Journal articles: 'Presidents of America'

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Tumelero, Aglaé. "Who does Bolsonaro listen to under emergency conditions? Building a framework for analyzing informal presidential advisory networks during the Covid-19 pandemic in Brazil." Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política 12, no. 1 (August 27, 2021): 219–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7770/rchdcp-v12n1-art2362.

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Despite evidence about the informal advisors of the presidents in Latin America, literature on this topic is still incipient. This article investigates the informational scenario that surrounded the Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, from January to April 2020, a period of presidential decision-making on the measures to face the Covid-19 pandemic. In-depth case study of interactions established by the Brazilian president is developed based on data from the Brazilian President’s Daily Diary. Social Network Analysis (SNA) tools are used to analyze this evidence. The findings suggest that the Ministry of Health (MOH) was not the main information channel for the president at the beginning of the pandemic despite its central role in the national governance structure of public health emergencies. In addition, the analysis shows the president's choice to use the structures of the Presidency as main informational support, including strengthening them through unilateral administrative measures. Finally, the results indicate that there is no evidence that the president combined formal and informal advisory as a strategy to access alternative information to the MOH. The findings should be pondered regarding the partly reliable nature of the President’s Daily Diary as a source of relational data. The study provides a conceptual and methodological framework to identify and measure the presidential informal advisory strategy, contributing to the advance of research on presidential advising in Latin America.

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Marsteintredet, Leiv, and Fredrik Uggla. "Allies and Traitors: Vice-Presidents in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 51, no. 03 (January 31, 2019): 665–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x18001098.

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AbstractVice-presidents in Latin America have often been at the centre of political turbulence. To prevent conflicts within the executive, most Latin American countries have therefore put in place formulae to elect presidents and vice-presidents on a joint electoral ticket. Still, it is common for presidential candidates to pick running mates from other parties in order to construct alliances and appeal to a broader set of voters. But the presence of such ‘external’ vice-presidents seems to increase the risk of presidential interruption in general and impeachment processes in particular. Accordingly, we argue that the frequently overlooked institution of the vice-president deserves attention as a possible intervening variable that can contribute to the explanation for government crises and their outcomes in Latin America.

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Negretto, Gabriel L. "Minority Presidents and Democratic Performance in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 03 (2006): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2006.tb00356.x.

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Abstract A widely accepted argument among scholars of Latin American presidential regimes is that interbranch cooperation is impaired when the president's party falls short of a majority of seats in the legislature. This argument fails to consider three factors that affect the performance of minority presidents: the policy position of the president's party, the president's capacity to sustain a veto, and the legislative status of the parties included in the cabinet. This article argues that the greatest potential for conflict in a presidential regime occurs when the president's party lacks the support of both the median and the veto legislator and no cabinet coalition holding a majority of legislative seats is formed. This hypothesis is supported using data on executive-legislative conflicts and on interrupted presidencies in Latin America during the period 1978–2003.

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Portier, William L. "Reimagining the “America” in American Catholicism." Horizons 44, no. 2 (November 7, 2017): 448–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2017.64.

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Your faces bring back memories of thirty-six previous CTS convention banquets. The first was in 1979. It was held at Trinity College in Washington. I was a graduate student. Bill Cenkner was president. I'm here tonight, warts and all, where Bill stood in 1979. I think of Gerry Sloyan, Vera Chester, Dolores Greeley, Mary Lea Schneider, and the rest. To a much younger me they loomed larger than life. Tonight I want to thank you for the honor of serving briefly with them in the long line of our society's presidents. And a special thanks to my family, who made the trip to Newport to be here with us tonight.

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CRAMER, ALEXANDER, and KENNETH CRAMER. "Identifying Families in C-SPAN's U.S. Presidential Ratings: 2000, 2009, and 2017." Michigan Academician 47, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7245/0026-2005-47.2.136.

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ABSTRACT Since the inauguration of George Washington in 1789, the United States of America has seen the governance of some 44 individual presidents. Although such presidents share a variety of attributes, they still differ from one another on many others. Significantly, these traits may be used to construct distinct sets of “families” of presidents throughout American history. By comparatively analyzing data from experts on the U.S. presidency – in this case, the C-SPAN Presidential Historians Surveys from 2000, 2009, and 2017 – this article identifies a consistent set of six presidential families: the All Stars; the Conservative Visionaries; the Postwar Progressives; the Average Joes; the Forgettables; and the Regrettables. In situating these categories in history, this article argues that U.S. presidents can be accurately organized into cohesive, like-performing families whose constituents share a common set of criteria.

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Madrid, Raúl L., and Matthew Rhodes-Purdy. "Descriptive Representation and Regime Support in Latin America." Political Studies 64, no. 4 (July 9, 2016): 890–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321715617772.

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Does descriptive representation matter? We analyze the impact of descriptive representation on regime support among women and the self-identified indigenous population in Latin America. We find that having a female president does not have a consistent impact on regime support among Latin American women, but that the election of an indigenous president has significantly boosted regime support among indigenous people in Bolivia. We suggest that ethnic representation has had a greater impact than gender representation on regime support in the region for a couple of reasons. First, in Latin America, ethnicity is much more highly correlated than gender with other variables that are known to shape political attitudes, such as class, education, region, and area of residence. Second, ethnicity has been a more salient factor in elections and governing than has gender in those countries that have elected indigenous or female presidents.

