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1
Carlton, Rebecca Lynne. "Was the torch passed? : a fantasy theme analysis of the presidential campaign rhetoric of John Fitzgerald Kennedy and Robert Francis Kennedy." Virtual Press, 1992. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/834154.
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The purpose of this study is to examine the 1960 presidential campaign of John F. Kennedy and the 1968 presidential campaign of Robert F. Kennedy in order to analyze the similarities and differences that exist in their campaigns and their rhetoric. Specifically, the study examines the primary campaign rhetoric of the candidates and determines the rhetorical vision and fantasy themes that are created in three speeches from each campaign. The following research questions are proposed: What are the differences and similarities between John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy, in terms of their presidential rhetoric, their presidential campaigns, and their rhetorical visions? Does Robert Kennedy's rhetoric seem to be an extension of his brother's rhetoric or does it stand as his own?The study selects three speeches from each campaign as artifacts. The first speech by each candidate was the announcement of his candidacy. The second followed soon thereafter, before primary election results were a factor. The last speech reviewed in each campaign occurred after primary election results were announced, and the candidates had achieved success and failure in their campaigns.Fantasy theme analysis is employed to determine the fantasies that exist in the rhetoric and the rhetorical vision that is presented in each campaign. The analysis finds that each vision is comprised of four fantasy themes. The findings reveal that Robert Kennedy's rhetoric and rhetorical vision act as an entity separate from John Kennedy's, with unique goals and a different focus.Department of Speech Communication
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Howard, Jennifer M. "Blogging politics a case study of the 2004 election /." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/1384.
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Rigali, James Henry. "Restoring the republic of virtue : the presidential election of 1824 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10379.
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Latham, Evelyn Hartzell. "The electoral college system for the election of the President of the United States on trial." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2192.
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This thesis briefly reviews the content of Article II, section 1 of the Constitution which established the Electoral College (modified by Amendment XII), and the principel reform plans that have developed over the years. The reform efforts are examined, together with their possible effects on the entire political system.
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Schmidt, Inge B. "The missing generation : youth political participation in the United States following the 2000 Presidential Election and September 11, 2001 /." Connect to online version, 2005. http://ada.mtholyoke.edu/setr/websrc/pdfs/www/2005/99.pdf.
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Geidner, Nicholas W. "The influence of new media on the early stages of the 2008 presidential election : a critical analysis." Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1365513.
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The Internet is rapidly becoming an important part of a presidential candidate's media strategy. Specifically, a candidate's website has distinct implications and uses in the early stages of a presidential campaign. Using an eclectic approach, this research examines the campaign websites of the candidates for the U.S. Presidency in 2008. By examining the websites using content analysis, analog criticism, media criticism, and scenario analysis emerging trends become apparent and conclusions on their further implications can be drawn. This research presents two major conclusions on the affects of campaign websites on the early stages of a presidential campaign. First, the design structure and features available on the Internet could be used to give the user a feeling of direct connection with the campaign, which in turn could motivate political involvement. Second, a candidate's new media strategy and usage must match with the overarching rhetorical style of the rest of the campaign. These two major concepts serve as starting points for further academic research and a greater understanding of our changing democratic system.Department of Telecommunications
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Erickson, Benjamin M. "A Rhetorical Criticism: Bill Clinton's A Man from Hope; Bringing Together Myth, Identification and Civic Engagement." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2006. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/EricksonBM2006.pdf.
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Lewis, Ted Adam. "The Effect of American Political Party on Electoral Behavior: an Application of the Voter Decision Rule to the 1952-1988 Presidential Elections." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc503830/.
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The purpose of this study is to examine two major psychological determinants of the vote in presidential elections - candidate image and party orientation. The central thesis of this study is that candidate image, as measured here, has been a greater determinant of electoral choice in the majority of presidential elections since 1952 than has party orientation. One of the vices as well as virtues of a democratic society is that the people often get what they want. This is especially true in the case of electing our leaders. Political scientists have often concentrated their efforts on attempting to ascertain why people vote as they do. Studies have been conducted focusing on the behavior of voters in making that important decision-who should govern?
