benefits and political identification. The third chapter outlines the mixed-method research design which addresses individual-level and institutional-level variations through a Europe-wide survey and a comparative case study. The fourth chapter on survey results shows generally favourable views on multilevel politics, and strong associations of these views with the independent variables under scrutiny. The fifth chapter specifies a multivariate model which includes all posited variables and confirms the majority of the hypotheses. Therefore, the new-institutionalist argument is broadly confirmed, while there is relatively weak evidence to sustain sociological explanations. The final chapter compares the Committee of the Regions and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, and examines the institutional characteristics which correspond to the hypothesized variables. It is then concluded that the two institutions share several overarching similarities, and display complementarity in other aspects.
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Barker, Hannah Jane. "Press, politics and reform: 1779-1785." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239354.
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Cichocki, Marek A. "Der hohe Preis der Macht." Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4744/.
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Dengate, Jacob. "Lighting the torch of liberty : the French Revolution and Chartist political culture, 1838-1852." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/eee3b4b8-ba1e-48bd-848e-26391b96af26.
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From 1838 until the end of the European Revolutions in 1852, the French Revolution provided Chartists with a repertoire of symbolism that Chartists would deploy in their activism, histories, and literature to foster a sense of collective consciousness, define a democratic world-view, and encourage internationalist sentiment. Challenging conservative notions of the revolution as a bloody and anarchic affair, Chartists constructed histories of 1789 that posed the era as a romantic struggle for freedom and nationhood analogous to their own, and one that was deeply entwined with British history and national identity. During the 1830s, Chartist opposition to the New Poor Law drew from the gothic repertoire of the Bastille to frame inequality in Britain. The workhouse 'bastile' was not viewed simply as an illegitimate imposition upon Britain, but came to symbolise the character of class rule. Meanwhile, Chartist newspapers also printed fictions based on the French Revolution, inserting Chartist concerns into the narratives, and their histories of 1789 stressed the similarity between France on the eve of revolution and Britain on the eve of the Charter. During the 1840s Chartist internationalism was contextualised by a framework of thinking about international politics constructed around the Revolutions of 1789 and 1830, while the convulsions of Continental Europe during 1848 were interpreted as both a confirmation of Chartist historical discourse and as the opening of a new era of international struggle. In the Democratic Review (1849-1850), the Red Republican (1850), and The Friend of the People (1850-1852), Chartists like George Julian Harney, Helen Macfarlane, William James Linton, and Gerald Massey, along with leading figures of the radical émigrés of 1848, characterised 'democracy' as a spirit of action and a system of belief. For them, the democratic heritage was populated by a diverse array of figures, including the Apostles of Jesus, Martin Luther, the romantic poets, and the Jacobins of 1793. The 'Red Republicanism' that flourished during 1848-1852 was sustained by the historical viewpoints arrived at during the Chartist period generally. Attempts to define a 'science' of socialism was as much about correcting the misadventures of past ages as it was a means to realise the promise announced by the 'Springtime of the Peoples'.
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Arikan, Burcak. "Assyrian Transnational Politics: Activism From Europe Towards Homeland." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612893/index.pdf.
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ASSYRIAN TRANSNATIONAL
POLITICS: ACTIVISM FROM EUROPE TOWARDS HOMELAND
ARIKAN BURÇAK Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sabine Strasser January 2011, 105 pages This thesis examines the transnational political practices Assyrian diaspora undertakes in Europe to generate a positive change in the minority rights of Assyrians in Turkey. Based on inductive reading of existing literature on transnational migration and transnational politics and my own research I conducted in the form of expert interviews in Germany, Sweden and in Turkey with transmigrants and the representatives of Assyrian organisations I discuss the reasons, the contexts and the actual transnational political practices Assyrians undertake in Europe. The thesis argues that Assyrian transnational political practices intensified 2000 onwards after Assyrian community have developed a self representation of their emigration experience and have been through an identity building process in Europe which is referred to as &ldquo
Europeanization&rdquo
in this study. The thesis considers Mor Gabriel Case, which started to be seen in 2008 in Turkey, awakening a milestone in the fresh history of transnational political activism of this community
since the solidarity and transnational political networking towards this case are unprecedented in the Assyrian diaspora&rsquo
s half century of history in Europe. By focusing on the activities carried out with regards to this case, the study lastly attempts to reveal the inner tensions vested within the transnational political network and argues for further critical examination of the complex relations among Assyrian diaspora, the place of origin and the receiving countries.
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Bliatka, Ira. "Borders and difference : the politics of delineating Europe." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/9f287000-7239-4a93-ad16-9c29967bef9f.
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This thesis is about the making of the European Union (EU) as a political actor through the delineation of borders and border spaces. It speaks to one of the key questions of an ongoing scholarly and policy debate, regarding the dialectic nature of the EU’s borders; internal and external, present and absent, murderous and humanitarian are only some of the binaries that have been deployed to speak of these paradoxical hybrid constructs, which, as literature has argued, have long stopped acting and looking like simple lines on maps. As such, the project lies at the intersection of EU studies, Border Studies and Political Geography, and engages themes that have been common in these fields; borders, biopolitics, and security logics of risk. The biopolitical border is found behind an ever-expanding range of border technologies that regulate global mobilities; biometric passports, databases, surveillance systems, and techniques of risk-profiling, outsourcing, and off-shoring the border.