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RACHED, Kardo, and Salam ABDULRAHMAN. "UNITED STATES: A REVIEW OF THE US MIDDLE EAST POLICY FROM HARRY TRUMAN TO BILL CLINTON." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 34 (January 5, 2021): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.34.3.

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Since the Second World War, the Middle East has been mentioned in connection with the national interest of America manifested by US presidents. This paper looks at the US foreign policy in the Middle East from Truman to Clinton on the premise that the US foreign policy has contributed to creating a breeding ground for dissatisfaction toward the US In this context, the paper focuses on the doctrines in use from the time of President Truman to Clinton. Thus, every American president has a doctrine, and this doctrine tells what political line the president follows regarding domestic and foreign policies. Keywords: Middle-East, Israel, US national interest, Soviet Union, Natural resources, ideologies.

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Negretto, Gabriel. "Political Parties and Institutional Design: Explaining Constitutional Choice in Latin America." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 1 (January 2009): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000446.

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The formulas for electing presidents and the rules determining the legislative powers of presidents are important variables for explaining the performance of presidential democracies. This article develops a strategic choice model to explain variations in these institutional features. Based on this model, it is proposed here that constitution makers are likely to opt for more-than-plurality rules of presidential elections when the number of parties necessary to pass constitutional changes increases. It is also proposed that the makers of constitutions are likely to strengthen the legislative powers of the president when the number of parties necessary to pass constitutional changes increases and when parties are decentralized. The argument is supported by a statistical analysis of the determinants of constitutional choice in Latin America.

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Smekhov, Leonid V. "THE INSTITUTE OF THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES AND RUSSIA IN 2000–2008 AS A COMMUNICATIVE PHENOMENON." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 2 (2022): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2022-2-91-99.

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Political power as such is of a communicative nature, the process of governing is exercised through the communication using the language and terminology accepted in the certain communicative community. The presidency institution can also be viewed and studied as a multidimensional communicative community, with the head of the state as the main actor. Besides the president, that communicative community also includes the president’s “team” (administration, advisors, speechwriters, plenipotentiaries, etc.), as well as certain media, especially journalists of the presidential pool. The presidential discourse is formed within the said community. Given the increasing complexity of the communication phenomenon in the contemporary world, the study of the presidency from the point of view of the communication theory seems to be an urgent scientific task. The paper uses examples of the United States of America and the Russian Federation to examine the institution of presidency as a phenomenon belonging to the field of political communication. By the term “communication” or “speech communication” the author understands the interaction of communicants – addressee and addressee, speaker and audience – through the verbal exchange of information with different purposes. The main object of analysis is the presidents’ annual oral addresses – “Addresses to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation” and “Addresses to the US Congress”.

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Hochstetler, Kathryn, and Margaret E. Edwards. "Failed Presidencies: Identifying and Explaining a South American Anomaly." Journal of Politics in Latin America 1, no. 2 (August 2009): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x0900100202.

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Are presidential democracies inherently unstable and prone to breakdown? Recent work on Latin America suggests that the region has seen the emergence of a new kind of instability, where individual presidents do not manage to stay in office to the end of their terms, but the regime itself continues. This article places the Latin American experiences in a global context, and finds that the Latin American literature helps to predict the fates of presidents in other regions. The first stage of a selection model shows that presidents who are personally corrupt and preside over economic decline in contexts where democracy is paired with lower levels of GDP/capita are more likely to face challenges to their remaining in office for their entire terms. For the challenged presidents in this set, the risk of early termination increases when they use lethal force against their challengers, but decreases if they are corrupt. These factors help account for the disproportionately large number of South American presidents who have actually been forced from office, the “South American anomaly” of the title.

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Borges, Fabian A. "Debating Trade: The Legislative Politics of Free Trade Agreements in Latin America." Government and Opposition 54, no. 2 (October 25, 2017): 336–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.28.

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Stereotypes of Latin American legislatures as either rubber stamps or obstructionist obscure important cross-national differences. This article argues that the ability and willingness of legislatures to serve as counterweights to presidents are functions of their capabilities, electoral rules and the president’s powers. These arguments are assessed by comparing the legislative debates of free trade agreements with the US and accompanying legislation in Chile, Costa Rica and Peru. The cases reveal that legislatures with strong capabilities behave proactively, proposing their own policies that challenge the executive’s. If they challenge the president, congresses with weaker capabilities do so primarily through obstruction. Further, electoral rules shape the way legislators go about challenging the executive. Whereas legislators elected under personal vote systems take their cues from constituents, those elected under party-vote systems follow the party line. Worryingly, however, even a capable and motivated legislature may be sidelined by a powerful executive.

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Reyes-Housholder, Catherine. "Presidentas Rise: Consequences for Women in Cabinets?" Latin American Politics and Society 58, no. 3 (2016): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2016.00316.x.

