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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Presidents of America'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Rudling, Adriana. "La Senora Presidenta : Feminist policy-making by female Latin-American presidents?" Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Social and Health Sciences (HOS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-2323.

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The following thesis is dedicated to the investigation of the comparative gender discourse of two of the current South American female Presidents: Michelle Bachelet, the first woman elected President in Chile for a four year term, in 2006 and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the first woman elected President in Argentina also for a four year term, but in 2007. Using secondary sources and critical discourse analysis, the study attempts to characterize their agenda on gender both before and after their election campaigns. Recognizing that a candidate must balance between many actors, as one of the principles of social constructivism runs, the essay presents a short history of the feminist movement in both countries and the current state that the movement finds itself in, either institutionalized or absorbed and fragmented by party politics. The conclusions that the study arrives to are that, of the two subjects, the one who has presented a more concrete and convincing stand on gender thanks to her political views, the space created for feminism by her coalition and the climate of her country, is Michelle Bachelet.

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2

Scherlis, Gerardo. "Presidents and parties in Latin America: the exceptionality of peronism in the Latin American context." Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91944.

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Political parties have ceased fulfilling substantial representative functions. Their legitimacy lies now on their role as governmental agencies. This led to an increasing interpenetration between parties and the states, and to the empowerment of those leaders that occupy executive offices. In the Latin American context these features are particularly intense in the case of ruling parties in countries where traditional parties collapsed or suffered significant brand dilution. In these cases the president controls the ruling party, while the «really existent» party organization is built up on the basis of networks recruited by the elected leader to run the government. The central argument of this article is that Peronism is the sole political force which has managed to adapt successfully to the conditions of electoral competition in contemporary Argentina. The president´s autonomy in terms of public policies´ in relation to a political machine sustained on the basis of the control of sub-national states makes it possible to disentangle the legitimacy of the party from that of its current national leadership. This scheme provides Peronism with a successful self-preservation mechanism, which is exceptional in the Latin American context.
Los partidos políticos han dejado de cumplir funciones representativas significativas para legitimarse a partir de su rol como agencias de gobierno. Esto ha implicado la creciente inter- penetración entre partidos y estados, así como la concentración de recursos en los líderes que ocupan cargos ejecutivos. En el contexto latinoamericano, estas características alcanzan mayor intensidad en los partidos de gobierno de países en los que se ha producido el colapso o la dilu- ción del valor de la etiqueta de los partidos tradicionales. En estos casos, el presidente controla al partido de gobierno, mientras la estructura partidaria realmente existente se constituye sobre la base de las redes reclutadas por el líder electo para el ejercicio del gobierno.El argumento central del artículo consiste en que el peronismo es la única fuerza política que ha logrado adaptarse exitosamente a las condiciones de la competencia electoral en la Argentina contemporánea. La autonomía del presidente en términos de orientación de políticas públicas frente a una máquina partidaria sostenida sobre la base del control de los estados subnacionales hace posible escindir la legitimidad del partido respecto a la de su coyuntural liderazgo. Esto provee al peronismo de un exitoso mecanismo de preservación, excepcional en el contexto latinoamericano.

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3

Kellam, Marisa Andrea. "Parties for hire the instability of presidential coalitions in Latin America /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1383483231&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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4

Colomer, Josep M. "Non-Median and Condorcet-loser Presidents in Latin America: an instability factor." Politai, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92164.

