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1
May, Glenn Anthony. "Father Frank Lynch and the Shaping of Philippine Social Science." Itinerario 22, no. 3 (November 1998): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009621.
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Although the United States granted the Philippines formal independence in 1946, American influence in the former colony did not disappear overnight. In the decades following independence, American policymakers continued to play key roles in Philippine politics; American businessmen, presidents, legislators, and bureaucrats and US-based international money lending agencies continued to have a considerable impact on the Philippine economy; and American popular culture continued to penetrate Philippine society and culture (as it did elsewhere). But perhaps no sector of Philippine society was as profoundly influenced by Americans as the academic one, and no subdivision of the Philippine academy bore the American imprint as visibly as Philippine social science. This paper examines the academic career, writings, institution-building efforts, and scholarly agenda of the US-born scholar who arguably had the greatest impact on post-war Philip- pine social science: Father Frank Lynch, a Jesuit professor of anthropology and sociology at Ateneo de Manila University.
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Thompson, Kenneth W. "The Literature of Decline." Ethics & International Affairs 3 (March 1989): 303–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1989.tb00225.x.
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This article compares reflections from four sources on the state of the American democracy in the international community (The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000, by Paul Kennedy; 1999: Victory Without War, by Richard Nixon; “Communism at Bay,”The Economist; Long Cycles in World Politics, by George Modelski) within the framework of the 1980s, which was portrayed by leaders as “an era of good feelings.” Yet drastically different positions on American rise or decline are propounded by historians and officeholders, former presidents and scholars, journalists and aspiring candidates for political office. These four writings reveal the complexity of the analysis of the American decline. Yet, it is crucial for leaders to maintain public devotion to their nation, not through passion, but rather, in the words of Abraham Lincoln, through “the solid quarry of sober reason,”. America's capacity to preserve a strong and healthy resilience, the author concludes, is the exceptional value it continues to offer the world.
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Mooney, T. Brian, and Damini Roy. "Politeness and Pietas as Annexed to the Virtue of Justice." Dialogue and Universalism 30, no. 1 (2020): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du20203013.
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“Politeness” appears to be connected to a quite disparate set of related concepts, including but not limited to, “manners,” “etiquette,” “agreeableness,” “respect” and even “piety.” While in the East politeness considered as an important social virtue is present (and even central) in the theoretical and practical expressions of the Confucian, Taoist and Buddhist traditions, (indeed politeness has been viewed in these traditions as central to proper education) it has not featured prominently in philosophical discussion in the West. American presidents Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin and George Washington all devoted discussion to politeness within the broader ambit of manners and etiquette, as too did Erasmus, Edmund Burke and Ralph Waldo Emerson but on the whole sustained philosophical engagement with the topic has been lacking in the West. The richest source for philosophical investigation is perhaps afforded by the centrality of the concept of respect in Immanuel Kant.However in this paper we will instead draw on the writings of Aristotle and Thomas Aquinas to defend the centrality of “politeness” as an important and valuable moral virtue. Starting with an analysis of the broader Aristotelian arguments on the virtues associated with “agreeableness,” namely, friendliness, truthfulness and wit I will argue that “politeness” should be thought of as an important moral virtue attached to social intercourse (and by extension the vice of impoliteness). I then move to identify an even broader and more important account of politeness, drawing on the work of Aquinas, as intimately connected to the notion of pietas (piety) as a fundamental part of the virtue of justice.
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Tinshe, Sonia, and Junaidi Junaidi. "WHO ARE AMERICANS? ANALYSIS OF OBAMA AND TRUMP’S POLITICAL SPEECHES ON IMMIGRATION." Celtic: A Journal of Culture, English Language Teaching, Literature and Linguistics 6, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/celtic.v6i2.9947.
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Immigration has been a crucial discussion in the American politics ever since the nation was still writing its constitution. Seeing how immigrants have shaped the American society, it is important to see how they are perceived, as minorities, by significant political figures, such as the president. The objective of this paper is to understand the ideology behind Obama and Trump’s political speeches about immigration, as well as its relevance to the political discourse and social context in America. Five political speeches from Obama (2009-2014), as well as two political speeches from Trump (2016-2017) are analyzed, as the primary data, using Critical Discourse Analysis, particularly Fairclough’s (1993) three-dimensional framework. The finding shows that Obama’s and Trump’s ideology on immigration is related with their idea of the immigrant’s identity in American society. It is shown through their word choice, such as pejorative adjective, and the theme related with the issue of immigration. Seen from the political discourse, the speeches are showing perceived superiority that the presidents have over immigrants. Moreover, from the social perspective, it dehumanizes and reduces the identity of immigrants.
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Tinshe, Sonia, and Junaidi Junaidi. "WHO ARE AMERICANS? ANALYSIS OF OBAMA AND TRUMP’S POLITICAL SPEECHES ON IMMIGRATION." Celtic: A Journal of Culture, English Language Teaching, Literature, & Linguistics 6, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/celticumm.vol6.no2.73-87.
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Immigration has been a crucial discussion in the American politics ever since the nation was still writing its constitution. Seeing how immigrants have shaped the American society, it is important to see how they are perceived, as minorities, by significant political figures, such as the president. The objective of this paper is to understand the ideology behind Obama and Trump’s political speeches about immigration, as well as its relevance to the political discourse and social context in America. Five political speeches from Obama (2009-2014), as well as two political speeches from Trump (2016-2017) are analyzed, as the primary data, using Critical Discourse Analysis, particularly Fairclough’s (1993) three-dimensional framework. The finding shows that Obama’s and Trump’s ideology on immigration is related with their idea of the immigrant’s identity in American society. It is shown through their word choice, such as pejorative adjective, and the theme related with the issue of immigration. Seen from the political discourse, the speeches are showing perceived superiority that the presidents have over immigrants. Moreover, from the social perspective, it dehumanizes and reduces the identity of immigrants.
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Maru, Mister Gidion, Gin Gin Gustine, Slamet Setiawan, Julio Juniver Tadete, and Tirza Kumajas. "Interpreting repetition expressions in the writing of Trump’s addresses during the Covid-19 pandemic." Indonesian Journal of Applied Linguistics 12, no. 3 (January 31, 2023): 708–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/ijal.v12i3.49511.
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The emergence of the Covid-19 pandemic has driven a world crisis that requires world leaders to respond by voicing their policies and solutions. The political addresses serve to be the path for these purposes. This creates the need for effective rhetorical strategies or forms used by leaders, particularly presidents, to address the current issues which are not commonly beheld. This study shares the result of the inquiry on the use of repetition in President Donald Trump’s speeches during the Covid-19 Pandemic in America. The study attempts to interpret the type of repetition found in the speeches and their general meaning implications. As a textual study, this research gained data from three speeches of Trump specifically addressing the issue of the Covid-19 pandemic delivered during his attempt to handle the emergence and spread of the Coronavirus in the U.S. since in American literature, an address is also viewed as a literary work, this study deployed Goffman’s frame analysis which is also regarded as double hermeneutic for the analysis process. The findings, then, designate that Trump, in his addresses, applied seven types of repetition; from anaphora to root repetition. Further, the study found that anaphora serves to be the most used repetition, which means the main rhetorical instrument in the addresses. In terms of meaning implications, the repetitions apparently imply the reawakening of the jeremiad structure in the address and the affirmation of the American sense of greatness and role in the world. The findings of this inquiry are hoped to add more theoretical constructions and strategies for rhetoric texts for both crisis and socio-political communication contexts. Its practical contribution goes toward defining and exemplifying language expressions and functions in communicative text writing.