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BIRNIE, Rutger Steven. "The ethics and politics of deportation in Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/61307.
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Defence date: 19 February 2019Examining Board: Professor Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Matthew Gibney, University of Oxford; Professor Iseult Honohan, University College Dublin; Professor Jennifer Welsh, McGill University (formerly European University Institute)
This thesis explores key empirical and normative questions prompted by deportation policies and practices in the contemporary European context. The core empirical research question the thesis seeks to address is: what explains the shape of deportation regimes in European liberal democracies? The core normative research question is: how should we evaluate these deportation regimes morally? The two parts of the thesis address each of these questions in turn. To explain contemporary European deportation regimes, the four chapters of the first part of the thesis investigate them from a historical and multilevel perspective. (“Expulsion Old and New”) starts by comparing contemporary deportation practices to earlier forms of forced removal such as criminal banishment, political exile, poor law expulsion, and collective expulsions on a religious or ethnic basis, highlighting how contemporary deportation echoes some of the purposes of these earlier forms of expulsion. (“Divergences in Deportation”) looks at some major differences between European countries in how, and how much, deportation is used as a policy instrument today, concluding that they can be roughly grouped into four regime types, namely lenient, selective, symbolically strict and coercively strict. The next two chapters investigate how non-national levels of government are involved in shaping deportation in the European context. (“Europeanising Expulsion”) traces how the institutions of the European Union have come to both restrain and facilitate or incentivise member states’ deportation practices in fundamental ways. (“Localities of Belonging”) describes how provincial and municipal governments are increasingly assertive in frustrating deportations, effectively shielding individuals or entire categories of people from the reach of national deportation efforts, while in other cases local governments pressure the national level into instigating deportation proceedings against unwanted residents. The chapters argue that such efforts on both the supranational and local levels must be explained with reference to supranational and local conceptions of membership that are part of a multilevel citizenship structure yet can, and often do, come apart from the national conception of belonging. The second part of the thesis addresses the second research question by discussing the normative issues deportation gives rise to. (“Deportability, Domicile and the Human Right to Stay”) argues that a moral and legal status of non-deportability should be extended beyond citizenship to all those who have established effective domicile, or long-term and permanent residence, in the national territory. (“Deportation without Domination?”) argues that deportation can and should be applied in a way that does not dominate those it subjects by ensuring its non-arbitrary application through a limiting of executive discretion and by establishing proportionality testing in deportation procedures. (“Resisting Unjust Deportation”) investigates what can and should be done in the face of unjust national deportation regimes, proposing that a normative framework for morally justified antideportation resistance must start by differentiating between the various individual and institutional agents of resistance before specifying how their right or duty to resist a particular deportation depends on motivational, epistemic and relational conditions.
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Kiss, Csilla. "Constitutional democracy in Eastern Europe." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85176.
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The dissertation examines the establishment and strengthening of constitutional democracies during democratic consolidation from an institutionalist point of view. Focusing on Hungary and Poland, it examines how the right institutions can advance the creation and strengthening of a constitutional order. Among the institutions special attention is paid to the constitutional courts. The establishment and prominence of constitutional courts in most new democracies in East Central Europe fits into the general trend that was perceivable throughout Western Europe after WWII. The main rationale of these new institutions was to safeguard the democratic order from the return of authoritarianism. The main practical as well as theoretical significance of the introduction of judicial review was that it put an end to the then prevailing primacy of unlimited popular sovereignty and recast the concept of democracy in constitutional, rather than majoritarian terms.Such an innovation plays an even more significant role in Eastern Europe, where concepts of majoritarian democracy on the one hand, and reliance on a strong leader, especially in times of difficulties on the other, were prominent due to both communist and pre-communist legacies. Furthermore, the often ambiguous constitutional documents produced by the negotiated transitions, as well as the sometimes irreconcilable aspirations of political forces, provided the courts with a prominent role in shaping the new order.
Through the study of two issues, transitional justice and the presidency, the dissertation examines the various functions constitutional courts can play in democratic consolidation in general and in advancing rule of law systems, in resolving constitutional ambiguities and in controlling political actors in particular.
Drawing on the analysis of political events, primary sources, parliamentary minutes, newspaper articles and court decisions, the dissertation concludes that while the courts' record in solving institutional problems cannot be regarded as an unequivocal success, their role in defining fundamental constitutional principles is more praiseworthy. Not only did they manage to settle controversial issues as in the case of transitional justice, they also successfully curbed majoritarian endeavors and steered the new systems towards the acceptance of basic liberal constitutional values.
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Fulda, Bernhard. "Press and politics in Berlin, 1924-1930." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272146.
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Tsinisizelis, M. "The politics of the Common Agricultural Policy : A study of interest group politics." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.379144.
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Monza, Sabina. "Media portraits in times of crisis (2008-2014). Public views of the european union and the austerity policies in the national leading press." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669744.