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A favorable condition for good governance is that elected presidents obtain the support of both the median voter and the median legislator. Several electoral rules are evaluated for their results in 111 presidential and 137 congressional elections in 18 Latin American countries during the current democratic periods. The frequency of median voter’s or Condorcet-winner presidents appears to be higher under rules with a second-round runoff than under simple plurality rule. The victory of Condorcet-loser or the most rejected candidate is discarded under majority runoff rule. More than half of democratic presidents have not belonged to the median voter’s party in the presidential or the congressional elections. Many of them have faced wide popular and political opposition and entered into inter-institutional conflict.
Una condición favorable para la gobernabilidad es que el presidente electo obtenga el apoyo tanto del elector mediano como del legislador mediano. Por ello, se evalúan las reglas y resul- tados electorales en 111 elecciones presidenciales y 137 elecciones parlamentarias en 18 países en América Latina durante el actual periodo democrático. La frecuencia de presidentes elegidos por los electores medianos o ganadores parece ser más alta cuando las reglas implican una segunda vuelta electoral. La victoria del perdedor de Condorcet, o el candidato con más anticuerpos en los votantes, queda descartada bajo el sistema de mayoría simple electoral. Más de la mitad de los presidentes electos no pertenecieron al partido del votante mediano en las elecciones presidenciales o congresales. Muchos de esos gobernantes se han enfrentado a una amplia oposiciónpolítica y popular y han ingresado a un conflicto interinstitucional.

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5

Flores, Juan Carlos. "Cultural Value Differences in Arguments Between Presidents Ronald Reagan and Oscar Arias." PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3877.

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Costa Rica embodies many of the characteristics which the United States would like to foster in Central America and elsewhere. In recent years, however, misunderstandings have often been present in the development of relations between both nations, and leaders. These differences have been particularly visible between Presidents Reagan and Arias when carrying out their foreign policies towards Central America. Recent developments in warfare, social and political unrest and economic crises in the region added to the emergence of a Central American political leadership--independent of U.S. decision making-have increased international misunderstandings between both political speakers. These misunderstandings are shown by Reagan and Arias' through their public discourses which have revealed deterioration in communication and cooperation between them. Since Reagan and Arias come from different cultures, their values are different, making it difficult for the two men to communicate effectively. Towards discovering the differences m cultural values underlying arguments between them, this study uses the Toulmin model to provide a critical and interpretative analysis of the exchange of political arguments from both leaders concerning Central America. Data were collected from public discourses by Reagan and Arias. An intercultural communication perspective is then used to assess the effects of the arguments on international understanding. This research was successful in isolating a number of political arguments concerning Reagan and Arias' respective policies toward Central America, it revealed consistently different underlying cultural values. These differences in cultural values may affect the mutual understanding between the two political leaders, since their discourses did not acknowledge each other's cultural values or patterns of thinking. At the core of Reagan and Arias' disagreements is the ethnocentric assumption that each is similar to the other. This assumption is not a recommended strategy for intercultural interaction. Because of the novelty of this type of interdisciplinary interpretative research, the results can not be compared adequately with previous research on values in public discourse. Further investigation in this area should support the worth of studying political argumentation from the combines approaches of rhetorical analysis and intercultural communication.

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6

Kada, Naoko. "Politics of impeachment in Latin America /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3044796.

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7

Summers, Sandra. "Presidents and legitimacy in U.S. foreign policy : Cold War and Post-Cold War intervention in Latin America." Thesis, Keele University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.555823.

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The legitimacy of presidential actions in United States interventions in Latin America is examined. The key questions are to consider the legitimacy of the interventions in terms of the constitutional legitimacy, international legitimacy, including the United Nations and the Organization of American States, political legitimacy and public legitimacy. It discusses whether presidents considered the legitimacy of their actions, and how it affected their decision making. It considers how presidents view legitimacy and whether administrations attempted to construct an image of legitimacy for the interventions. If further considers whether there was a difference between the Cold War and Post-Cold War periods. It concludes with a discussion about how the results of the case studies can be extended to other times and place. Four case studies of interventions in Latin America are used to determine how presidents have used their power: Bay of Pigs, 1961; Dominican Republic, 1965; Panama, 1990/91; and Haiti, 1995. The study considers what the Founders intended, and how it has been interpreted over the years. Presidents have made claims about their power. Those claims are discussed against their actions. The Constitution informs the congressional legitimacy, but it is a living document and has been interpreted differently over time. The study examines how presidents can gain legitimacy in the international, political and public arenas. A main finding is that do presidents consider legitimacy but are more concerned with how their actions are perceived. The work concludes that presidents view legitimacy in a different way from that intended by the Constitution. Legitimacy is an important aspect of their decision making, but they do not follow due process. They systematically and wilfully manipulate the information to present their actions in a legitimate light. In this they have scant regard for the Constitution, or International Law. Public legitimacy is shown to be a key issue for the presidents in the study.