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Kharchenko, Oleg. "LITERARY JOURNALISM. PUBLIC SPEECHES. BIBLICAL MOTIFS." Scientific Journal of Polonia University 49, no. 6 (January 18, 2022): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.23856/4905.
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This article focuses its attention on the functioning of the biblical motifs in American fiction and their penetration in American public speeches and non-fiction through literary journalism techniques. The findings of this work illustrate that biblical motifs and religious lexicon as a whole have been used steadily in the speeches of all U.S presidents. Taking into account that the majority of Americans (73%) relates to Christians, the biblical motifs belong to important rhetorical and stylistic tools of all U.S. presidents in their search for the support of voters. Since Ronald Reagan (1981-1989), there has been an apparent tendency to employ more religious words and biblical motifs. The most active users of them were Donald Trump, George H.W. Bush, and Barack Obama who applied 7.3, 4.8, and 4.1 religious words per one thousand in their speeches. While monitoring the biblical motifs in American mass media and multimedia, we identified the most periodically applied: God, All-Mighty, Lord, Supreme Being; Satan, Devil, Lucifer, Beelzebub, Baphomet; Saint Mary; Archangels; Angels; Four Horsemen of Apocalypses; The Three Wise Men; Messiah, the Chosen One; All-loving hero; Cain and Abel; Samson and Delilah; False prophet; Nephilim, giants. According to our findings 136 names of angels were determined in American fiction and non-fiction. As for the theological angels, whose names differ sometimes, their number is 123. The total number of Archangels, mentioned in America mass media, is 17. However, in the Bible and Enoch book just only seven archangels are named. The research results could be used by the specialists in media studies, journalism and philology, as well as by practical journalists and multimedia authors, including Ukrainian students, who plan to sharpen their skills in writing English content.
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El Besomey, Dina Ali Mohamed El-Besomey. "The comparative study of advertising American presidency election campaign for both "Barack Obama"- "Donald Trump "via advertising animation film with multimedia." European Journal of Education 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/204tqe93.
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The role of advertising animation film as a political motivate in the contemporary reality strategy through multimedia in the research scale of universal unilateral force" America". and this reflection on the animation industry, which made the US authorities and capital owners as a political motivate towards political trends and political changes within and outside America worldwide , And this impact and reflection of our country Egypt and monitoring the effects and results of modern political changes in the contemporary Egyptian reality, and the need to presence of an national Egyptian defensing resistant to Western ideologies, especially the American ideology, which push the changes towards her interests and her advantages as well as the need for writing the history of our contemporary reality by Ourselves via all multimedia forms until they are not forging for the facts or the history with different ideology of the good Egyptian thought. Referring to the futurology, which was concentered with it by the century . As "Dr./ salah Qunsoua "pointed at introduction Book, entitled" the clash of Civilizations" Composed by: Samuil Hentgton - In response to what the current events causes in the world ,like problems and questions, do not find their solutions, or responses in previous models, samples, tribes, familiar and accepted theories until recently. As the contemporary world status, which America - Western Europe present the motivate of what facts happen and destroy the theories stabilized from the analysis of an interpretation.Keywords: Advertisement –Animation-multimedia -Advertising American presidency election campaign, – the USA president-"Barack Obama"- "Donald Trump "- the Simpsons- propaganda- Video clip entitled "He's Barack Obama He's Come to Save the Day"-advertising animation film"Donald Trump will destroy America".
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Neely, Mark E. "The Presidents Politics Made." Journal of Policy History 8, no. 2 (April 1996): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005133.
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At one time, political science greatly influenced the writing of American history. Pioneers of “the new political history” brought critical elections theory, roll-call analysis, the idea of party systems, and a model of ethno-cultural voting to bear on the Jacksonian era, the problem of the coming of the Civil War, Gilded Age politics, and Progressivism in ways that permanently altered interpretation. The influence of political science is not very great now. Political history itself shriveled before the New Social History. Massive energies were applied to writing the history of people who could not vote during most or all of the nineteenth century. The old political models soon had a nonbehaviorist rival, born and bred within the discipline of history itself, the idea of a persistent and transforming “republican ideology,” first and most powerfully described by Bernard Bailyn in 1967. Even within political history, the old models of voting behavior borrowed from political science left an implausible and unsatisfying gulf between voting and platform, political behavior and belief, practice and ideology. The disciplines turned inward again.
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Martin, Richard C. "From the Editor." Review of Middle East Studies 50, no. 2 (August 2016): 155–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2016.160.
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This issue of RoMES has been edited in a national atmosphere of anti-Muslim rhetoric, openly expressed by several candidates during the presidential primaries. Now the election campaign has moved to the appointment, by President-Elect, Donald J. Trump, of cabinet members and close advisors, many of whom share his views of the Middle East and its diverse population. And it does not look good for Muslims in America, including Muslims who are U.S. citizens. Along with Hispanics, African Americans, and Jews, Muslims—and indeed the Middle East as such—are regarded as problems that President-Elect Trump seems intent on doing something about. It is a view of Islam and the Middle East shared increasingly in word and deed by a sizeable and vocal portion of the electorate. What are we to make of the possibility of foreign and domestic policy being crafted by the likes of John R. Bolton, who associates Islam with jihadism and is an admirer of the Islamophobic writings of Robert Spencer? Will there be any tolerance in the new Trump administration of debate and the free exchange of ideas on the need for education about and understanding of the Middle East? The importance of this question relates to the growing population of naturalized and second generation citizens of Middle Eastern origins now living in the U.S. The Middle East is here, and contributing to American culture, religious life, economy, and citizenship.
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Rock-Singer, Cara. "A Prophetic Guide for a Perplexed World: Louis Finkelstein and the 1940 Conference on Science, Philosophy, and Religion." Religion and American Culture 29, no. 2 (2019): 179–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2019.2.
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ABSTRACTThis article traces negotiations over the epistemic, ethical, and political authority of Judaism, Protestantism, Catholicism, and science in mid-twentieth-century America. Specifically, it examines how the president of the Jewish Theological Seminary, Rabbi Dr. Louis Finkelstein, led a diverse group of intellectual elites as they planned and convened the 1940 Conference on Science, Philosophy and Religion in Their Relation to the Democratic Way of Life (CSPR). Based on the conference's transcripts, proceedings, and papers, in addition to Finkelstein's writings from the period, this article shows how Finkelstein used his vision of the Jewish tradition as a model to form a pluralistic intellectual space that brought together the representatives of multiple religious traditions and modern science. To accredit the American way of life to Judaism, Finkelstein traced America's ethical values, democratic politics, and scientific genius back to the Hebrew Prophets through Rabbinic Judaism. In response to Finkelstein's historiography and the political and ideological challenges of World War II, scientific and religious experts negotiated their authority and debated how to mobilize their traditions in a quest for political stability. By analyzing the CSPR as a meeting of multiple discourses, this article reinstates science as a fundamental player in the story of American pluralism and demonstrates the way a non-Protestant tradition shaped the terms of an elite public's understanding of the “democratic way of life.”