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Brocker-Knapp, Skyler Lillian. "The 2016 Presidential Election: Demographic Transformation and Racial Backlash." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3827.
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Despite analysts' predictions and assertions prior to the 2016 presidential election, the Hispanic vote did not prove decisive. Donald Trump's victory elucidates a new electoral calculus, one that will be ruled simultaneously by changing demographics and the backlash against such change. While Hispanic voters largely supported Hillary Clinton, structural and individual impediments hinder their access to the voting booth and their turnout on election day. This thesis explores the reasons why the Hispanic electorate did not prove decisive in the 2016 presidential election. It further illuminates the changing Electoral College map, in which the Midwest and the Rustbelt are determined by an older white electorate and the South and Southwest are determined by an influx of minorities and immigrants, namely the Hispanic electorate.
The 2016 presidential election illustrates the demographic changes and subsequent backlash that will persist over the next decade. A growing Hispanic population and electorate will eventually alter the political calculus of national and state elections, but turnout among white voters will continue to prove decisive in the near future. White backlash and transactional voting (e.g. economic, religious) clearly clinched Trump's success in crucial swing states, ultimately securing his Electoral College win. A review of polling prior to the 2016 election, as well as case studies of economic transactional and Hispanic Trump voters, demonstrates the breakdown across party and state lines that ensured Trump's Electoral College victory, despite a large and expanding Hispanic electorate. While it will continue to grow exponentially, it is unlikely that the Hispanic electorate will prove decisive as soon as the 2020 presidential election, but it will inevitably determine national and state elections within the next decade.
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Broussard, James Allen. "A champion for the disaffected: Ross Perot's 1992 presidential crusade." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187056.
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In 1992, Ross Perot, billionaire entrepreneur from Texas, headed the most powerful independent presidential candidacy of the twentieth century, garnering nearly 19 percent of the popular vote. Perot's rhetoric demanded fundamental reform through a seemingly contradictory message calling for both individual responsibility and collective patriotism and sacrifice: corporate populism, a traditional, albeit profoundly paradoxical ideological appeal. Perot spoke of rekindling the "American Dream" for the next generation, whose prospects appeared bleak because of a post-Cold War credit crisis and withering of the United States' industrial base. He saw linkages between this crisis and a host of social problems, and advocated controversial solutions that made coalition-building difficult. Perot looked to his followers to develop consensuses on many issues of the day. Heading a "grassroots" movement organized from the top down, with disciples from all points on the ideological compass, however, Perot found consensus a rare commodity. As a result, his campaign lacked cohesion. Perot's methods, personality, and wealth raised disturbing questions about the future of representative democracy, but his unfolding campaign also highlighted shortcomings in American electoral institutions and processes. Perot's treatment by the press, for example, provides a case study of the mass-production of political portraits and the impact of those images. That so many citizens voted for a man often portrayed as a suspicious, morally rigid, unscrupulous, vengeful demagogue indicates how widely disaffection with American political institutions had spread. Tapping this discontent, Perot created the potential for a new kind of politics in the United States. He catalyzed discourse on policy issues like foreign trade, welfare reform, military policy, and Executive branch responsibility. He focused attention on chronic problems like the national debt, the annual budget deficit, and the insolvency of "entitlement" programs like Social Security and Medicare. His presence seems to have provoked an unusually high turnout on election day. He helped pioneer a new era of direct dialog between candidates and citizens through the use of interactive and electronic media. Finally, Perot's candidacy symbolizes the emergence of a new centrist political movement--a force which in 1994 began to dramatically reshape the American political landscape.
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Page, James A. (James Allen) 1946. ""These Whigs are Singing Songs Again!" Whig Songs as Campaign Literature Prior to the 1844 Presidential Race." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277889/.