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8

Lempres, Ellen. "‘The Spirit—The Faith of America’: The Role of Religious Rhetoric in Presidential Inaugural Addresses from George Washington to Donald Trump." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1778.

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While the United States was founded upon the premise of religious freedom, religious rhetoric has pervaded presidential addresses since the Founding. While such addresses were rare at the Founding because constitutional interpretation restricted presidents’ ability to campaign and communicate directly with the American people, the inaugural address is one speech that has existed since George Washington’s inauguration in 1789. During presidential inaugurations, presidents introduce themselves as presidents and establish their policy directions for their presidencies. In this context, according to the role of the rhetorical presidency, early presidents used religious rhetoric in order to unite the nation under a unitary God, connecting the nation under common values and orienting the democracy as pre-destined by God for success. As distance increased from the American Revolution, presidents began to use religion in more personal ways, using religious rhetoric and even Scripture to support their policies, while continuing to use religion in unifying ways. By the beginning of the twentieth century, presidents began to appeal to the people more publicly, actively campaigning for their policies. In this context, religion began to be used as a tool of persuasion to advance presidents’ policies. This trend continued into the Cold War, when presidents invoked religion in order to establish America’s identity in a religious framework against an anti-religious, anti-democratic enemy, while simultaneously using specific religious allusions on the domestic front to further their policies in sometimes divisive ways. As the Cold War concluded, presidents continued to use religion to advance their own policies, appealing to certain audiences through religious rhetoric and making pleas for their policies through religious allegory.

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9

Neto, Octavio Amorim. "Of presidents, parties, and ministers : cabinet formation and legislative decision-making under separation of powers /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9824656.

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10

June-Friesen, Katy. "The sounds of red and blue America dissecting musical references to "red state" and "blue state" identity in print media during the 2004 presidental campaign /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4517.

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Thesis (M.A.) University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (June 26, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

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11

Langevin, Mark Steven 1960. "Christian Democratic administrations confront the Central American caldron: Presidents Jose Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Marcos Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo of Guatemala." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/277239.

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This thesis posits that Christian Democracy arose in Central America because of its emphasis on basic reforms and social justice, and that its messianic appeal and charismatic leadership propelled it to national political power in El Salvador and Guatemala. The study continues by examining the presidencies of Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Vinicio Cerezo of Guatemala, concluding that their economic, political, and foreign policy agendas did not resolve the basic social conflicts which fuel both countries civil wars and economic crises. The findings of the study indicate that these Christian Democrats' alliances with their countries' armed forces and their inability to tap the potential of the movement's messianic, reformist vigor, prevented their administrations from ending the political violence and achieving a national unity capable of launching equitable development.

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12

Kollman, Kathleen Taylor. "If She Were President: Fictional Representations of Female U.S. Presidents in Film, Television, and Literature in the Twentieth Century." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1586964467931721.

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13

Ellis, Steven Gordon. "Religion, civil religion, and the presidency existence and uses of America's common thread /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1154624975.

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14

Barber, Matthew David. "Shooting the President : the depiction of the American presidency on film and television from John F. Kennedy to Josiah Bartlet." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/97066.