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Kusz, Kyle W. "Notes on the uses of sport in Trump’s white nationalist assemblage." Review of Nationalities 9, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2019-0004.
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AbstractUsing conjunctural analysis and informed by insights drawn from critical whiteness studies, sport studies, and masculinity studies, I offer some developing interpretations on two inter-related questions. First, how sport has been used to cultivate and popularize the proto-fascist white nationalist project(s) currently gripping the United States. And second, how sport facilitates the production and popularization of the unapologetic and omnipotent performance of white masculinity that seems central to the popular appeal of this contemporary American white nationalist assemblage. To address these questions, I critically examine the patterned ways Donald Trump, first as candidate and then as President, has used sport to promote his white nationalist project. Additionally, I critically unpack the writings and performances of two white male cultural figures who are key figures within Trump nationalist assemblage. The first, Richard Spencer, coined the label ‘alternative right’. The second, National Football League superstar, Tom Brady, is a man who Trump loves to call a ‘good friend’. I contend that, like Trump, they venerate (in Spencer’s case) and normalize (in Brady’s case) an idealized performance of white masculinity I call white male omnipotence, that is central to explaining the appeal of Trump’s nationalist project to “Make America Great Again” for many anxious white Americans.
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KIDD, COLIN. "THE WARREN COMMISSION AND THE DONS: AN ANGLO-AMERICAN MICROHISTORY." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 2 (July 28, 2011): 411–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000242.
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Distortion in intellectual history is not a direct function of distance from the present. The recent past can create its own problems of perspective. The assassination of President John F. Kennedy is a case in point. Is the controversy surrounding the assassination a worthy subject for an intellectual historian? After all, there is now little serious debate as to what happened in Dallas on 22 November 1963. Mainstream historians regard the case as closed, an issue settled by the exhaustive and fair-minded deliberations of the Warren Commission, whose report, issued in the autumn of 1964, concluded that a lone gunman, Lee Harvey Oswald, a sad and unsettled individual from a dysfunctional background, had killed the president. However, as we know, the topic remains, almost half a century later, a matter of huge fascination, but only outside the gates of the academy. The study of Kennedy's assassination is now best known to academics as a counterculture, which grossly caricatures the best practices of the academy and where extravagant theories tend to trump sound scholarship, plausibility and common sense. Indeed, this disjunction between the obsessions of amateur historians, known as buffs, and the reluctance of academic historians to lose caste by exploring subjects such as the Kennedy assassination which the wider public—but only the wider public—seems to find worthy of further research and explanation is, as Professor W. D. Rubinstein notes, an interesting sociological and historiographical phenomenon in its own right. Writing in 1994, Max Holland, the journalist and intelligence historian, noted that the history of the Kennedy era was “bifurcated”. For academic historian writing on the Kennedy presidency the assassination is “treated as a footnote or afterthought if it is addressed at all”, while “very few of the more than 450 books and tens of thousands of articles that compose the vast assassination literature published since 1964 have been written by historians.”
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Toromanović, Amna. "INSTITUCIONALNI DIZAJN AMERIČKOG PREDSJEDNIČKOG SISTEMA / INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN OF THE AMERICAN PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 63, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2022.2.75.
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The United States of America has a specific model of political system. It differs from other political systems due to its consistent separation of powers with a strong role of the president, and due to a stable traditional two-party political system. In order to understand the prospects for the development of new democracies, it is necessary to study the American presidential system and to look into experiences of American constitutionalism. The intention of this paper is not just to present the system to be implemented and then to expect desirable effects, but to understand that this successful model is the result of a long lasting fight for the respect of the Constitution and rights. This has been predicted and guided by the founders of the American Constitution, for whose outcome the most important was the democratic spirit of American man and American society. The basic method used in writing the paper is the historical method. In the study, the comparative method or the comparative law method was used and was of immeasurable importance. The application of the sociological method was also very important while writing the paper. The conclusions were presented emphasizing that the existing political institutions in the USA today are in direct connection with the institutions that preceded them in their long historical development, which testifies to their exceptional stability, because there are no essential changes in their physiognomy.
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Sokov, Ilya. "The Doctrinal Foundations of the Change in U.S. Foreign Policy During Trump’s Presidency: Mexico and Canada." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.13.
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Introduction. The research’s subject is the foreign policy’s theoretical foundations of D. Trump’s presidential administration in 2016–2020, which consist in changing the principles’ use of American liberal internationalism to the conservative nationalism’s principles under the motto which is called “Make America Great Again”. The theoretical approaches’ basis of intergovernmental interaction in the field of politics, economics and migration is considered on the example of relations between the United States, Canada and Mexico. The work’s purpose is to identify the doctrinal basis of D. Trump administration’s foreign policy and the impact of the adopted foreign policy settings on changes in intergovernmental interaction in the international arena. Methods. The theoretical bases’ methodology for the doctrinal provisions development of the U.S. foreign policy during the D. Trump’s administration was to use behavioral approach and special methods of political analysis. There were no major analytical studies on this topic at the time of writing. Therefore, the author of the article used the materials for his research from Russian and American scientific and periodical journals for 2019–2020. Analysis. The publications’ analysis by domestic and American authors has shown that the change in the U.S. foreign policy during the D. Trump’s presidency is due not so much to the personal qualities of the U.S. President, as some researchers believe, but to the objective conditions of the world process, where the United States want to but they can’t bear the burden of the world leader in the conditions of significant growth of other global power centers. Results. The author’s analysis of intergovernmental interaction between the United States, Canada and Mexico has shown the chosen path of using the conservative nationalism’s principles in relations with their closest allies is not so much due to the personal qualities of D. Trump how many objective changes taking place in the world political process, which led to an increase in mutual contradictions between these states. Overall, the author argues that the choice of a conservative nationalism’s policy in American foreign policy is associated with the crisis of liberal democracy.
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Selassie, Bereket Habte. "Can We Expect More than Symbolic Support?" African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0023.
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When I think about the extraordinary writing and speaking phenomenon by the name of Barack Obama, who also happens to be the President of the United States of America, the most powerful country in the world, I can't help asking myself, what can he do for Africa? I ask this not only because he is a son of Africa, but also because I hear in his speeches the words of a man deeply committed to human values, and therefore concerned with the predicament of Africa's people in this age of globalization.As the first African American elected to the American presidency, Obama represents an extraordinary symbolic change in American politics. No one can underestimate the symbolic significance of his election. Nor should it be considered purely a matter of symbolism; a changing of the guard at the top necessarily involves—or should involve—implications of substantive change. There is the rub—can we expect substantive change of any significance from his election, given the nature and structure of American politics and society?In connection with that question it is fair to ask: what does the Age of Obama portend for Africa? Two related questions arise concerning this: first, what should Obama do for Africa, and second, what can he do for Africa? As to the first question, what Obama should do for Africa is linked to Africa's need; and we can spend a whole day talking about that and not exhaust it. On the basis of Obama's speeches, including especially his Accra speech of July 11, 2009, and our own sense of Africa's needs, I offer three primary talking points that embrace a set of values or goals upon which all government systems should be based. The first is peace and stability, the second is sustainable economic development and social justice, and the third is democracy and good governance—not necessarily in that order.