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AbstractSince 1999, women have democratically won the presidency eight times in Latin America and have named hundreds of ministers. This study argues that under certain conditions,presidentasare more likely than male presidents to improve women's cabinet representation. Two mechanisms,presidentamandates and gendered networks, appear to drive the relationship. Furthermore, because the pool of ministerial candidates is shallower for women than for men,presidentasare most likely to advance women's representation in cabinets at the beginning of their term and for “feminine” ministries. A case study of Michelle Bachelet's 2006 ministerial appointments reveals initial evidence for the argument. Empirical implications are then tested with an original dataset of 1,908 ministers of all democratically elected Latin American presidents since 1999. Model results are consistent with the theory thatpresidentasare most likely to “make a difference” when they are least constrained by the supply of female ministerial candidates.

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Durán-Martínez, Angélica. "Presidents, Parties, and Referenda in Latin America." Comparative Political Studies 45, no. 9 (January 24, 2012): 1159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011434010.

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Over the past two decades the use of referenda has spread throughout Latin America, and 39 referenda have taken place since 1990. For some observers, referenda can improve accountability, promote participation, and reduce corruption. For others, given the strong tradition of Latin American presidentialism, referenda can be manipulated by populist presidents attempting to bypass unpopular representative institutions such as congresses or to bolster their popularity. This article provides a more nuanced view of referenda, arguing that presidents cannot always manipulate referenda to increase their power. The effect of referenda on executive power varies depending on the scope of the referenda, that is, whether they aim at institutional change or, alternatively, at policy change. Moreover, the agenda-setting process and the role of political parties in referenda campaigns also mediate the effect of referenda on executive power. Although referenda do not necessarily enhance executive power, the risks of presidential manipulation are strong, and thus referenda should be carried out taking sufficient precautions.

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Hauer, Mathew E. "Sociology, Demography, and Economics Presidential Ages and Sex over Time." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 5 (January 2019): 237802311882522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023118825221.

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I provide a visualization of presidential ages and gender over time for three academic associations: the American Sociological Association (ASA), the Population Association of America (PAA), and the American Economic Association (AEA). The figure reveals important trends in the twentieth century concerning (1) the continued aging of association presidents, (2) the relatively recent increasing gender parity in association presidents of ASA and PAA but not AEA, and (3) the sharp increase in PAA presidential ages beginning near the turn of the twenty-first century.

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Zaluzec, Nestor J., John Henry J. Scott, and Natalio T. Saenz. "Welcome from the Society Presidents." Microscopy and Microanalysis 17, S1 (July 4, 2011): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1431927611000730.

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Microscopy & Microanalysis 2011, the premier conference of the field, is this year being hosted by the Microscopy Society of America, the Microanalysis Society, and the International Metallographic Society. On behalf of our respective societies, we welcome you to Nashville, Tennessee, the Music City, truly one of the most entertaining cities in America. We are confident that Nashville will serve as a wonderful location for our meeting, and that the conference will prove to be stimulating and worthwhile for all both on a professional and personal level.

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Edelman, Marc. "Transnational Peasant Politics in Central America." Latin American Research Review 33, no. 3 (1998): 49–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100038425.

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Since the late 1980s, peasants throughout Central America have begun to coordinate political and economic strategy. Agriculturalists from the five republics that constituted “la patria grande” of Spanish Central America (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica) as well as representatives from Panama and Belize have founded regional organizations that meet to compare experiences with free-market policies, share new technologies, develop sources of finance, and create channels for marketing their products abroad. They have also established a presence in the increasingly distant arenas where decisions are made that affect their livelihood. Small-farmer organizations now lobby at the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the European Union, and regional summit meetings. Central American campesinos have attended numerous regional gatherings of agriculture ministers and presidents, as well as events like the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, the 1995 Western Hemisphere Presidents' Summit in Miami, the 1995 World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen, and the 1996 Food Security Summit in Rome.

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Romanov, Roman. "Chile in Joseph R. Biden’s foreign policy doctrine: problems and prospects." Latin-American Historical Almanac 35, no. 1 (September 24, 2022): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-35-1-79-105.

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Chile is one of the most developed countries in Western hemisphere. It has a high economic potential and a comparatively stable political system. Election of a new president will not only influence domestic af-fairs but also affect Santiago’s relations with main global actors, first and foremost, with the United States. After the end of Cold War Washington utilized its resources in Eurasia which generated a leadership vacuum in Latin America. The US positions in the region were weakened during Trump’s presidency. The latter did not only fail to propose an alternative path of interregional development but used rhetoric of ultimatums towards Latin-American countries. Renewal of relations with regional powers is one of the main goals of the Biden administration. Cooperation with Chile could optimize White House’s prospects not only in restoration of its regional influence but in the context of the great power competition. Economic development and solid institutions may make Santiago effectively contain China’s influence in the region. A new “Pink tide” will deepen Sino-American rivalry in Latin America and force the United States to widen its policy-toolkit.Partnership is relevant in several spheres: economic, strategic and cultural. The latter two are easier to realize because presidents’ capacity lets them simplify implementation of projects from those fields notwithstanding absence of legislative power’s support. Nevertheless, international context characterized by conflict in Ukraine and economic instability does not allow Washington to work out a long-term and efficient strategy towards Latin America in general and Chile in particular.