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Esta tesis doctoral basada en artículos revisa el rol de la prensa nacional en el suministro de información política relacionada con la Unión Europea durante los años de crisis económica y de políticas de austeridad (2008-2014). El suministro de información política cumple una importante función en el establecimiento de un ambiente informativo general a nivel país, que afecta al proceso de formación de opinión de los ciudadanos, con independencia de su exposición mediática directa y su consumo de noticias. Sin embargo, los análisis empíricos son escasos. Sostengo que esta información es particularmente pertinente en tiempos de crisis y en relación a la Unión Europea, de quien existe de por sí poca información. El rol ejecutivo de la Unión Europea durante la crisis abrió oportunidades extraordinarias para darla a conocer; es más, para volver a conectar a los ciudadanos europeos con el proyecto de integración europea. En primer lugar, a través de ganar visibilidad en las esferas públicas nacionales, que normalmente están dominadas por actores nacionales que defienden sus intereses nacionales. En segundo lugar, mediante debates públicos abordando temas políticos y sociales que preocuparon a amplios sectores de las poblaciones nacionales.
El primer capítulo presenta el marco teórico para los tres artículos empíricos siguientes, cada uno de los cuales se construye sobre el anterior. Estos analizan y comparan entre países, y a lo largo del período, la información política clave que durante la última crisis económica: (1) permitió a los ciudadanos europeos rastrear responsabilidades políticas en relación a las políticas de austeridad; (2) facilitó la comprensión de políticas complejas; y (3) incluyó a actores políticos, económicos y sociales en interacciones discursivas, en especial, a los ciudadanos europeos. El segundo capítulo (primer artículo) analiza la europeización de las esferas públicas nacionales. La visibilidad europea fue limitada durante la crisis económica, pero hubo diferencias significativas entre países. El tercer capítulo (segundo artículo) considera la esfera pública nacional como un espacio de confrontación donde los actores sociales pugnan por visibilizar y legitimar sus intereses. Los actores políticos centrales y los grupos de interés dominaron alternativamente en todos los países, avanzando temas económicos y financieros, mientras que la sociedad civil permaneció prácticamente ausente. El cuarto capítulo (tercer artículo) examina la relación entre la Unión Europea y las políticas de austeridad. No existieron referencias claras que permitieran rastrear responsabilidades políticas. El léxico económico preponderante fue demasiado técnico para poder ser fácilmente seguido por los ciudadanos. Finalmente, el quinto capítulo evalúa los resultados empíricos en función de las teorías propuestas, reflexiona sobre las inferencias y propone futuras investigaciones.
En conjunto, esta tesis evidencia una oportunidad perdida para reducir la distancia informativa que existe entre la Unión Europea y sus ciudadanos, y para integrar a los ciudadanos europeos en discusiones sobre la elaboración de políticas sensibles durante la crisis económica. Los resultados tienen implicaciones empíricas y normativas en relación a la legitimidad de la Unión Europea.This article-based doctoral thesis revisits the role of the national printed press in supplying political information related to the European Union during the years of economic crisis and austerity policy-making (2008-2014). The supply side of political information plays an important function in establishing a general information environment at the national level that affects the process of citizens’ opinion formation regardless of people’s direct exposure to media outlets and news consumption. However, empirical research is still scarce. I argue that this information is particularly relevant in times of crises and in relation to the European Union, of whom information is usually scant. The managerial role of the European Union during the economic crisis opened up extraordinary opportunities for making it known and, furthermore, for reconnecting European citizens to the project of European integration. First, through gaining visibility in the national public spheres, which are usually dominated by national political actors advancing their interests. Second, through public debates, addressing political and social issues that, at the time, profoundly concerned wide sectors of the national populations. The first chapter presents the theoretical framework for the three empirical articles that follow, each of which builds upon the preceding one. These analyze and compare cross-country and over time the key political information that during the last economic crisis: (1) enabled European citizens to track political responsibilities related to austerity policy-making; (2) facilitated the understanding of complex policy-making; and (3) included political, economic and social actors in discursive interactions, especially, European citizens. The second chapter (first article) analyzes the Europeanization of the national public spheres. European visibility was limited during the economic crisis, but there were significant differences across countries. The third chapter (second article) considers the national public sphere as an arena for contention where social actors struggle to make visible and legitimate their interests. Core political actors and interest groups alternatively dominated the media in all countries, advancing economic and financial issues, while civil society remained almost absent. The fourth chapter (third article) examines the relationship between the European Union and austerity policy-making. There were no clear references for tracking political responsibilities; economic lexicon was preponderant and too technical to be easily followed by European citizens. Finally, the fifth chapter assesses the empirical results in terms of the proposed theories, reflects about the inferences, and proposes further research. Altogether, this thesis evidences a lost opportunity for bridging the information gap between the European Union and its citizens, and for engaging European citizens in discussing sensitive policy-making during the economic crisis. The results have empirical and normative implications concerning the legitimacy of the European Union.
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Stierl, Maurice. "Migration resistance as border politics : counter-imaginaries of EUrope." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/66963/.