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Whig campaign strategists in the presidential election of 1840 developed new campaign tactics that included widespread use of campaign songs. They used these songs to sing the praises of their own candidate and policies while at the same time attacking the opposing party's candidate and policies.
As early as 1842 these songwriters began writing songs in anticipation of the campaign in 1844. Prior to the nomination of candidates in May, 1844, the Whigs had published several songbooks including hundreds of song titles. In addition to supporting the candidacy of Henry Clay as the Whig candidate, the songs ridiculed several potential Democratic candidates including Martin Van Buren, John C. Calhoun, James Buchanan, and others. Whigs also used imagery to support their candidate and attack the foe.
Despite extensive efforts to influence the election with campaign songs, no hard evidence exists that documents the effect of campaign songs, either positively or negatively.
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Keas, Laura C. "A content analysis of Time, U.S. news and world report, and Newsweek's coverage of the 1992 presidential campaign." Virtual Press, 1994. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/917013.
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This study analyzed the coverage of Time, TT.S. News and World Report, and Newsweek's coverage of the 1992 presidential campaign. The four research questions posed concerned the newsmagazines' overall direction of coverage concerning the campaign; the individual and collective direction of newsmagazine coverage concerning the candidates and the election, the percentage of attribution given to the newsmagazines, or other sources; and the issues that were covered.The time period of this study spanned the traditional Labor Day kick off of the campaign to Election Day. A total of 29 lead presidential campaign stories were used for this investigation. The sentence was the unit of analysis; the method employed was a directional content analysis. A coder judged each sentence for source, subject, content, and evaluation. In addition, the coder evaluated each sentence as either positive, negative, or neutral.After the raw scores were converted into percentages, the researcher used a chi square to test the level of significance.Findings showed overall the newsmagazines were neutral in their coverage of the 1992 presidential campaign. Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News all contained more negative than positive sentences about the candidates, issues, campaigns, and party.In respect to candidate coverage, George Bush received more than 70% negative coverage in all three magazines. Bill Clinton received more negative coverage in U.S. News than positive or neutral. Time, printed more positive than negative sentences about Clinton, and Newsweek printed more neutral statements about Clinton than either U.S. News, orTime.Consistent with past research, the bulk of statements contained in the lead articles were judged to come from the writers. Finally, coverage during the 1992 campaign overwhelmingly centered around the "horserace" aspects of the campaign instead of the substantive issues.Department of Journalism
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Scheessele, Marie E. "The rise of Jesse Jackson : a fantasy theme analysis of his 1988 presidential campaign." Virtual Press, 1990. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/722233.
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This study investigated Time's reporters' portrayals of Jesse Jackson throughout his 1988 campaign. Chapter one introduced the study and provided an extensive literature review of. Ernest Bormann's Fantasy Theme Analysis and its uses. Chapter Two presented a biographical profile of Jackson and served as a prelude to the discussion of Jackson's 1988 presidential campaign. Chapter Three included the actual analysis and interpretation of the study. The following themes were discovered in the five 'time periods that emerged from the investigation: the underdog, the free from scrutiny, the preacher, the leader of black people, the poet, and the loser of the nomination themes. Chapter Four summarized this study and provided implications and suggestions for future research.Department of Speech Communication
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Shelton, Stephen Arthur. "Bias in the network nightly news coverage of the 2004 presidential election." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3037.
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Examines the issue of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party during the 2004 Presidential Election. To examine the most far reaching form of media in the United States, this study consisted of the three major television networks (ABC, CBS, NBC) and their weekday nightly newscasts during the entire month of October 2004. Emerging themes and strategies were compared to a study conducted at Sonoma State University of the year's most underreported yet newsworthy events. Results of the study indicate that no evidence exists to support the notion of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party in the media coverage leading up to the 2004 Presidential Election.