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Kiser, George C. "Forum Selecting Senior Citizens for the American Vice Presidency." Ageing and Society 12, no. 1 (March 1992): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x00004670.

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ABSTRACTOne of the most significant trends in twentieth century America is the constant expansion of the senior citizen population (age 65 and over) – in both absolute and relative terms. While social scientists have developed a huge literature on America's older population, they have largely ignored its vast political implications. This topic is particularly timely inasmuch as senior citizen George Bush has replaced senior citizen Ronald Reagan in the Presidency, two-thirds of the Supreme Court justices are past age 65, and as usual many of the most powerful members of Congress are senior citizens. This article turns attention to the nation's eight senior citizen Vice Presidents, focusing primarily on explanations for their nomination. It also examines trends in the incidence of senior citizen Vice Presidents. Although the nation has had such Vice Presidents during each third of its history (the first one inaugurated in 1805, the most recent one in 1974), they have served with relatively greater frequency since the 1920s. Probable factors underlying this trend include continually increasing life expectancy, the growth in the senior citizen segment of the nation's population and its political mobilisation, and some decline in ageism.

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Senchenko, Mykola. "The hidden government, or Who runs the United States?" Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 10 (October 28, 2019): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2020.10(291).25-30.

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The situation in the United States after Trump's victory raises questions about the independence of American presidents and calls into question the claim that the country's model of life should be taken as a model. Is America truly a democracy where a president elected by the people carries out his will within the current Constitution? The article analyzes the current political and economic situation in the United States and concludes that there is a "deep state" that is trying to seize control of the country from the president-elect. The preconditions for the emergence of a "deep state" that exists not because of a conspiratorial conspiracy, but only because at some point in history in the country's leadership there was an idea to protect the mechanism of governance from instant policy changes. It is the upper and middle strata of the civil service that set in motion the real mechanism of state power, which operates under the name of the "federal government." It is the bureaucracy that controls and often modifies the policies pursued by political leaders legally elected by the country's population. This apparatus, created to carry out the president's decisions, originally had another purpose — to limit his power and maintain a system of "restrictions and balances" of government.

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CONAGHAN, CATHERINE M. "Prosecuting Presidents: The Politics within Ecuador's Corruption Cases." Journal of Latin American Studies 44, no. 4 (November 2012): 649–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x12000776.

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AbstractAcross Latin America, many former presidents have faced criminal prosecutions on corruption charges, with widely varied outcomes. As with an impeachment, law and politics intersect in the prosecution of a president. In this essay, I examine this nexus by mapping the actions of agents who mobilise to influence how the justice system processes presidential prosecutions: first, accountability actors located in state-based institutions and civil society; second, partisan actors in the executive and legislative branches; and third, defendants, and their partisan and civil society supporters. This study argues that variations in the make-up, resources and alignment of these sets of actors fundamentally shape the trajectory of legal cases. Proceedings against three former presidents of Ecuador are analysed: Abdalá Bucaram, Jamil Mahuad and Gustavo Noboa.

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Reyes-Housholder, Catherine. "A Theory of Gender’s Role on Presidential Approval Ratings in Corrupt Times." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 3 (April 11, 2019): 540–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919838626.

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The rise of female chief executives appears to signal gender progress, but this may not be unequivocally so. This article advances a contextual theory for the role of gender on leaders’ approval ratings, a key measure of “success” and source of executive power. I argue that because of gendered expectations and discourse, female presidents will receive lower approval ratings in contexts of corruption. The study focuses on Latin America, known for its powerful, masculinist presidential regimes and its democratically elected female leaders. I first trace the gendered construction of President Michelle Bachelet’s image as an honest mother. Upon a presidential scandal, higher standards and gendered discourse resulted in deeply disappointed citizens, significantly undermining her popularity. Models of eighteen Latin American countries next reveal a negative impact of being a female—rather than a male—president on approval ratings. Marginal effects plots show that female presidents score worse than their male counterparts in contexts of at least one presidential scandal and higher executive corruption. This article contributes to the growing literature on gender and corruption. It also challenges some conventional wisdom on the pro-women consequences of female leadership in providing a more nuanced account of the role of gender in the executive branch.

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Igiri, Ogba ThankGod, Jacinta Onyekachi Awa, Martin Chukwuemeka Ogayi, and Raphel I. Ngwoke. "Pronouns and Metaphors in Obama’s and Trump’s Inaugural Speeches: A Comparative Analysis through Critical Discourse Analysis." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 21, no. 2 (March 30, 2021): 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v21i2.7.