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This thesis seeks to conceptualise and mobilise migration resistances as forces of animation through which contemporary forms of EUropean border governance can be productively explored. By following different migration struggles ethnographically, it inquires into their emergence and asks what practices of government and control they reveal. Situated within the academic fields of ‘critical border and migration studies’ and Michel Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, resistance and the art of government, resistance is understood as method. As a set of analytics and catalysts that sets sociopolitical processes and phenomena into frictional motion, resistance is developed as a mode of critical investigation. It is argued that, while always specific and situated, migration struggles form transversal resistances that bring to light particular aspects of the ‘EUropean border dispositif’ which seeks to monitor, regulate and deter certain human mobilities. In a multi-sited ethnography, conducted in diverse borderscapes, heterogeneous struggles are explored. The first study follows the Non-Citizen movement that emerged in Germany and interprets their confrontational and provocative struggle as dissent. The second ethnographic study explores the Boats4People campaign that took place in Italy and Tunisia to protest migrant deaths in the Mediterranean Sea and focuses on their embodied practices of solidarity. The third study follows different individuals and groups in transit into three Greek borderscapes and conceives their attempts of border-subversion and escape as excessive practices. Dissent, solidarity and excess are mobilised and interpreted as three specific but interrelated facets of resistance that collide with and contest manifold diffused border practices and materialisations throughout and beyond EUropean space. Furthermore, it is argued that migration struggles question the community in whose name unbelonging and exclusions are performed. The thesis suggests that these resistances not only expose certain dominant discursive frames through which EUrope becomes continuously reproduced and recognised as united, peaceful and humanitarian, but also draw attention to questions of colonialism and race as well as to the various registers of violence that must always underpin EUrope’s division-creating practices. Through migration struggles, EUrope’s dominant frames and self-conceptions are decentered so that other imaginaries of politics, solidarity and community come to the fore.
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Eyck, John Robert Jerome. "The tragedy of sentimentalism and politics in enlightenment Europe /." Digital version:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3004413.
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Koutsopanagou, Panagioula. "The British press and Greek politics, 1943-1949." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2851/.
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This thesis is a study of British attitudes towards Greece, during the period 1943-1949 through the eyes and voices of the British daily and weekly press. This study seeks to examine these attitudes within a period which started, in Europe and in Greece, with the best of hopes and expectations for world peace, democracy and social justice and ended finding Greece exhausted by a four-year civil war and the world separated into two opposed ideological and political blocks. It, therefore, observes the fluctuation of attitudes and opinions as they correspond to the changing world situation. It is also a study of Labour and Liberal opinion in Britain. The decisive four years (1944-1947) for the fate of the Greek crisis found Britain deeply involved in Greece. The conduct of British policy towards that country, since July 1945, as pursued by a Labour government, represented a real challenge for Labour and Liberal opinion concerning its ideological principles and morals. The nature of the Greek crisis and the strategic location of the country made it an important episode during the height of the Cold War, further complicating the country's already acute internal differences. Thus, this thesis is also a study of the press reactions to the hardening Cold War attitudes. The aim has been to discover whether the Greek developments themselves were faced on their merits or whether they were related to the Cold War climate; whether the attitudes towards Greece were kept with the general political and philosophical outlooks. Misconceptions, misinterpretations, deceptions and illusions will be also considered and, in particular how, if at all, these features are related to Cold War propaganda. A significant part of this study will be given on the issue of the relationship between government and press. Freedom of information and governmental pressure on the press, either direct or indirect, are issues under consideration. Papers will also examined as much for their attitudes and opinions they espoused as for how they went about their business, e.g. ownership, staff, finance, circulation figures, readership. Finally this thesis, it is hoped, will contribute some valuable first-hand evidence to the overall study of the Greek civil war as it will attempt to portray the prevailing psychological and political atmosphere at the time.
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Woods, Joshua. "Imagining terror the people, the press and politics /." Diss., Connect to online resource - MSU authorized users, 2008.
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Mohammed, Ismail Syed Ali. "Secondary education in Europe: differences and similarities." Thesis, НТУ "ХПІ", 2015. http://repository.kpi.kharkov.ua/handle/KhPI-Press/15939.
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Sherwood, E. D. "Alliance politics beyond Europe : NATO and the non-Atlantic world." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371750.
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Cruickshank, Neil A. "Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.
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This dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government. Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.
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Sasic, Filip. "Russia’s Geopolitics in Southeast Europe: Energy security and pipeline politics." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutet för Rysslands- och Eurasienstudier, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447910.
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This thesis analyzes Russia’s geopolitical objectives in Southeast Europe by focusing on natural gas pipelines and energy security. Natural gas is a crucial soft power asset that Russia utilizes to maintain its sphere of influence in the region. When defining Southeast Europe, this thesis focuses on the following countries of the region: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, North Macedonia, and Serbia. The empirically driven research explores Russia’s role as the main natural gas supplier in Southeast Europe and the geostrategic implications of the region’s potential to become a vital entry point into Europe for Russian natural gas. This thesis applies the theory of defensive realism to the study of gas-infrastructure developments and to the impact of new pipelines on Russia’s dominant energy role within the region. Further on, Russia faces various challenges to its control of the regional gas market, including European Union’s energy policies, LNG from the United States, natural gas from Azerbaijan, and other complex factors that play into the regional geopolitical and energy arena. With the analysis of the empirical data, this thesis assesses how each of the Southeast European countries respond to new gas-infrastructure projects and to Russia’s effort to leverage its gas assets. These developments, including Russia’s gas projects, could provide opportunities for positive, regional cooperation, while creating commercial value by transforming this region into an important natural gas hub.
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Cruickshank, Neil Albert. "Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe /." St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.
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Banks, James. "Criminalising Asylum : The Press and Politics in Contemporary Britain." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521924.
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Stein, Elizabeth A. "Leading the way the media and the struggle against authoritarian rule /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1779835431&sid=8&Fmt=2&clientId=48051&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Günen, Berna. "The European press coverage of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0023.