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Ragones, Timothy. "A content analysis of the on-air language of CNN election night coverage in 2000 and 2002 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p1422957.
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Philips, Paul L. (Paul Lee). "A Descriptive Analysis of Political Campaign Advertising of the 1972 Presidential Campaign." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc504589/.
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The purpose of this research was to determine the aural and visual issues present in televised political campaign advertising of the 1972 Presidential election year. Content analysis was the method employed to determine these issues. The campaign commercials of George McGovern and Richard Nixon were the subject of the analysis. The issues coded were Social Welfare, Natural Resources, Labor, Management, Civil Rights, Economy, Foreign Affairs, Vietnam, Government, Public Order, Defense, Republicans, and Democrats. The results show that the campaigns used issues appearing in network news coverage, the percentage of time each campaign spent on the issues, and that the aural content was supported by the visual images in the commercials.
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Payne, Beth A. (Beth Ann). "A Content Analysis of the Depiction of Women in Television Presidential Advertising from 1952 to 1976." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1991. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500385/.
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From the television advertisements made by presidential candidates from 1952 to 1976, this study analyzed the 131 advertisements that contained women. The analysis used the following descriptors: Number of Women's Roles, Age, Occupation, Marital Status, Locale, Concerns, and Status Relative to the Candidate. The results indicate that women are most likely to be shown as physically present although not speaking, in the 18 to 30 age group, belonging to a non-business atmosphere yet outside the home, and of an unknown marital status, and will not be shown in the same frame as the candidate. Womens' images in these advertisements were most commonly associated with issues involving the cost of living, taxes, pro-Nixon, and social security.
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Cramer, Gail Houston. "Ethos and electronics: A rhetorical study of televised presidential debates." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1015.
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Thomason, Lisa. "Jacksonian Democracy and the Electoral College: Politics and Reform in the Method of Selecting Presidential Electors, 1824-1833." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2775/.
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The Electoral College and Jacksonian Democracy are two subjects that have been studied extensively. Taken together, however, little has been written on how the method of choosing presidential electors during the Age of Jackson changed. Although many historians have written on the development of political parties and the increase in voter participation during this time, none have focused on how politicians sought to use the method of selecting electors to further party development in the country. Between 1824 and 1832 twelve states changed their methods of choosing electors. In almost every case, the reason for changing methods was largely political but was promoted in terms of advancing democracy. A careful study of the movement toward selecting electors on a general ticket shows that political considerations in terms of party and/or state power were much more important than promoting democratic ideals. Despite the presence of a few true reformers who consistently pushed for a constitutional amendment guaranteeing that all states used the same method, the conclusion must be that politics and party demanded a change. This study relies heavily on legislative records at both the state and national level and newspapers throughout t the country from the period. Beginning with a brief history of the office of the president and an overview of the presidential elections prior to 1824, the author then carefully analyzes the elections of 1824, 1828, and 1832, as well as the various efforts to amend the constitutional provisions dealing with the Electoral College. Particular emphasis is placed on political factions at the state level, the development of the Democratic and National Republican parties nationally, and how each party used and at time manipulated the electoral process to secure a favorable outcome for their candidates.
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Pituch, William G. "Participating in the world : select American press coverage of United States internationalism, 1918-1923." Thesis, Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/845.
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Busher, Amy Beth. "Framing Hillary Clinton a content analysis of the New York Times news coverage of the 2000 New York senate election /." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04282006-110950/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Cynthia Hoffner, committee chair; Mary Stuckey, Mchael Bruner, committee members. Electronic text (65 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 26, 2007; title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 54-59).
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Lewis, Mitzi. "A Hierarchical Regression Analysis of the Relationship Between Blog Reading, Online Political Activity, and Voting During the 2008 Presidential Campaign." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc33182/.