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KIS MADRID, CLAUDIA, GORDON M. HICKEY, and MICHEL A. BOUCHARD. "STRATEGIC ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT EFFECTIVENESS AND THE INITIATIVE FOR THE INTEGRATION OF REGIONAL INFRASTRUCTURE IN SOUTH AMERICA (IIRSA): A MULTIPLE CASE REVIEW." Journal of Environmental Assessment Policy and Management 13, no. 04 (December 2011): 515–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1464333211003997.
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Over the last decade, South American countries have been promoting physical integration of the territory in response to regional export-driven industrialisation policies and the global demand for agriculture products, livestock, and energy sources. A prominent example of this is the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA), which was launched at the Meeting of South American Presidents in 2000. At the time of writing, 514 infrastructure projects (including roads, pipelines, waterways, dams and telecommunications systems), with an estimated investment of US$69 billion, had been initiated. Importantly, previous similar development processes in the region have caused serious negative environmental and social impacts. Therefore, Strategic Environmental Assessment (SEA) has been mandated to ensure that the social and environmental issues are adequately addressed in the project planning process. This paper identifies the conditions under which: (a) the SEAs of the IIRSA projects have been undertaken, and (b) the Action Plans have been (or will be) implemented. Using case studies, it analyses whether the SEAs that have been carried out for the IIRSA's projects can be considered effective under these conditions. Finally, drawing on the case study findings, potential ways for improving SEA performance and maximising effectiveness in South America are discussed.
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Sherrard, Brooke. "American Biblical Archaeology and Jewish Nationalism: Rabbi Nelson Glueck, the American Schools of Oriental Research and the Israeli State." Holy Land Studies 11, no. 2 (November 2012): 151–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2012.0043.
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Despite the officially neutral stance of the American Schools of Oriental Research, biblical archaeologists' political viewpoints about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict were embedded in their writings. This article examines one case study of this phenomenon by tracing the shift in Nelson Glueck's popular writings from envisioning the ancient world as replete with cultural change and hybridity to envisioning its ethnic groupings as pure and essential, and their boundaries as rigid, a change that mirrored his political shift from supporting a multicultural Palestine to supporting a Jewish ethno-national state. The final section explores the implications of Glueck's championing of Jewish-Christian unity in his role as president of Hebrew Union College and the way this ecumenism excluded those who did not fit into the ‘Judeo-Christian tradition’.
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Slive, Daniel J. "G. Thomas Tanselle. Portraits and Reviews." RBM: A Journal of Rare Books, Manuscripts, and Cultural Heritage 18, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rbm.18.1.64.
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G. Thomas Tanselle is a highly regarded bibliographer, textual editor, critic, and book collector. Following his undergraduate degree from Yale, he received his PhD in 1959 from the Department of English at Northwestern University with a dissertation on the twentieth-century American author Floyd Dell. Between 1960 and 1978, he taught at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, after which he served as vice president of the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation from 1978 until 2006. He has also served as an adjunct professor of English at Columbia University and coeditor of the Northwestern-Newberry Edition of the Writings of Herman Melville as well as president of the Bibliographical Society of the University of Virginia, the Bibliographical Society of America, the Grolier Club, and the Society for Textual Scholarship. In recognition of his scholarly contributions in the field of bibliography, Tanselle has delivered numerous prestigious lectures including the Hanes Foundation Lecture at the University of North Carolina, Robert L. Nikirk Lecture at the Grolier Club, the A.S.W. Rosenbach Lectures in Bibliography at the University of Pennsylvania, the Sandars Lectures at Cambridge University, and the George Parker Winship Lecture at Harvard University.
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Pérez, Vincent. "The Fourth Reich: Ishmael's Reed's The Terrible Twos and the Triumph of Celebrity Culture." Popular Culture Review 28, no. 2 (December 2017): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.2831-865x.2017.tb00328.x.
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AbstractDonald Trump's rise to the U.S. presidency was foretold in many 20th century works of dystopian fiction as well as Western Marxist scholarship written during and after the Nazi era. The most prescient modern dystopian novel, Ishmael Reed's The Terrible Twos (1982), has much in common thematically with earlier American dystopian fiction while also sharing the bleak vision of U.S. mass (media) culture postulated by Frankfurt School theorists such as Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer in The Dialectic of Enlightenment (1947). But Reed's novel diverges dramatically from these earlier writings, whether fictive or scholarly, through its farcical and absurdist postmodernist depiction of a future neo‐fascist America in which popular (media) culture reigns triumphant even as spaces of resistance take shape amid the seemingly overdetermined ideological and cultural landscape.
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Maleh, Ass Lec Khaled Razak. "The impact of the progressive movement on the domestic politics of US President Theodore Roosevelt (1901 - 1908)." Thi Qar Arts Journal 2, no. 38 (June 29, 2022): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.32792/tqartj.v2i38.326.
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The progressive movement appeared in the United States of America in the nineties of the nineteenth century and extended to the twenties of the twentieth century, and it represented a reform revolution on the economic and social conditions that prevailed in American society at the time, which resulted in class inequality through which a class of the wealthy and domineering over the working class and the poor emerged, The methods of expression and activities pursued by the supporters of the progressive movement since its inception varied, including writing books and writing articles that focused on the bad economic and social conditions, as well as the emergence of investigative journalism that worked to expose scandals and violations against the poor and workers in cities and large factories, in addition to That is why some have formed unions and clubs that support the rights of workers, women, children, the middle class and the poor alike.
When Theodore Roosevelt came to power in 1901, the progressives felt that they could implement their own reform policies due to the harmony and compatibility between him and their orientations. That president is the way for the progressive movement to establish its presence and achieve some of its aspirations.
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Fox, Brent I., and Bill G. Felkey. "Health Information Technology Updates to Start the New Year." Hospital Pharmacy 48, no. 1 (January 2013): 77–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1310/hpj4801-77.
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We write our articles several months in advance. This month, we are writing at the time of the Presidential election and the American Medical Informatics Association (AMIA) meeting. We focus on health information technology (HIT) topics of interest from the meeting, beginning with a brief look at the HIT implications of the recent re-election of President Obama.
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Weems, Mary E. "Race Is *Not* an Additive." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 11, no. 4 (July 21, 2011): 406–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708611414674.
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Continuing Laurel Richardson’s call to use writing as my method (1994, 2000) Race is ‘not’ an additive uses the African American woman author’s experience during a visit to a lynching memorial to frame a discussion about racism in the United States, including whether or not this country is post-racial since the election of President Barack Obama.
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McCurtis, Kirby. "President's Address: On the Anniversary of the March on Washington." Children and Libraries 18, no. 4 (January 12, 2021): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/cal.18.4.3.