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La thèse porte sur la guerre en Bosnie (avril 1992-décembre 1995) et la diffusion de cette guerre par la presse européenne. Le travail consiste à analyser les commentaires et les éditoriaux publiés dans les presses britannique, française et allemande entre 1991 et 1995. Les journaux consultés sont les suivants: The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung et Süddeutsche Zeitung. L’ambition est de prouver que l’intense couverture de la guerre en Bosnie ne montre pas nécessairement une bonne compréhension de celle-ci par les commentateurs. Au contraire, ces derniers se furent montrés arrogants sinon ignorants. La presse européenne réagit aux symptômes de la guerre tandis qu’elle ignora et/ou déforma ses causes et ses dynamiques. Les vieux préjugés sur les Balkans firent que les commentaires soient pleins d’erreurs factuelles et d’incohérences. Cette approche eurocentrique initiale des commentateurs les mena à se réfugier dans une interprétation eurocentrique de la guerre en Bosnie (cercle vicieux). Puisque la Bosnie était ethniquement trop hétérogène pour survivre à la désintégration yougoslave et qu’elle était donc vouée à la guerre civile, ce qui était en jeu n’était plus d’assurer une paix juste et durable en Bosnie, mais d’arrêter la guerre de sorte que les organisations occidentales et internationales puissent sauver la face. En dernière analyse, la couverture intense mais confuse de la presse européenne aboutirent à la caricaturisation du conflit, ce qui renforça les vieux préjugés parmi les lecteurs. La thèse ainsi confirme que le danger ne réside pas dans la médiatisation des événements, mais dans la caricaturisation de ceux-ciThe dissertation focuses on the war in Bosnia (April 1992-December 1995) and its coverage by the European press. Its scope has been limited to the commentaries and the editorials published in the British, French and German press between 1991 and 1995. The newspapers which have been analysed are The Guardian, The Times, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Süddeutsche Zeitung. The aim of this dissertation is to prove that the European press’ intense coverage of the Bosnian war did not necessarily mean that it fully understood this conflict. On the contrary, the commentators’ approach was arrogant, if not ignorant. The European press responded to the symptoms of the war while it ignored and/or distorted its causes and dynamics. The commentaries written under the influence of old prejudices on the Balkans included many factual errors and inconsistencies. The commentators’ initial Eurocentric approach led them to adopt an equally Eurocentric interpretation of the Bosnian war as a defence mechanism (vicious circle). Since Bosnia was ethnically too heterogeneous to survive the disintegration of Yugoslavia and therefore doomed to civil war, so the argument went, what was at stake was not to broker a just and durable peace in Bosnia, but to stop the war somehow so that Western/international organisations could save face. In the final analysis, the press’ intense yet chaotic coverage led to the caricaturisation of the Bosnian war, which in turn reinforced the existing prejudices among the readers. The dissertation thus confirms that the real danger lies not in mediatisation as such, but in caricaturisation of world events
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Tjânice-Túnstra, Wannette. "Origins and opportunities : ethno nations and conflict management in Europe : with special reference to the European Union and the Council of Europe." Thesis, University of Hull, 2007. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6699.
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Ojala, Carl-Gösta. "Sámi Prehistories : The Politics of Archaeology and Identity in Northernmost Europe." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Arkeologi, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-108857.
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Throughout the history of archaeology, the Sámi (the indigenous people in northern Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Kola Peninsula in the Russian Federation) have been conceptualized as the “Others” in relation to the national identity and (pre)history of the modern states. It is only in the last decades that a field of Sámi archaeology that studies Sámi (pre)history in its own right has emerged, parallel with an ethnic and cultural revival among Sámi groups. This dissertation investigates the notions of Sámi prehistory and archaeology, partly from a research historical perspective and partly from a more contemporary political perspective. It explores how the Sámi and ideas about the Sámi past have been represented in archaeological narratives from the early 19th century until today, as well as the development of an academic field of Sámi archaeology. The study consists of four main parts: 1) A critical examination of the conceptualization of ethnicity, nationalism and indigeneity in archaeological research. 2) A historical analysis of the representations and debates on Sámi prehistory, primarily in Sweden but also to some extent in Norway and Finland, focusing on four main themes: the origin of the Sámi people, South Sámi prehistory as a contested field of study, the development of reindeer herding, and Sámi pre-Christian religion. 3) An analysis of the study of the Sámi past in Russia, and a discussion on archaeological research and constructions of ethnicity and indigeneity in the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union. 4) An examination of the claims for greater Sámi self-determination concerning cultural heritage management and the debates on repatriation and reburial in the Nordic countries. In the dissertation, it is argued that there is a great need for discussions on the ethics and politics of archaeological research. A relational network approach is suggested as a way of opening up some of the black boxes and bounded, static entities in the representations of people in the past in the North.
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Hilder, Thomas Richard. "Sami soundscapes : Muisic and the politics of indigeneity in Arctic Europe." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529799.
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Garrett, Amanda Lynne. "When Cities Fight Back: Minorities, Local Politics, and Conflict in Europe." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10821.
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What explains minority-state urban conflict across Europe? When, how and why do some localities seem more prone to turn the political expression of grievance into a blood sport, while others avoid this fate altogether, even when faced with similar internal and external conditions? To answer these questions, my argument challenges existing interpretations of minority-state relations based on "national models" of integration, cultural variables and minority inequality. Instead, I find that it is the entrenchment of local political elites and their strategic foundational social alliances with minority populations that ultimately condition the likelihood of violent confrontation and the ways in which it is managed at the local level.Government
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Madge, P. "Architecture and politics in Europe : Italy and the Netherlands 1927-34." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376365.