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A political speech is usually characterized by the use of different linguistic techniques and strategies that allow politicians to convey their political messages and persuade people of their ideologies and thoughts. The American presidential inaugural address is therefore a form of political discourse that imbues the characteristics of both written and oral discourse. This study consequently looked at how Presidents Barrack Obama and Donald Trump of America have used Linguistic resources (Pronouns and metaphors) to construct individual and collective ideologies and persuade America to accept their political ideologies. This exploration was carried out within the frameworks of Lakoff and Johnson Conceptual Metaphor Theory, Charter is – Black’s Critical Metaphor Theory and the content method of data analysis. The corpus was drawn from the respective official websites of Barrack Obama and Donald Trump. It was discovered that their speeches were characterized by skilful choice of rhetorical strategies to make their speeches effective in order to convince the electorates. President Obama used more of inclusive pronouns and metaphors to support and advocate for multilateralism and internationalism while Donald Trump used pronouns and metaphors that distanced him from the corrupt government that led to unemployment in America while supporting and advocating a strong American interest.

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Goldstein, Judith, and Robert Gulotty. "America and Trade Liberalization: The Limits of Institutional Reform." International Organization 68, no. 2 (2014): 263–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000490.

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AbstractAmong scholars, delegation of power to the US president in 1934 is widely believed to have been a necessary requisite for tariff reductions in ensuing years. According to conventional wisdom, delegation to the president sheltered Congress from constituent pressure thereby facilitating the opening of the US economy and the emergence of the United States as a world power. This article suggests a revision to our understanding of just how that occurred. Through a close study of the US tariff schedule between 1928 and 1964, focusing on highly protected products, we examine which products were subject to liberalization and at what time. After 1934, delegation led to a change in trade policy, not because Congress gave up their constitutional prerogative in this domain but because presidents were able to target the potential economic dislocation that derives from import competition to avoid the creation of a congressional majority willing to halt the trade agreements program.

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Hatlapa, Ruth, and Andrei S. Markovits. "Obamamania and Anti-Americanism as Complementary Concepts in Contemporary German Discourse." German Politics and Society 28, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280105.

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There is no question that with Barack Obama the United States has a rock star as president who—behooving rock stars—is adored and admired the world over. His being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize nary a year after being elected president and barely ten months into his holding the office, testified to his global popularity rather than his actual accomplishments, which may well turn out to be unique and formidable. And it is equally evident that few—if any—American presidents were more reviled, disdained and distrusted all across the globe than George W. Bush, Obama's immediate predecessor. Indeed, the contrast between the hatred for the former and the admiration for the latter might lead to the impression that the negative attitudes towards America and Americans that was so prevalent during the Bush years have miraculously morphed into a lovefest towards the United States on the part of the global public. This paper—concentrating solely on the German case but representing a larger research project encompassing much of Western Europe—argues that love for Obama and disdain for America are not only perfectly compatible but that, in fact, the two are merely different empirical manifestations of a conceptually singular view of America. Far from being mutually exclusive, these two strains are highly congruent, indeed complementary and symbiotic with each other.

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Ribeiro, Pedro Feliú, and Flávio Pinheiro. "Presidents, Legislators, and Foreign Policy in Latin America." Contexto Internacional 38, no. 1 (June 2016): 467–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2016380100013.

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Guiliano, J. "America's Presidents; and Changing America: To Be Free." Journal of American History 101, no. 3 (December 1, 2014): 1030–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jau577.

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Negretto, Gabriel L. "Minority Presidents and Democratic Performance in Latin America." Latin American Politics & Society 48, no. 3 (2006): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lap.2006.0037.

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Smith, Dave, Cathy Johnson, and David Fitzgerald. "Welcome from the Society Presidents." Microscopy and Microanalysis 15, S1 (June 5, 2009): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1431927609090576.

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The Presidents of the Microscopy Society of America, the Microbeam Analysis Society and the International Metallographic Society invite you to join them in Richmond for the 2009 Microscopy & Microanalysis meeting. This EXPO issue of Microscopy and Microanalysis provides you with full details of the scientific meeting and its ancilliary events, as well as giving valuable information about the many vendors who will be exhibiting their products at the meeting. Attendance at the meeting will provide you with a useful snapshot of the diverse activities taking place across the many scientific disciplines that currently utilize microscopy and microanalysis.

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Chaisty, Paul, and Svitlana Chernykh. "How Do Minority Presidents Manage Multiparty Coalitions? Identifying and Analyzing the Payoffs to Coalition Parties in Presidential Systems." Political Research Quarterly 70, no. 4 (June 29, 2017): 762–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917715912.

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The preponderance of minority presidents in modern democracies has concentrated the attention of researchers on the multiparty coalitions that presidents form to govern in legislative assemblies. This analysis of “coalitional presidentialism” has focused almost exclusively on presidential systems in Latin America, and Brazil in particular. It has understood multiparty presidential coalitions as cabinet-level constructs, which bind the support of parties in legislatures through portfolio payoffs. In this article, we explore this analysis in a non-Latin American context: post-Soviet Ukraine. Using original quantitative and qualitative data, we find that portfolio payoffs are an important tool for managing Ukrainian coalitions. But we also find that minority presidents have relied systematically on the support of legislative parties outside of the cabinet and have used different payoffs to manage their support. Given that this complexity also exists in other new democracies, we argue that there is a need to distinguish between cabinet-level and floor-level coalitions in minority presidential systems.

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Lake, Rebecca S. "How College/University Presidents around the World Make Decisions." Research in Comparative and International Education 1, no. 1 (March 2006): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/rcie.2006.1.1.9.