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The advent of the Internet has increased access to information and impacted many aspects of life, including politics. The present study utilized Pew Internet & American Life survey data from the November 2008 presidential election time period to investigate the degree to which political blog reading predicted online political discussion, online political participation, whether or not a person voted, and voting choice, over and above the predication that could be explained by demographic measures of age, education level, gender, income, marital status, race/ethnicity, and region. Ordinary least squares hierarchical regression revealed that political blog reading was positively and statistically significantly related to online political discussion and online political participation. Hierarchical logistic regression analysis indicated that the odds of a political blog reader voting were 1.98 the odds of a nonreader voting, but vote choice was not predicted by reading political blogs. These results are interpreted within the uses and gratifications framework and the understanding that blogs add an interpersonal communication aspect to a mass medium. As more people use blogs and the nature of the blog-reading audience shifts, continuing to track and describe the blog audience with valid measures will be important for researchers and practitioners alike. Subsequent potential effects of political blog reading on engagement, discussion, and participation will be important to understand as these effects could impact the political landscape of this country and, therefore, the world.
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Montiegel, Kristella Marie. ""First"-Matters: Projecting the Displacement of Responses to Questions in the Context of Presidential Primary-Campaign Debates." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3836.
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This thesis takes a conversation-analytic approach examining the pragmatic functions of the linguistic marker "first (off/of all)" in second-pair-part (i.e., responsive) position relative to questions. Using data from question-answer sequences in the 2015-2016 U.S. Presidential Republican primary debates, I propose six claims regarding the composition, position, and action of what is referred to as the practice of "First"-prefacing. Analysis reveals that "First"-prefacing projects the displacement of a response (conforming or non-conforming) to a question. In projecting the displacement of a response, "First"-prefacing does two things: (1) it projects that the unit(s) of talk to come immediately next will be something other than a response, and thus this "first" matter should not be heard as being designedly "responsive" to the question; and (2) it claims that a conditionally relevant response to the question is forthcoming after the "first" matter is resolved. Debaters largely used "First"-prefacing to temporarily "get out from under" a question's conditional relevancies in order to "reach back" beyond the question and perform actions more properly sequentially fitted to earlier portions of the debate (e.g., defend themselves, make additional comments, counter-criticize other debaters). The more general function of "First"-prefacing as a misplacement marker is discussed, and its existence in ordinary conversation is briefly demonstrated.
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Madding, Carol Ann. "Singing for Blaine and for Logan! Republican Songs as Campaign Literature in the 1884 Presidential Race." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2710/.
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During the presidential contest of 1884, Republicans used singing as a campaign tactic at rallies, meetings, and parades. Their songs may be divided into several categories, such as rally songs, songs of praise for the party and its candidate, "bloody shirt" songs, mudslinging songs, and issue-based songs. Songs provide a perspective on the overall tenor of the campaign, while a lack of songs on certain topics, such as temperance, reflects the party's reluctance to alienate voters by taking a strong stand on controversial issues. Although the campaign has often been called one of the dirtiest in American history, this negativity is not reflected in the majority of the songs.
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Short, Steven W. "Texas Annexation and the Presidential Election of 1844 in the Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana, Newspaper." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2998/.
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This thesis examines the issue of Texas annexation from the viewpoints of two southern cities: Richmond, Virginia, and New Orleans, Louisiana. It looks primarily at four major newspapers, two in each city: the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Whig; and the New Orleans Times-Picayune and the New Orleans Whig. These four newspapers were examined thoroughly from January 1844 to July 1845. In addition to the above newspapers, the Congressional Globe and national voting patterns on Texas annexation were examined. Analysis of the editorial articles in the above newspapers offers the best possibility of understanding public sentiment toward Texas annexation and the presidential election of 1844. The evidence examined in this study indicates that Texas annexation became a decisive issue in the presidential election of 1844. It also shows that, although the press and elements within both Democratic and Whig parties were aware that the slavery question was intricately linked to the Texas annexation issue, slavery and sectional politics were not the primary factors influencing annexation. Ultimately, fundamental concerns regarding western expansion in general, especially for the Whigs, and political party loyalty proved the decisive factors in the presidential election of 1844 and Texas annexation. The evidence gathered in this study indicates that Texas annexation deliberately became an issue in the presidential election by the Democratic party. It also shows that although consideration was given to the slavery question by elements of both the Whig and Democratic parties, sectional politics did not enter into play concerning the annexation of Texas.