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SALGADO, CAROLINA DE OLIVEIRA. "THE POLITICS OF NORM RECEPTION: THE DILEMMAS OF NORMATIVE POWER EUROPE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2018. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=35245@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE EXCELENCIA ACADEMICA
PROGRAMA DE DOUTORADO SANDUÍCHE NO EXTERIOR
O presente trabalho se desdobra através do dentro/ fora da União Europeia (UE) perguntando que poder existe na narrativa de poder normativo? E o que essa narrativa faz com a UE? Essas questões são investigadas movendo o foco de análise para perceber em que extensão e de que maneiras as relações com Outros afetam a identidade da UE. Considerando que o Poder Normativo Europeu (PNE) é o elo entre a segurança ontológica da UE e sua política externa, ele não pode ser pensado independentemente do Outro. A tese oferece uma teorização dos mecanismos de difusão e posterior operacionalização de uma perspectiva dialógica que endogeneiza o Outro desde o início. Recepção de normas é, portanto, parte integrante da análise de difusão. Posteriormente, a tese recria diferentes processos de difusão a partir do PNE como política externa para observar o argumento condutor de que, quando os Outros são integralizados à análise, dois dilemas do PNE despontam, um político e outro, mais profundo, ontológico. Um primeiro dilema é político: se o PNE enfrenta resistência, ou ele a anula, minando assim seu status de um tipo distinto de política externa; ou não, e então não alcança seu objetivo de difusão de normas. Mas um dilema mais profundo está ligado ao fato de que o PNE não é apenas uma política externa: é também um componente central do projeto de identidade da UE. Mesmo se as normas forem difundidas e as políticas convergirem, o PNE pode não ser reconhecido como a identidade superior na qual a ordem internacional deve se espelhar. Dito isto, se a UE tomar conhecimento do seu não reconhecimento, ela é posta diante de ver isto como uma aberração que será remediada ao longo do tempo, ou como uma potencial ameaça à sua segurança ontológica. Ela, portanto, paralisa e não consegue alterar sua abordagem. Como resultado, o PNE como política externa pode, mesmo que seja bem-sucedido, prejudicar seu projeto de identidade; e o PNE como projeto de identidade pode minar sua política externa exatamente quando sua tendência a ver-se confirmado ao encontrar o Outro prejudica seu reconhecimento externo. Empiricamente, o dilema ontológico é observado em um caso de cooperação para o desenvolvimento, o Programa entre a UE e a Comunidade de Estados Latino-Americanos e Caribenhos (CELAC) sobre Políticas de Drogas (COPOLAD), iniciado em 2011 e renovado em 2016. O dilema político, por sua vez, é observado em um caso de resistência, a busca pelo acesso global a medicamentos que provocou intensa polarização e divergências entre a UE e o Brasil no âmbito multilateral em 2008-2009, com desenvolvimentos até 2016. A tese constrói uma teoria e desenvolve hipóteses conectadas aos dilemas do PNE, integrando seriamente o Outro em uma abordagem dialógica aos dois casos paradigmáticos. A abordagem explora a presença de diferenças, contestação e assimetrias de poder em trajetos processuais que resultam em um dos dois dilemas. A maioria dos estudos que abordam o exercício do poder normativo da UE como política externa lidam com casos de Europeização entre os Estados membros da UE, candidatos e países vizinhos. Esse cenário pode conduzir a um problema tanto para a estabilização da identidade política da UE quanto para o sucesso de sua política externa, uma vez que países distantes das suas fronteiras provavelmente desafiam o discurso de excepcionalidade e caráter distinto da UE. Estudos Europeus e a própria UE, por sua vez, não lançaram luz sobre esse problema até meados dos anos 2000. Em contrapartida, esta tese contribui para a agenda de pesquisa sobre difusão de normas e governança externa da UE em duas frentes principais: 1) oferecendo um quadro teórico para analisar o PNE como política externa, proponho que nosso entendimento é atualmente insuficiente para compreender dilemas que têm a ver com a forma como o PNE deve funcionar; 2) operacionaliza uma abordagem dialógica dos estudos de caso que revelam a política de recepção de normas, considerando os Outros como parte
The present work looks across European Union s inside/outside by asking what power is there in a normative power narrative? And what does this narrative do to the EU? These questions are investigated by moving the focus of analysis to see to what extent and in which ways relationships set up with Others beyond Europe affect the EU political identity. Considering that NPE is the link between the EU s ontological security and its foreign policy, it cannot be thought independently of the Other. At first, the thesis offers a theorization of mechanisms of diffusion and subsequently operationalization in a dialogic perspective that endogeneize the Other from the onset. Norm reception is thus integral part of the diffusion analysis. At second, it recreates different processes of diffusion starting from NPE as foreign policy to observe the driving argument that, when the Others are endogeneized, two dilemmas of NPE arise, one political and another, more profound one, ontological. A first dilemma is political: If NPE faces resistance, it either overrules it thereby undermining its status of a different type of foreign policy; or it does not, and then does not succeed in its aim of norm diffusion. But a more profound dilemma is connected to the fact that NPE is not just a foreign policy: it is also a central component of the EU s identity project. Even if norms are diffused and policies converge, NPE may not be recognized as the superior identity to which the international order should strive. This said, if the EU becomes aware of its non-recognition, it is put before either seeing this as an aberration that will be remedied over time, or as a potential threat to its ontological security. It is hence stuck and cannot change its approach. As a result, NPE as a foreign policy can, even if successful, undermine its identity project; and NPE as identity politics can undermine its foreign policy exactly when its tendency to see itself confirmed when meeting the Other undermines its external recognition. Empirically, the ontological dilemma is observed in a case of development cooperation, the Programme between the EU and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean Countries (CELAC) on Drugs Policies (COPOLAD), which began in 2011 and was renewed in 2016. And the political dilemma is observed in a case of resistance, the quest of global access to medicines that provoked intense polarization and divergences between the EU and Brazil at the multilateral level in 2008-2009, with further developments until 2016. The thesis builds a theory and develops hypotheses connected to the NPE dilemma, seriously