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The world is rapidly changing into a different kind of world where the wealth of a nation is defined by the educational level of its people. Higher education institutions throughout the world provide the means to meet today's information and knowledge requirements dictated by the ever-fluid global marketplace. Colleges and universities offer courses and programmes allowing nations to reap the benefits of an educated workforce and compete globally. College/university presidents by their position wield great power and authority to direct their respective institutions. Decisions made by presidents of colleges/universities have significant consequences on complex transnational tertiary education issues. If college/university presidents around the world are expected to make similar types of decisions to foster a borderless transnational tertiary education system, then it is important to know more about the substance of their work and how they make administrative and fiscal management decisions. The purpose of this global study was to identify ‘pre-choice’ factors employed by presidents of higher education institutions around the world when making decisions. Seven college/university presidents, one participant on each continent (North America, South America, Africa, Asia, Australia and Europe, with an island representative as a substitute for Antarctica) was selected to accommodate global distribution.

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Spada, Marissa. "Incongruent Bodies." Studies in American Humor 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/studamerhumor.8.1.0051.

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ABSTRACT This article explores the political humor behind Saturday Night Live’s presidential impressions and how the stakes of such humor are higher when the candidate is a woman. Drawing on theories of comic incongruity, I argue that SNL’s American presidents have “incongruent bodies”; that is, they challenge long-held assumptions about how power and leadership are to be visualized and embodied but ultimately maintain the patriarchal status quo. In the case of former candidate Hillary Clinton, however, what makes her incongruent with the role of the presidency is the simple fact of her being a woman. I argue that SNL’s Hillary Clinton characters, played by Amy Poehler and Kate McKinnon, foreground the basic contradiction of the woman candidate, offering an embodied critique on the gendering of power and leadership in America.

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Garcia, Ana. "Es gibt Alternativen zur ALCA." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 142 (March 1, 2006): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i142.572.

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The Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA) could not be set up in the way and time the US-Government firstly wanted. Among others, one of the main reasons was the wide spread network resistance that involved trade unions, social movements and grass roots organizations from North and South America, who worked together to pressure their governments to stop negotiations. A new space for action has emerged in the last few years with the election of left-wing Presidents in South America, converging interest of governments with demands from social movements to overcome neoliberal regional integration. A concrete alternative project against FTAA came up from the cooperation agreement between Venezuela und Cuba, but extended to other countries: The "bolivarian" Alternative for the Americas and Caribbean (ALBA) seeks to establish solidary ways of integration in Latin America.

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Park, John S. W. "Who Belongs in America? Presidents, Rhetoric, and Immigration (review)." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 10, no. 4 (2008): 747–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rap.2008.0030.

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34

McConnell, Shelley A. "The Return of Continuismo?" Current History 109, no. 724 (February 1, 2010): 74–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.724.74.

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35

Tinshe, Sonia, and Junaidi Junaidi. "WHO ARE AMERICANS? ANALYSIS OF OBAMA AND TRUMP’S POLITICAL SPEECHES ON IMMIGRATION." Celtic: A Journal of Culture, English Language Teaching, Literature and Linguistics 6, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/celtic.v6i2.9947.

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Immigration has been a crucial discussion in the American politics ever since the nation was still writing its constitution. Seeing how immigrants have shaped the American society, it is important to see how they are perceived, as minorities, by significant political figures, such as the president. The objective of this paper is to understand the ideology behind Obama and Trump’s political speeches about immigration, as well as its relevance to the political discourse and social context in America. Five political speeches from Obama (2009-2014), as well as two political speeches from Trump (2016-2017) are analyzed, as the primary data, using Critical Discourse Analysis, particularly Fairclough’s (1993) three-dimensional framework. The finding shows that Obama’s and Trump’s ideology on immigration is related with their idea of the immigrant’s identity in American society. It is shown through their word choice, such as pejorative adjective, and the theme related with the issue of immigration. Seen from the political discourse, the speeches are showing perceived superiority that the presidents have over immigrants. Moreover, from the social perspective, it dehumanizes and reduces the identity of immigrants.

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Tinshe, Sonia, and Junaidi Junaidi. "WHO ARE AMERICANS? ANALYSIS OF OBAMA AND TRUMP’S POLITICAL SPEECHES ON IMMIGRATION." Celtic: A Journal of Culture, English Language Teaching, Literature, & Linguistics 6, no. 2 (December 26, 2019): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/celticumm.vol6.no2.73-87.

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Immigration has been a crucial discussion in the American politics ever since the nation was still writing its constitution. Seeing how immigrants have shaped the American society, it is important to see how they are perceived, as minorities, by significant political figures, such as the president. The objective of this paper is to understand the ideology behind Obama and Trump’s political speeches about immigration, as well as its relevance to the political discourse and social context in America. Five political speeches from Obama (2009-2014), as well as two political speeches from Trump (2016-2017) are analyzed, as the primary data, using Critical Discourse Analysis, particularly Fairclough’s (1993) three-dimensional framework. The finding shows that Obama’s and Trump’s ideology on immigration is related with their idea of the immigrant’s identity in American society. It is shown through their word choice, such as pejorative adjective, and the theme related with the issue of immigration. Seen from the political discourse, the speeches are showing perceived superiority that the presidents have over immigrants. Moreover, from the social perspective, it dehumanizes and reduces the identity of immigrants.