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I am writing this on a significant anniversary in American history, and I would be remiss in not acknowledging it. Fifty-seven years ago, hundreds of thousands of people came together to march on Washington for jobs and freedom. Attendees heard from a number of civil rights activists including Myrlie Evers, Mahalia Jackson, John Lewis, A. Phillip Randolph, and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.; this is when the latter gave his famous “I Have a Dream” speech.
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Clist, Eleanor, Samuel Fulton, Graeme Gilloch, Shelan Holden, Tania Mergea, William Redman, Lea Rüegg, et al. "Cool premonitions: Jean Baudrillard’s America version 2.0." Sociological Review 70, no. 4 (July 2022): 832–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00380261221109043.
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Jean Baudrillard’s highly controversial book America (published in French 1986, English translation 1988) constitutes the point of departure for an undergraduate class writing project which began in 2020. Students were encouraged to respond to the following prompt: what would an America 2.0 look like today in the midst of the Trump presidency? Here we have assembled and arranged the numerous fragments contributed by the students and the editors as a collaborative enterprise in thinking and writing differently.
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Sarna, Jonathan D. "The American Jewish Experience and the Emergence of the Muslim Community in America." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 370–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2574.
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Efforts to foretell the future of the American Jewish community date farback to the nineteenth century, and for the most part the prophecies have beenexceedingly gloomy. Former president John Adams predicted in a letter toModecai Noah in 1819 that Jews might "possibly in time become liberalUnitatian Christians.” A young American Jewish student named WilliamRosenblatt, writing in 1872, declared that the grandchildren of Jewish immigrantsto America would almost surely intermarry and abandon the rite of circumcision.Within fifty years “at the latest,” he predicted, Jews would be“undistinguishable from the mass of humanity which surrounds them.“ Justunder a century later, in 1964, Look magazine devoted a whole issue to the“Vanishing American Jew,” at the time a much-discussed subject. More recently,in 1984, Rabbi Reuven Bulka, in a book entitled The Orthodox-Reform Rift and the Future of the Jewish People, warned that “we are headingtowards a disaster of massive proportions which the North American Jewishcommunity simply cannot afford.”So far, thank God, all of these predictions have proven wrong. TheJewish people lives on. Some might consider this a timely reminder that (assomeone once said) “prediction is very difficult, especially about the future.“Othem may view our continuing survival as nothing less than providential:evidence that God, in a display of His divine mercy, is watching over us. Athird view, my own, is that precisely because Jews are so worried about survival,we listen attentively to prophets of doom and respond to them ...
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Rock, David. "Argentina Under Mitre: Porteño Liberalism in the 1860s." Americas 56, no. 1 (July 1999): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008442.
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A historian, soldier, diplomat, journalist, poet, translator, and politician, Bartolomé Mitre (1821-1906) stood out among the most renowned figures of late nineteenth century Latin America. “He is a full handsome man,” declared one of his many European admirers in 1861, “of very eloquent appearance with a fine forehead and thoughtful face. He is a poet and a scholar, and looks altogether too refined and gentlemanly to be mixed up with the dirty doings of second-rate politicians.” Forty years later, Carlos Pellegrini, a former president of Argentina and one of Mitre's leading political opponents, described him as “the most powerful caudillo of our time” who possessed “an aura of personal valor that he imposed on the multitude.” To an American hagiographer writing in the 1940s, Mitre was a “poet in action,” and a “heart in unison with his time and his country.… In the unification of his country, Mitre displayed the astuteness of a Cavour and the ardency of a Garibaldi.”
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Bernstein, David E. "Racial Classifications in Higher Education Admissions Before and After SFFA." SMU Law Review 77, no. 1 (2024): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.25172/smulr.77.1.9.
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Hundreds of law review articles have discussed the legality of affirmative action programs. Virtually all of them begin with the implicit assumption that the racial classifications used in these programs are legitimate and uncontroversial (an assumption I challenge in my 2022 book, Classified: The Untold Story of Racial Classifications In America). That assumption has been undermined by Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. v. President and Fellows of Harvard College (“SFFA”). Chief Justice Roberts, writing for a 6–3 majority, asserted that the underlying classifications are “imprecise in many ways” and “opaque.” He quoted Justice Gorsuch’s concurring opinion, which criticized the classifications for relying on “incoherent” and “irrational” stereotypes. Using these classifications in admissions decisions, Chief Justice Roberts concluded, is inherently illegal because they are so arbitrary that using them could not be a narrowly tailored means to serve the universities’ asserted compelling interest in educational diversity. This Article focuses on the evolution of, and judicial reaction to, racial classifications in cases involving university affirmative action programs. The classifications initially included preferences for African-Americans plus an idiosyncratic collection of other groups. For example, in the DeFunis case, preferences were given to Mexican-Americans and Filipinos, but not to other Hispanic or Asian-Americans. By the early 2000s, however, all universities were using the racial and ethnic classifications established by the federal government in 1978 via Statistical Directive No. 15. Meanwhile, while lower courts sometimes raised important issues with regard to the scope and definition of the classifications used by universities, this issue played only a tangential role in relevant Supreme Court decisions until SFFA. Following SFFA, institutions seeking to classify people by race and ethnicity are going to need to show a much closer match between the classifications and the “compelling” interests they are pursuing than they needed to before SFFA. Without good reason that they can defend in court, they will not be able to utilize broad Directive 15 classifications such as “Asian-American” or “Hispanic” to combine people of wildly varied physiognomies, national origins, and cultural backgrounds.
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Benbow, Mark E. "Birth of a Quotation: Woodrow Wilson and “Like Writing History with Lightning”." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 9, no. 4 (October 2010): 509–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400004242.
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In February 1915, upon viewing The Birth of a Nation at a special White House screening, President Woodrow Wilson reportedly remarked, “It's like writing history with lightning. My only regret is that it is all so terribly true.” This line has appeared in numerous books and articles over the past seventy years. This article examines the history of this alleged quotation and the sources where it has appeared. The article weighs the evidence that Wilson effusively praised in these words one of the most racist major movies in American history.
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Listyani, Listyani. "OBAMA�S REMARKS ON TRAYVON MARTIN�S DEATH SEEN FROM CDA VIEWPOINTS: AN EXAMPLE OF AUTHENTIC ACADEMIC WRITING MATERIAL." LLT Journal: A Journal on Language and Language Teaching 21, Suppl (June 8, 2018): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/llt.v21isuppl.908.