integrating the Other in a dialogic approach to the two paradigmatic cases. The approach explores the role of difference, contestation and power asymmetries in processual paths that end up in either of the two dilemma. Most studies that address the exercising of NPE as foreign policy tackle cases of Europeanization among EU Member States, candidates and neighboring countries. This scenario may lead to a consequent problem for both the stabilization of the EU political identity and success of foreign policy, since countries far from its borders are likely to challenge EU s discourse of exceptionalism and distinctiveness. European Studies and the EU itself did not shed light on this problem until mid-2000s. By contrast, this thesis contributes to the research agenda of norms diffusion and EU external governance on two main fronts: 1) offering a theoretical framework to analyze NPE as foreign policy, I propose that our understanding is currently insufficient to grasp dilemmas that have to do with how NPE should work; 2) it operationalizes a dialogic approach to the case studies that reveal the politics of norm reception, considering the Others as part of a fruitful communication with the EU, and not as passive receivers of NPE. Politically, it is relevant for the EU to make the NPE as a strategy coincide with its discourse on norms and principles, reducing the creation of stereotypes like double standards. In addition, to embody the Others in
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Brown, Dana L. Ph D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "The new politics of welfare in post-socialist Central Eastern Europe." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/33682.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2005.Vita.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 296-304).
This dissertation explores the evolution of welfare systems in post-socialist countries. Utilizing a range of data on social policy legislation and outcomes across countries, the author shows the extent to which post-socialist welfare systems vary in their design and effects. Variation is demonstrated using six indicators that measure: the extent of universality of social benefits, active policies, effective redistribution, wage-based financing of social programs, benefit levels and familization. Cross-country variation has occurred in spite of the common experiences of opening their economies to international competition and in spite of political pressure from international organizations and the European Union to adopt similar, pre-packaged policy agendas. To explain this variation, the author uses case studies of unemployment and family policies in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland, to argue that domestic policy actors in each country make the critical decisions about welfare reform. Comparative case analyses show that the direction of welfare reform in the post-communist countries was largely set in place during the few years following regime change in each of them.
(cont.) At this time, domestic institutions involved in policy formation were vested with particular inclinations regarding the objectives of state welfare, and certain capacities to implement social programs. Over time, the interaction between three domestic institutions - political parties, interest groups and welfare bureaucracies - has led to the perpetuation of unique policy arrays in each country. The development of welfare systems in the post-communist countries is therefore shown to be path-dependent, with the critical juncture occurring immediately after regime change, roughly between 1989 and 1993. The mechanism by which policy directions are perpetuated over time is the interaction between key domestic institutions, each of whose repertoires of potentially acceptable policies is delimited by its characteristic inclinations and capacities.
by Dana L. Brown.
Ph.D.
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Christmann, Olivia, and Laurent Warlouzet. "Scenarios of "Europe-puissance" : the French foreign policy in Europe by 2020." Universität Potsdam, 2006. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4839/.
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Parau, Cristina Elena. "The interplay between domestic politics and Europe : how Romanian civil society and government contested Europe before EU accession." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2696/.
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The key research questions of this dissertation are: 'How do domestic actors construct Europe.' and 'How do they utilise it in seeking to empower themselves against other actors.' The questions of construction and utilisation of Europe are some of the most topical questions in Europeanization. The first question addresses constructivist/sociological concerns. The second addresses the issue of winners and losers (differential empowerment). Both are key issues in the literature of Europeanization and yet have been little addressed in the context of post-communist EU accession countries. This dissertation aims to bridge this gap by focusing on the post-communist country of Romania, a soon to be EU member-State. The actors under investigation are civil society, which emerged in Romania for the first time ever after 1989 and the central government Executive. The study covers the period during which the EU acquis negotiations were negotiated under the Social Democratic government led by Prime Minister Adrian Nastase (2000-2004). The data was gathered through in-depth case study and process-tracing, the methods found best able to disentangle a complex causal nexus. The Europeanization literature is contradictory with regard to which domestic actors are constrained and which empowered: some scholars theorise that it empowers civil society (Diffusion); others that it empowers the Executive (Executive Empowerment); still others that it promotes co-operation between them (Network Governance). The empirical evidence so far has been inconclusive. This dissertation shows that only a small elite made of civil society entrepreneurs and government Executives constructed and utilised Europe in the pre-membership phase, to empower themselves relative to other actors, particularly opponents. The empirical data support two of the classical Europeanization theses in the literature: the Diffusion and the Executive Empowerment Theses. The Diffusion Thesis better explains civil society empowerment near the beginning and at the peak of acquis negotiations, although some evidence also favours Executive Empowerment. This latter thesis better explains the powerlessness of civil society at the close of negotiations, although some evidence for Diffusion was also found. No evidence was found supporting Network Governance. Instead evidence was found in favour of its critics, namely support for the claim that the EU (or Europe) empowers an elite in both civil society and the State.