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Elkins, Susan. "Book Review: Hatred of America’s Presidents: Personal Attacks on the White House from Washington to Trump." Reference & User Services Quarterly 59, no. 1 (December 11, 2019): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.59.1.7240.

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Books on the greatness of American presidents fill America’s bookstore shelves. However, this work focuses instead on the hatred and opposition that each president faced. It sets itself apart from a book like The American President: A Complete History (by Kathryn Moore), which covers the national and world events of each president’s term, but does not necessarily cover the backlash presidents receive in response to those events. Many books focus on assassinations of presidents, but they do not typically include additional information about every president’s term, as this one does.

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Ruth, Saskia Pauline. "Populism and the Erosion of Horizontal Accountability in Latin America." Political Studies 66, no. 2 (September 29, 2017): 356–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717723511.

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This article explores which factors enable or hinder populist presidents in Latin America to pursue a radical strategy of institutional change and induce the erosion of horizontal checks and balances. Applying an actor-centred approach, the article focuses on specific constellations in the political arena that shape populist presidents’ incentives and their ability to engage in institutional change. Three conditions are considered to be most decisive: the absence of unified government between the executive and the legislature, the existence of a ‘power vacuum’ in the political arena and the distribution of public support. Using configurational analyses, different causal paths explaining the presence or absence of the erosion of horizontal accountability are identified.

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Nicolescu, Valeriu-Norocel. "The XXVth IUFRO World Congress, Curitiba, Brazil, 29 September-5 October 2019." Bucovina Forestiera 19, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 219–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4316/bf.2019.027.

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The congress, organized for the first time in South America, was hosted by the city of Curitiba-Brazil and gathered about 3,000 scientists from 92 countries. They have presented 1,648 oral communications and 964 posters, during five plenary sessions, 20 sub-plenary sessions, and 195 technical sessions. The congress also included technical tours, social and side events, thematic exhibits, courses for scientists from developing countries. The congress has elected the new president (John Parrotta, USA) and vice-presidents (Daniela Kleinschmit, Germany, and Liu Shirong, China) and confirmed the location of the XXVIth IUFRO World Congress to be held in Stockholm, Sweden, in 2024.

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Polga-Hecimovich, John. "The Bureaucratic Perils of Presidentialism: Political Impediments to Good Governance in Latin America." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 36, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps36401.

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In the face of poorly performing bureaucracies, public management specialists and policy experts have been quick to suggest administrative reforms. Yet, since governance lies at the nexus of politics and administration, reforms limited to the administrative dimension are likely to fall short without concomitant political change. This essay argues that in contemporary Latin America, certain political-institutional arrangements or institutional traits are more likely to produce (in)effective governance than others. Specifically, Latin American presidentialism creates several “perils” for governance, including: the rigidity and short time horizons of presidentialism; multipartyism under presidentialism; weakly institutionalized party systems and non-programmatic parties; an imbalance of power between strong presidents and weak legislatures; the plebiscitarian nature of presidentialism; and democratic backsliding and the centralization of power in the presidency. These institutional traits incentivize patronage, promote myopic policymaking, and weaken bureaucratic autonomy. To illustrate how they manifest themselves in public policy, the paper uses evidence from the region’s responses to the Covid-19 pandemic, then concludes by suggesting political reforms that may help to improve governance in the region.

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Haines, Pavielle E., Tali Mendelberg, and Bennett Butler. "“I’m Not the President of Black America”: Rhetorical versus Policy Representation." Perspectives on Politics 17, no. 4 (June 4, 2019): 1038–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719000963.

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A key question in the study of minority representation is whether descriptive representatives provide superior substantive representation. Neglected in this literature is the distinction between two forms of substantive representation: rhetoric versus policy. We provide a systematic comparison of presidential minority representation along these two dimensions. Barack Obama was the first African American president, yet his substantive representation of African Americans has not been fully evaluated. Using speech and budget data, we find that relative to comparable presidents, Obama offered weaker rhetorical representation, but stronger policy representation, on race and poverty. While we cannot rule out non-racial explanations, Obama’s policy proposals are consistent with minority representation. His actions also suggest that descriptive representatives may provide relatively better policy representation but worse rhetorical representation, at least when the constituency is a numerical minority. We thus highlight an understudied tension between rhetoric and policy in theories of minority representation.

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Frishman, William H., Franklin H. Zimmerman, and Robert G. Lerner. "Vascular and Heart Diseases in the Incumbent Presidents and Vice Presidents of the United States of America." Cardiology in Review 21, no. 1 (2013): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/crd.0b013e31827303b5.

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Busey, James L. "The Presidents of Costa Rica." Americas 18, no. 1 (July 1989): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/979752.