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Racism and all its problems like injustice, inequality, discrimination, and so on, have become an interestingly never-ending topic to be discussed along the history. Even in America, a country which is so rich with its fighters of racial discrimination and injustice, this problem still occurs here and there. No matter how hard these heroes speak up their voices, this problem remains unsolved, or, at least, not entirely solved. One event, for example, happened on February 26, 2012in Sanford, Florida, the United States of America. The victim was a young man named Trayvon Martin; an Afro-American high school student. George Zimmerman shot this seventeen-year-old teenager, which led to death. Zimmerman was a 28-year-old Hispanic American man. At that time, he worked as a watchman coordinator in the neighborhood. Martin temporarily stayed there. Obama, who was then the President of the United States, made a speech on Martins death. This paper analyzes Barack Obamas speech from Discourse Analysis viewpoints, as well as the ideological and cultural discourse contained in the speech. In the text analysis, some significant aspects are discussed based on my understanding of SFL (Systemic Functional Linguistics), that is, the aspects of connections, like mode, tenor, and field. Another central issue to be discussed in this paper is the ideological and cultural aspects of Obamas remarks upon Trayvon Martins death. This speech can be a very good example of how an argumentative writing appeals so many people and makes them sympathize with the victim of the shooting. Through this paper, I hope that my own understanding of discourse analysis will be deepened, and readers will also gain some new horizon and knowledge of discourse study in general, including the cultural and ideological analysis of the text under study. I also hope that more convincing speeches of the authentic world like this one can benefit students of Academic Writing.DOI:doi.org/10.24071/llt.2018.Suppl2101
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Nimtz, August H. "Marx and Engels on the US Civil War: The ‘Materialist Conception of History’ in Action." Historical Materialism 19, no. 4 (2011): 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920611x592409.
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Abstract Marx’s analysis, supplemented by that of Engels, of the US Civil War is as instructive, if not more, as any of their writings to illustrate their ‘materialist conception of history’. Because the American experience figured significantly in the young Marx’s path to communist conclusions, the outbreak of the War in 1861 obligated him to devote his full attention to its course. His application of their method allowed him to see more accurately the course of the War than his partner. Also, he was able to see what President Abraham Lincoln had to do, that is, to convert the War from one to end secession to one to overthrow slavery, before the President himself. Despite its contradictory outcome, Marx’s expectation that the War would put the US working class on terra firma for the first time was justified.
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Parham, Loretta. "Robert W. Woodruff Library of the Atlanta University Center, Custodian of the Morehouse College Martin Luther King, Jr. Collection: “Until Further Notice”." RBM: A Journal of Rare Books, Manuscripts, and Cultural Heritage 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2007): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rbm.8.2.289.
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On June 23, 2006, the American Library Association was holding its Annual Conference in New Orleans, Louisiana, the first major conference to return to the city post Hurricane Katrina. My scheduled visit of four days was abruptly cut short as a result of two communications: a call from Walter Massey, President of More-house College in Atlanta, Georgia, and an e-mail from William Potter, Dean of the University of Georgia Libraries. By the time the day was over, I learned that a collection of manuscripts and books documenting many of the writings, speeches, and notes of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. . . .
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Smith, G. Stevenson. "MAURICE STANS' VIEWS ON SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY IN THE ACCOUNTING PROFESSION." Accounting Historians Journal 34, no. 1 (June 1, 2007): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.34.1.147.
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Maurice Stans (1908–1998) is remembered for his role in the Watergate scandal of the 1970s, but he was also an early contributor to the literature on the accounting profession's obligations to the general public. His writings and speeches in this area have a place in the history of social responsibility accounting. The paper discusses his writings as well as his comments collected in an audio-taped interview about his role in the accounting profession as president of the American Institute of Accountants, senior partner in Alexander Grant (now Grant Thornton), and one of the first well-known practitioners to discuss broadly the importance of the accounting profession's social responsibilities. Today when accounting scandals have created questions about the credibility and integrity of financial reporting, it is reflective to see how concerns about financial reporting were once articulated.
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Eibach, Richard P., and Valerie Purdie-Vaughns. "CHANGE WE CAN BELIEVE IN?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, no. 1 (2009): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x09090080.
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AbstractBarack Obama's election as the first Black president of the United States has stimulated much discussion about progress toward racial equality in the United States. Opinion surveys document that White Americans reliably perceive the rate of progress toward racial equality as greater than do Black Americans. We focus on two psychological factors that contribute to these diverging perceptions: (1) the tendency of White Americans and Black Americans to adopt different reference points to assess racial progress, and (2) the general tendency to frame social change as a zero-sum game in which Black Americans' gains entail losses for White Americans. We review research examining how these two factors contribute to racial polarization on the topic of progress toward equality. We also draw on excerpts from Barack Obama's speeches and writings to demonstrate that he often frames issues in ways that, our research suggests, has the potential to substantially bridge these racial divisions.
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Rouge, Mary Le, Clancy Ratliff, and Donnie Johnson Sackey. "Using situational analysis to reimagine infrastructure." Communication Design Quarterly 10, no. 3 (September 2022): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3507870.3507877.
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In this article, we ask what it means to think of infrastructure discursively through situational analysis. First, we consider how policymakers have historically used writing and rhetoric to redefine, reframe, and resituate what infrastructure can be in technical documents. Second, we address the impact of policymakers' discursive practices on the spaces and material realities of communities. We view the infrastructural function of writing "as a conceptual foundation for revealing structures and foundations of organizations that affect people" (Read, 2019, p. 237). We use three texts as the space of our discourse mapping: President Franklin Roosevelt's "Fireside Chat on the Recovery Program," the Green New Deal, and President Joseph Biden's recently proposed American Jobs Plan. Through these three cases, we argue that infrastructure has always been defined in relation to environment. Any definition of infrastructure is rooted in environment or seeks to change environment. These shifts in definition have been used strategically to bring more visibility to marginalized communities and make their concerns central to the concerns of the United States' socio-economic agenda. We close with implications for both communities and policymakers.
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Teigen, Arne Helge. "Profetiene om Donald Trump, USA og NAR-bevegelsen. En kritisk undersøkelse av profetier om Donald Trump, USA og Guds rike innen New Apostolic Reformation-bevegelsen." Theofilos 12, no. 2-3 (February 26, 2021): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.48032/theo/12/2/8.
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The purpose of this article is to examine the development of charismatic prophecies about Donald Trump within the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR). NAR-Dominion Theology is outlined at the beginning of the article. By evaluating the writings of three NAR-prophets, the article demonstrates how their prophecies about Trump, the United States, and the Kingdom of God, end up in global American nationalism, combined with a political-like understanding of the Kingdom of God. The research reveals that NAR prophecies contain beliefs in Donald Trump as the US president who will enable NAR to establish the kingdom of God on earth in the present end time.
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Medeiros, Bruno Franco. "What the eyes can’t see." História da Historiografia: International Journal of Theory and History of Historiography 14, no. 35 (April 12, 2021): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15848/hh.v14i35.1744.
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Over the last years, Monteiro Lobato has been rightfully accused by Brazilian and Latin American scholars of expressing racist and eugenic ideas in his body of work. In this article, we take a step further and add to this traditional portrait of his literary production an analysis of the impact of a new set of technological media during the first decades of the twentieth century on his writings. We discuss how these two main issues – i.e., technology and race – played out in Lobato’s historical representation of Brazil’s past and future and the influence that the United States could play in it. We show how a revisionary and racist version of the United States’ history and the ideal of an American technological prosperity in the 1920s inspired one of Lobato’s most contentious novels, the technological dystopia O Presidente Negro, ou O Choque das Raças, published in 1926.
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Lewandowski, Tadeusz. "The Intellectual Evolution of Sherman Coolidge, Red Progressivism’s Neglected Voice." Studies in American Indian Literatures 35, no. 1 (March 2023): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ail.2023.a908069.