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Lee, So Young. "Information heterogeneity and voter uncertainty in spatial voting: the U.S. presidential elections, 1992-2004." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3803.
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This dissertation addresses voters' information heterogeneity and its effect on spatial voting. While most spatial voting models simply assume that voter uncertainty about candidate preferences is homogeneous across voters despite Downs' early use of uncertainty scale to classify the electorate, information studies have discovered that well and poorly informed citizens have sizeable and consistent differences in issue conceptualization, perception, political opinion and behavior. Built upon the spatial theory's early insights on uncertainty and the findings of information literature, this dissertation claims that information effects should be incorporated into the spatial voting model. By this incorporation, I seek to unify the different scholarly traditions of the spatial theory of voting and the study of political information. I hypothesize that uncertainty is not homogeneous, but varies with the level of information, which are approximated by political activism as well as information on candidate policy positions. To test this hypothesis, I employ heteroskedastic probit models that specify heterogeneity of voter uncertainty in probabilistic models of spatial voting. The models are applied to the U.S. presidential elections in 1992-2004. The empirical results of the analysis strongly support the expectation. They reveal that voter uncertainty is heterogeneous as a result of uneven distributions of information and political activism even when various voting cues are available. This dissertation also discovers that this heterogeneity in voter uncertainty has a significant effect on electoral outcomes. It finds that the more uncertain a voter is about the candidates, the more likely he or she is to vote for the incumbent or a better-known candidate. This clearly reflects voters' risk-averse attitudes that reward the candidate with greater certainty, all other things held constant. Heterogeneity in voter uncertainty and its electoral consequences, therefore, have important implications for candidates' strategies. The findings suggest that the voter heterogeneity leads candidates' equilibrium strategies and campaign tactics to be inconsistent with those that spatial analysts have normally proposed.text
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Giammo, Joseph Donald. "Polls and voting behavior: the impact of polling information on candidate preference, turnout, and strategic voting." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1194.
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McClellan, Oliver Ahlstrom. "Politicians or Parties? Assessing the Effects of Intraparty Conflict in the United States." Thesis, 2021. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-a9bg-sp91.
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This dissertation presents the results of a series of large-N, demographically representative survey experiments conducted at different stages of the 2020 presidential election cycle, designed to test the effects of highlighting intraparty policy conflict on subjects’ political beliefs. I find politicians of both major political parties are able to persuade followers to take on counter-party policy positions with limited electoral risk, and that these persuasive effects are enduring, still detectable nine months after treatment. While subjects updated their own policy positions in response to treatment, they did not update the policy positions they prefer when selecting among hypothetical candidates, in contrast to issue voting theorists predictions. While politicians appear to be far more effective opinion leaders than parties, therefore, their persuasive abilities may not significantly alter the shape of the partisan electorate as faced by other candidates. These findings refine our scholarly understanding of individual politicians as opinion leaders in the contemporary United States, and demonstrates the challenges political parties face in checking their popular politicians.
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"Media priming: the influence of affect and cognition on subsequent evaluation of political leaders." Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5888943.
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by Siu Luen-wun, Wanda.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-100).
Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1-3
Chapter II --- Literature Review --- p.4-43
Chapter 2.1 --- Cognitive Priming theory --- p.4-10
Chapter 2.2 --- The Spreading-Activation Network model --- p.11-12
Chapter 2.3. --- The Semantic Network Theory --- p.13-16
Chapter 2.4 --- Cognitive Priming and the mass media --- p.16-20
Chapter 2.5 --- Links with Emotion --- p.21-34
Affect and mental Network theory --- p.24
Positive and Negative Asymmetry --- p.24-25
Affect and Memory --- p.25-27
Affect and Learning --- p.27-29
Affect and Information Processing --- p.30-34
Chapter 2.6 --- Theoretical model proposed --- p.35-38
Application of the model to the study --- p.39-43
Chapter III --- Methods --- p.44-55
Chapter 3.1 --- Research Question --- p.44-46
Chapter 3.2 --- Hypotheses --- p.47-50
Affect and feelings towards Clinton --- p.47
Agenda setting and priming --- p.48
Approval of Clinton and evaluation of Clinton --- p.49-50
Competence and Integrity perception --- p.50
Chapter 3.3 --- Dependent and Independent measures --- p.51-59
Affect manipulation check --- p.51-52
Positive and negative feelings --- p.52-54
Issue Salience --- p.55
Perception of Clinton's overall performance --- p.55-56
Competence and integrity perception --- p.57-59
Chapter 3.4 --- Experimental materials --- p.60-62
Chapter 3.5 --- Pilot Test --- p.63-65
Chapter 3.6 --- Procedure --- p.66-67
Chapter IV --- Principle Analysis --- p.68-85
Chapter 4.1 --- Affect and feelings towards Clinton --- p.69-72
Chapter 4.2 --- Agenda setting and priming --- p.73-79
Chapter 4.3 --- Approval of Clinton and evaluation of Clinton --- p.80-84
Chapter 4.4 --- Competence and Integrity perception of Clinton --- p.85
Chapter V --- Conclusion --- p.86-90
References --- p.91-100
Appendix --- p.101-107
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Mills, Elizabeth A. "A rhetorical critique of John McCain’s 2008 presidential concession address." 2010. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1607100.
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This thesis examines Senator John McCain’s concession address from the 2008 United States Presidential election campaign. McCain’s concession speech was significant because of his come-from-behind victory in the Republican primary, the favorable critical responses to his speech, and his response to the historic nature of a person of color winning the presidential election. This study is also significant because it contributes to the small body of literature that examines concession addresses. This study examined how well McCain’s concession speech demonstrated the qualities associated with the genre, if McCain’s concession functioned as a model speech, and whether McCain’s concession might signal an evolution of the genre. The method used to critique McCain’s concession was generic application, using a combined framework of Chesebro and Hamsher’s (1974) and Ritter and Howell’s (1974) characteristics of the concession genre. This method entailed applying the characteristics of the concession genre to McCain’s speech to determine if the artifact constitutes a strong example of the genre. The study found that McCain’s speech demonstrated qualities associated with the genre of concession speeches well, functioning as a model because he utilized rhetorical techniques that were uniquely successful for him, and that scholars and practitioners of should be flexible in their application of the genre constraints associated with concession speeches.Department of Communication Studies
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Terrell-Curtis, Kara Beth. "Representative form and the visual ideograph : the Obama "Hope" poster." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3884.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)In this study, Janis Edwards and Carol Winkler’s method, based on Michael McGee’s ideograph, is applied to non-discursive forms in order to understand the extent to which these images can be understood as a representative form functioning ideographically. Artifacts for analysis include the 2008 Shepard Fairey Obama “PROGRESS” and “HOPE” images, related campaign graphics, and parodies, political and non-political, humorous and serious. Literature on visual rhetoric, the ideograph, and extensions of McGee’s ideograph to visual forms was reviewed. When the method was applied to the artifacts, the Obama “HOPE” image was found to be an example of a representative form. Additionally, the representative form was demonstrated to function ideographically in the parodied examples analyzed in this thesis. Opportunities for further study on the visual ideograph and additional artifacts were proposed.
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Kaufman, Heather L. "Competing Frames? The War on Terror in Campaign Rhetoric." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/997.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2007.Title from screen (viewed on June 6, 2007) Department of Sociology, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-122)