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Writers have long claimed that Costa Rica has achieved standards of popular, constitutional government unusual for Latin America. A few recent commentators have attempted to modify the unstinted praise which others have been prone to lavish upon Costa Rican political institutions and processes.To evaluate properly the assumption that Costa Rica is somehow more “democratic” than her neighbors, there must be examination of a number of elements of Costa Rican political life—that is, press and public expression, individual rights, political parties, roles of judicial and legislative bodies, role of the military, and the like. Some studies have touched upon a few of these elements. Scholarship has yet to cover all of them. The present paper will confine itself to a further aspect of Costa Rican political life—that is, the presidential history of the country. By what means and under what circumstances have presidents secured and left office? How many have been long-term dictators? What have been the backgrounds and characteristics of leading Costa Rican presidents? How many have come from the military profession, and how many from civilian life?

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Fernández, Andrea Camila, Ingrid Paola Villalta, Luis Rodrigo Corea, and Luisa Cook Alvarado. "Political feminization in Latin America: analysis of the discourses of Castro, Fernández and Rousseff." Innovare: Revista de ciencia y tecnología 11, no. 2 (August 30, 2022): 79–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/innovare.v11i2.14781.

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Introduction. The development of women in politics allows us to visualize how feminization influences the Latin American socio-political landscape. The study´s aim was to analyze the political discourses of a current president and two former presidents: Xiomara Castro from Honduras, Cristina Fernández from Argentina, and Dilma Rousseff from Brazil. Methods. A qualitative analysis was used by describing and interpreting political discourses and conducting interviews to experts. Results. Various similarities were evident between the discourses of Xiomara Castro, Cristina Fernández, and Dilma Rousseff such as the strategies employed in their discourses and the feminization in them, their most recurrent themes, their position regarding their opposition, among other aspects. Conclusion. Feminization in Latin American politics still has a long way to go because we live in societies with immutable gender roles, where masculinity bases persist.

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Rylova, A. "PRESIDENTIAL RE-ELECTION IN LATIN AMERICA: CURRENT TRENDS." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-1-84-89.

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The early 21st century saw a “boom” of presidential re-elections in Latin America. After almost a universal ban on re-election in the late 1980s - early 1990s, increasingly more countries amend their constitutions to authorize re-election of the head of state. The present article analyzes existing models of re-election of presidents in Latin America, examines the latest trends and changes in constitutions.

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Martínez, Christopher A. "Presidential survival in South America: Rethinking the role of democracy." International Political Science Review 38, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512115604904.

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Since 1979, one in every six South American presidents has failed to complete his constitutional term. These ‘presidential failures’ occur when elected presidents are forced out of office but without compromising the democratic order. This article seeks to discover the factors that underlie presidential failures through a survival analysis of 65 South American presidencies between 1979 and 2012. We argue that ‘democratic stock’, assessed by taking a historical perspective on democracy, significantly affects presidential survival, a finding which has not been observed in previous studies. It is found that partisan support and democratic stock reduce the hazard of presidential failure. Surprisingly, inflation, executive–legislative power imbalances, party system fragmentation and presidential scandals have no significant effects. These findings offer new evidence for the ‘institutions vs. street’ debate by showing that, when institutional variables are accounted for, the effect of social mobilisations significantly weakens.

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Phelps, Wesley G. "The Presidents and the Poor: America Battles Poverty, 1964–2017." Journal of American History 106, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 826–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz646.

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Posada-Carbó, Eduardo. "Making Constitutions. Presidents, Parties, and Institutional Choice in Latin America." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 37, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 104–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2016.1224128.

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Mišić, Saša, and Boban Marjanović. "SRPSKA POLITIČKA EMIGRACIJA I JUGOSLOVENSKO– AMERIČKI ODNOSI 1970-IH GODINA." Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.313m.

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The paper analyzes the role that Serbian political emigration in the United States of America had in Yugoslav-American relations during the 1970s. The action of Serbian political emigration against Socialist Yugoslavia was a chronic problem in the relations between the two countries. In the first half of this decade, during the terms of Presidents Nixon and Ford, the U.S. didn’t show understanding for the Yugoslav demands to prevent the acting of this emigration on American soil. With the arrival of the Carter administration in the second half of the 70s, the attitude towards this problem changed. In order to further improve cooperation with Yugoslavia, the U.S.A. approached solving this complex issue with more determination. The result of scientific research in this paper shows that at the end of the 1970s, there was a change in the policy of the American administration towards Serbian political emigration in America.

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Shears, Barry. "Patriarchs, Pipers and Presidents: Gaelic Immigrant Funerary Customs and Music in North America." Genealogy 4, no. 2 (June 4, 2020): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4020063.

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One of the most moving tributes to the dead is the playing of the Highland bagpipes during funeral services, whether in the church or at the graveside. This custom has a long history both in Scotland and in areas of North America settled by Scottish immigrants over the past 300 years, and for lovers of bagpipe music it is an essential part of the funeral ritual. Throughout its history the piper’s lament has transcended social class structure and has been performed for paupers and presidents alike. Despite being deeply rooted in tradition, the music and function of this musical practice have changed over time. Drawing from printed texts of the 19th and 20th centuries, recent scholarship and local folklore surrounding funeral customs and music, this paper examines the origins of the funeral piping tradition in Gaelic Scotland and its evolution in North American society.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Presidents of America'

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