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Abstract: Compared with his Red Progressive contemporaries, the Arapaho Episcopal priest and long-term president of the Society of American Indians, Sherman Coolidge (ca. 1860s–1932) has often been neglected in scholarly literature. This essay seeks to recover his important legacy as a thinker and intertribal activist through his writings, speeches, and statements while arguing against incomplete assessments of his work as assimilationist. A survey of his output from the 1880s to 1920s— which includes archival works never before discussed— instead reveals Coolidge’s transformation from a Christian proselytizer convinced of white society’s preeminence into a robust pluralist who forcefully defended Native cultures, values, religions, and heritage—and at times argued for their superiority. The presentation of this intellectual evolution is situated within Coolidge’s own personal history and an interpretive framework that distinguishes three key periods in his output as he developed his critique of Euro-American society and colonialism.
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Stoker, Kevin L. "The Journalist Who Interpreted Too Much: The New York Times’ Courtship, Defense, and Betrayal of John W. White." Journalism & Communication Monographs 19, no. 3 (August 21, 2017): 177–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1522637917719276.
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This study analyzes the behind-the-scenes correspondence, from 1928 to 1941, between the New York Times’ news executives and editors and John W. White, who served as the paper’s first Chief South American Correspondent. An analysis of the correspondence and White’s dispatches shows that interactions between news management, foreign governments, and the U.S. State Department influenced White’s writing to the point that he avoided writing about Argentina’s neighbors; provided more positive, “Pollyanna” material; and censored his own dispatches. The study provides further evidence that Arthur Hays Sulzberger meddled in the paper’s news coverage, even before he became Times publisher in 1935. The correspondence between Sulzberger and White also calls into question the romantic myth of the autonomous foreign correspondent, free to report without fear or favor. Instead, it shows that American foreign correspondents faced scrutiny not only from their news executives and editors but also from foreign governments, police officials, local newspapers, Nazi and Fascist spies, U.S. business interests, the State Department, and even the President of the United States.
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ALLMENDINGER, BLAKE. "The Two Mrs. Cheneys." Pacific Historical Review 75, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2006.75.1.141.
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This commentary reviews Sisters, Lynne Cheney's Western historical novel. The novel seems to be at odds with Cheney's conservative political views. It considers feminism,lesbianism, and Native Americans in a positive light and is critical of U.S. empire and capitalism as practiced on the early Wyoming frontier. The author considers why Cheney may have felt freer to explore such topics in literature, even though she has not embraced these liberal positions in her political speeches and writings over the years. There seem to be two Mrs. Cheneys, the creative writer and free-thinker, and the conservative wife of the Republican Vice President.
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Adida, Claire L., Adeline Lo, and Melina R. Platas. "Perspective taking can promote short-term inclusionary behavior toward Syrian refugees." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115, no. 38 (September 4, 2018): 9521–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1804002115.
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Social scientists have shown how easily individuals are moved to exclude outgroup members. Can we foster inclusion instead? This study leverages one of the most significant humanitarian crises of our time to test whether, and under what conditions, American citizens adopt more inclusionary behavior toward Syrian refugees. We conduct a nationally representative survey of over 5,000 American citizens in the weeks leading up to the 2016 presidential election and experimentally test whether a perspective-taking exercise increases inclusionary behavior in the form of an anonymous letter supportive of refugees to be sent to the 45th President of the United States. Our results indicate that the perspective-taking message increases the likelihood of writing such a positive letter by two to five percentage points. By contrast, an informational message had no significant effect on letter writing. The effect of the perspective-taking exercise occurs in the short run only, manifests as a behavioral rather than an attitudinal response, and is strongest among Democrats. However, this effect also appears in the subset of Republican respondents, suggesting that efforts to promote perspective taking may move to action a wide cross-section of individuals.
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Nurkhamidah, Neni, Raihana Ziani Fahira, and Ayu Ratna Ningtyas. "Rhetorical Analysis of Joe Biden’s Inauguration Address." JL3T ( Journal of Linguistics Literature and Language Teaching) 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32505/jl3t.v7i2.3371.
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The inaugural speeches mark the beginning of a new term in office for a community or government leader, such as the president. This reaction must persuade the people to believe in the government and the programs will be enacted. This research aims at finding the rhetorical appeals of President Joe Biden's inaugural address on his inauguration as the 46th President of the United States. The research is based on Aristotle's theory called a rhetorical theory. The resercher employs descriptive qualitative as a methodology to analyze the data from the spoken utterances of the speech. The result shows that Joe Biden uses all of the Aristotelian rhetoric strategies in his inaugural address, which are: ethos, pathos, and logos. The data shows that Joe Biden uses pathos as 55% of his speech, followed by ethos 37%, and logos 8%.. Joe Biden skillfully used and implied Aristotle's rhetorical theory in his inauguration address to engage and build trust with the American people. From the analysis, the researcher has concluded that a good speaker can use all of the three elements of the rhetorical theory and imply them in the speech or writing.
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Shevchenko, Ekaterina S. "Realization of the us Foreign Policy Agenda in Post-Soviet Space in the Period of D. Trump's Presidency: Experience of Interaction with the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Kazakhstan." Proceedings of the Southwest State University. Series: History and Law 11, no. 5 (2021): 178–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1501-2021-11-5-178-190.
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Relevance. Export of American political narratives and principles produces the design of certain meaningful components of the US foreign policy agenda and order of its realization with regard to the specificity of interaction with other political actors in the context of American political tradition. Within the framework of current processes and existing procedures of interstate interaction in Post-Soviet space the US political elite is formulating the arsenal of tools and techniques of realization of stated goals and tasks that means appeal to the next concepts. Purpose. The main purpose of this article is to formulate scenarios of realization of the US foreign policy agenda in Post-Soviet space in the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Kazakhstan in the period of D. Trump's presidency. Objectives: formulation of directions of interaction between the Unites States and the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Kazakhstan in the period of D. Trump's presidency, reveal of specific of D. Trump's presidency in the context of realization of the US foreign policy agenda in the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Kazakhstan. Methodology. The author mainly used the following group of methods in the process of writing this article: in-formation analysis, content analysis and event analysis, multifactor analysis. Results. The author identifies reasonability of formulation the key scenarios of realization of the US foreign policy agenda in Post-Soviet space from experience of interaction between the Unites States and the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Kazakhstan in the period of D. Trump's presidency with regard to the declared problematic. Conclusion. The period of D. Trump's presidency is characterized by revision of some traditional concepts in terms of compliance with the central categories of American foreign political practice and correction of the US foreign policy agenda in Post-Soviet Space in the Republic of Belarus and the Republic of Kazakhstan in the direction of in-tensification of cooperation on specific issues of financial and economic development.
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Reiter, Geoffrey. "“New Knowledge of Lost Worlds”?" Renascence 73, no. 2 (2021): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence20217327.