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Boesenecker, Aaron P. "Defining work and welfare the politics of social policy reform in Europe /." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/461265191/viewonline.
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Niedzwiecki, Thaba. "Print politics, conflict and community-building at Toronto's Women's Press." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ27530.pdf.
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Roberts, Anne. "Veiled Politics: Legitimating the Burqa Ban in the French Press." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_theses/78.
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In October 2010 the Constitutional Council of France approved a law banning the burqa and niqab from all public places. Joining the ongoing scholarly discussion on veiling, this study seeks to understand the role the French press played in legitimating the ban, the first of its kind to be implemented in Europe. I argue that discourse in the press made the legislation appear reasonable and necessary because of its association with gender inequality and religious fundamentalism. This media narrative legitimated the legislation by presenting the veil as intolerable and “against public social order.” Made necessary by rapidly shifting demographics in contemporary France, this discourse was couched in a defensive employment of laïcité.
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Cockett, Richard Bernard. "The government, the press and politics in Britain 1937-1945." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363469.
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Mitchell, Antony Craig. "The Unionist Press and the politics of the Great War." Thesis, University of York, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9788/.
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Hauswedell, Tessa. "The formation of a European identity through a transnational public sphere? : the case of three western European cultural journals, 1989-2006 /." St Andrews, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/789.
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Ranc, David Olivier Jean. "Identification, football & the press in Europe after the Bosman ruling (1995)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.611886.
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Pastorella, Giulia. "Technocratic governments : power, expertise and crisis politics in European democracies." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3364/.
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The aim of my thesis is to investigate the reasons for the appointment of technocratic governments in Europe. In order to do this, I conceptualise what technocratic governments are, both in terms of their own characteristics and in comparison with party governments. I problematize classic elements, such as independence, neutrality and expertise of ministers, and add further ones including the relation to electoral outcomes, their particular type of agenda, and the echo they have in the media. Having established that technocratic governments require a shift in politicians’ preferences away from typical office-seeking behaviour, I proceed to enquire as to the situations that make their appointment more likely. Through a statistical analysis on all European cabinets from 1977 to 2013, I identify situations of economic and political crises – in particular scandals - as the main variables influencing the likelihood of technocratic government appointments. I further examine how these crises have lead to these appointments by exploring cases of over 25 technocratic governments in a range of countries and years. The qualitative illustrative evidence highlights the importance of institutional characteristics of the given political system in which such governments were appointed. The status of the party system, the role of the Head of State and external pressures coming from international or supranational institutionas are thus shown to be important in technocratic cabinet appointments. Finally, I assess whether technocratic governments fit within the European democratic standards and conclude that technocratic governments are symptoms of the decline of party democracy, identifiable in the loosening of delegation and accountability ties between parties and cabinets, increasing external pressures on domestic political actors, and the weakening of partisan ideology-based politics. The thesis adds further elements to reinforce the already vast literature on the crisis of – especially party – democracy in Europe.
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Passetti, Francesco. "Keeping policy and politics apart: integration policies in Europe and the politics of citizenship in Spain and Italy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/587162.
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This thesis investigates immigrant integration policies paying special attention to the Spanish and Italian citizenship regimes. It hinges upon a multi-method design and its results take the shape of a three-article structure. The first article addresses similarities and differences among European countries’ integration policies and, by means of cluster analysis on MIPEX data, it identifies policy-models characterizing the current European scenario. Two shared-configurations are captured, cutting across the East/West cleavage. The Eastern configuration is more restrictive than the Western one, especially in traditional areas of integration. The second and third articles concentrate on the domain of citizenship and try to account for the puzzling continuity of nationality laws in Spain and in Italy by relying on the explanatory power of ideas. The Spanish case is treated in the second article whereas the third article compares such case to the Italian one. In both countries ideas prove to be crucial in driving the evolution of nationality laws; however according to distinct causal logic.La presente tesis investiga las políticas de integración de los inmigrantes prestando especial atención a los regímenes de nacionalidad españolo e italiano; sigue un diseño de investigación “multhi-method” y sus resultados se estructuran en tres artículos. El primer artículo aborda similitudes y diferencias entre las políticas de integración de los países europeos y, mediante un cluster análisis con datos MIPEX, identifica los modelos de policy que marcan el escenario europeo actual. Dos macro-configuraciones son identificadas, a través de la división este/oeste. La configuración del este es más restrictiva de la del oeste, especialmente en las tradicionales áreas de integración. Los artículos segundo y tercero se centran en el área de la ciudadanía y tratan de dar cuenta de la enigmática continuidad de las leyes de nacionalidad en España y en Italia, confiando en el poder explicativo de las ideas. El segundo artículo trata el caso español, el tercero compara éste con el caso italiano. En ambos países los factores “ideacionales” se demuestran cruciales en influenciar la evolución de las leyes de nacionalidad; sin embargo, según distintas lógicas causales.
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Bátory, Ágnes. "Attitudes to Europe : a comparative politics approach to the issue of European Union membership in Hungarian party politics." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.620671.
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