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In contemporary academic circles, the fields of science, theology, and literature may be compartmentalized with relatively little interaction. However, such distinctions were less rigid in the early nineteenth century. One of the figures whose writings stretched across these disciplinary boundaries was Edward Hitchcock, a world-renowned geologist and president of Amherst College who also had extensive theological training. Now best-known among paleontologists for his discovery of fossil footprints in the Connecticut River Valley, Hitchcock made use of his considerable talents in an 1836 poem entitled “The Sandstone Bird.” This poem—often known to historians of science but little remarked among students of American literature—effectively uses formal verse to draw out theological dimensions to the prehistoric world conjured up by Hitchcock’s own paleontological discoveries.
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Nikcevic, Sanja. "British Brutalism, the ‘New European Drama’, and the Role of the Director." New Theatre Quarterly 21, no. 3 (July 18, 2005): 255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x05000151.
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The explosion of new theatre writing in Britain during and since the 'nineties contrasted with a dearth of original plays on continental Europe, east and west. Sanja Nikcevic attributes this in part to the dominance over the previous decades of the role of leading directors, who increasingly sought out raw materials to shape productions conforming to their own or their company's ideas. She traces the attempts in a number of countries to correct the imbalance by encouraging new writing through workshops and festivals—yet also how the explosion and importation of the British ‘in-yer-face’ style then affected the kind of new writing that was considered innovative and acceptable at such events. She argues against the claims made for the political significance of plays such as Sarah Kane's Blasted, suggesting rather that the acceptance of the normality of violence without reference to its social context negates the possibility of remedial action. A former Fulbright Scholar, Sanja Nikcevic is Head of the Department of English Literature at the University of Osijek, Croatia. Her full-length publications include The Subversive American Drama: Sympathy for Losers (1994), Affirmative American Drama: Long Live the Puritans (2003), and New European Drama: the Great Deception (2005). She was the founder and for eight years the president of the Croatian Centre of the International Theatre Institute.
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Lee, Hwan-Kyung. "A Study on the Legislative Process of the American Congress." Kyung Hee Law Journal 58, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 99–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.15539/khlj.58.2.3.
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The legislative process of the United States Congress has been largely divided into four stages: first, writing and submitting bills; second, deliberating and voting by the committee; third, deliberation and voting by the plenary session; fourth, the president's signature and the procedure of fear. When a bill is submitted to the Senate or House of Representatives in Congress, it is referred to the Standing Committee for a hearing to determine whether the bill will be adopted or modified. Once adopted, the bill will be brought to the plenary session for debate and voting. Thus, the passed bill will be transferred to another circle, namely, the Senate bill will be transferred to the House of Representatives and the House of Representatives bill will be transferred to the Senate, where the same procedure will be taken. The bills can be deliberated and reviewed according to parliamentary procedures if each senator or congressman submits them to a party to which they belong.
When a bill is submitted, the President of the House Speaker of the Senate and the House of Commons shall refer the bill to the respective competent committees in accordance with the rules of Congress. There are quite detailed rules and precedents concerning the jurisdiction of the Committee, so there is little room for discretion in the submission of the Bill. However, a private bill can be referred to a committee desired by the proposal. Once the bill is referred to the committee, it will be put on the committee's calendar.
Each committee will have a subcommittee, which will review the submitted proposal in detail.
The Committee's resolution is not just a preliminary review process and does not mean final decision-making rights, but the Committee's deliberation process can be said to be a decisive process in passing bills, since it is a general tendency to accept the Committee's decision as it is.
A bill passed by a standing committee is usually deliberated in the House of Representatives before the Senate. By the time the bill is completed in the House of Representatives, the same bill will be passed by the Senate committee and the lawmakers who proposed the bill will discuss the schedule for deliberation at the plenary session with the Congressional leaders.
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Nicola, Nassira. "Black face, white voice." Journal of Language and Politics 9, no. 2 (July 15, 2010): 281–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.9.2.06nic.
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In the first two and a half months of 2008, conservative American radio talk show host Rush Limbaugh declared a state of “race war” in the United States. According to Limbaugh, the primary combatants were Senators Hillary Rodham Clinton and Barack Obama, who (at the time of writing) were competing to become the Democratic nominee in the 2008 race for President. As the most successful African-American presidential candidate in American history, then-Senator Obama was the subject of racially-charged comments and the target of racially-motivated mud-slinging. Despite his professed neutrality in what he portrayed as a purely internecine affair, however, Limbaugh was an enthusiastic enlistee in this war, fighting on what appears to be both sides in the service of the greater message. This paper uses an interdisciplinary framework, drawn from linguistic anthropology, social psychology, and Goffman’s (1981) study of participant roles, to analyze the strategies which Limbaugh deployed in the earliest days of the Democratic primary season to discuss race while reinforcing the playful, prescient, and persecuted “message”-persona (Silverstein 2003) which has made him synonymous with American conservatism today.
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Mortensen, Peter. "Review: The Extraordinary Work of Ordinary Writing: Annie Ray’s Diary." College Composition & Communication 55, no. 4 (June 1, 2004): 762–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ccc20042785.
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“Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That any person who is the head of a family … shall … be entitled to enter one quarter section or a less quantity of unappropriated public lands, upon which said person may have filed a preemption claim. …” So begins the Homestead Act of 1862, signed into law on the 20th of May by President Abraham Lincoln. The work of this extraordinary piece of writing is well known: more than 270 million acres of public land were parceled out to private citizens before the act’s repeal in 1976. Famously, the Homestead Act encouraged widespread Euramerican settlement of the western states and territories, but in so doing, it accelerated the infamous expropriation of land from native peoples and intensified federal initiatives that hastened their relocation, confinement, and genocide.
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Adler, David Gray. "Louis Fisher on the Constitution and the War Power." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 03 (June 21, 2013): 505–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651300070x.
Full textAbstract:
Lou Fisher's prolific writings on the war power—the constitutional repository of authority to initiate war and lesser military hostilities on behalf of the American people—have informed and, for the better part of four decades, shaped discussions and debates on the respective roles of Congress and the president, from the halls of academe to the corridors of power. Widely cited and invoked on hundreds of occasions by political scientists, historians, and legal academics, his work has opened doors for serious consideration of his views by representatives in all three branches of the federal government. It has, as well, established his place in the front-rank of constitutional scholars and, almost certainly, earned for his scholarship an enduring influence on discussions about the constitutional authority to order the use of military force.
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Davis, Ariel. "An Examination of American Diplomacy During the Tehran and Yalta Conferences." General Assembly Review 2, no. 1 (January 19, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/tgar.v2i1.10521.
Full textAbstract:
Since the end of World War II, the United States has been a leading proponent of liberal internationalism and Western democratic values around the world. Modern historians generally agree that the post-war order, which produced multi-national institutions and promoted democracy, free trade, and peace, was largely shaped by the United States and the other two Allied powers, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union. This paper explains how the Tehran and Yalta Conferences served as early examples of President Franklin Roosevelt’s vision for international cooperation and American global leadership. Specifically, this essay analyzes how Roosevelt used these conferences to unite the other Allied powers in an effort to end World War II and establish the foundations for the liberal international post war order. To demonstrate the significance of these conferences and their role in the development of the liberal post-war order, conference minutes between the leaders of the Allied powers and their respective foreign policy experts are analyzed. Academic writings from military and international historians are also used to evaluate the execution and outcomes of the agreements reached during these conferences.