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This thesis – Shooting the President: Screen Depictions of the American Presidency from John F. Kennedy to Josiah Bartlet – examines the depiction of the presidency in American film and television from 1960 until the present day. In this study I explore the relationships between the presidency and Hollywood, particularly in the context of genre structures. I examine the constructions of specific presidential mythologies based on the real presidencies of Kennedy, Nixon and Clinton and the construction of fictional presidencies in the television series The West Wing. In four sets of case studies, I will chart the changing significance of each president through different genres, looking particularly at how each presidential mythology is affected by the anxieties and fashions of the contemporary political and social world. I also examine the ways in which the appearance of presidentiality is created within each text by various means including set design, the choice of actor, the use of dialogue and the framing of particular characters. The aims of my thesis are to demonstrate how a telegenic style of politics formed during and after the Kennedy presidency can be seen to be both represented and enhanced in genre films and television series. I chart the relationship of this new mediated style of presidency through my case studies as it faces challenges such as Watergate, Clinton’s sex scandals and the terrorist attacks of September 11 2001. Finally, I aim to demonstrate through a close reading of the latter seasons of The West Wing how the American public can be seen to be prepared by its popular media for the success of the first black president, Barack Obama.

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15

Cox, Richard J. "America's pyramids: Presidents and their libraries." Pergamon/Elsevier, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/106274.

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This article explores the history, purpose and perspectives about the United States Presidential Libraries: and sections include how presidential papers before presidential libraries were handled; Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the origin of the presidential library; the presidential library system's evolution and the issues of presidential papers; the insider's view of presidential libraries; other's views on presidential libraries; and, the future of presidential libraries. The article closes by summarising and making a policy recommendation. It recomends the establishment of "a single Presidential Archives, housed in a facility run by the National Archives (although an empowered archival agency) in or nearby Washington, D.C. where the records of all subsequent Presidential administrations will be stored conveniently for researchers and the public. This facility should focus on records, with some space for small revolving exhibitions about the history and nature of the Presidency, but its primary purpose will be archival."

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16

Grimm, Jasminne M. "Is the prerogative power evident in the American executive? If so, what are the historical and modern uses?" Ashland University Ashbrook Undergraduate Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auashbrook1368614649.

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17

Agarkovienė, Aleksandra. "Metaphorical legitimization strategy in American Presidents' inaugural addresses." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140718_151134-87631.

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The present study aims at analysing metaphor in the inaugural addresses of American Presidents. It is hypothesised that metaphor is a legitimization strategy which is employed to affect the audience. The research questions were formulated as follows: What conceptual metaphors and their linguistic realizations are used for legitimization in American Presidents’ inaugural addresses and what are their rhetorical implications? The study was carried out within the framework of the Critical Metaphor Theory suggested by Charteris-Black (2005), which is a blend of Conceptual Metaphor Theory and Critical Discourse Analysis. The corpus of the study was compiled of 14 and 16 inaugural addresses delivered by American Presidents affiliated to the Democratic and Republican parties respectively. To achieve the aim the following objectives were set. Firstly, metaphorical expressions were identified and ascribed to the conceptual metaphors they manifest. Secondly, the quantitative analysis was carried out to reveal the frequency of the metaphorical expressions underlying the prevailing conceptual metaphors in the inaugural addresses delivered by the members of both political parties. Finally, the realizations of the conceptual metaphors were contrasted and interpreted across the two political parties. The analysis revealed the following prevailing conceptual metaphors: AMERICA IS A FAMILY, AMERICA IS A PERSON, POLITICS IS A JOURNEY, SIGNIFICANT IS BIG, POLITICS IS A BUILDING, DIFFICULTIES ARE... [to full text]
Šis darbas nagrinėja metaforą kaip legitimizacijos strategiją, dominuojančią Amerikos prezidentų inauguracinių kalbų diskurse. Atlikti tyrimai rodo. kad metafora kaip legitimizacijos strategija yra vartojama siekiant daryti įtaką visuomenei. Tyrimui vykdyti buvo suformuoti tokie klausimai: kokios konceptualios metaforos yra vartojamos Amerikos prezidentų inauguracinėse kalbose legitimizacijos tikslais, kokia yra jų lingvistinė raiška ir kokia yra jų retorinė potekstė? Metafora politikoje, būdama šio tyrimo dėmesio centre, atsiduria tarp kognityvinės lingvistikos ir diskurso analizės. Panašu, kad abi šios mokslo sritys prisideda prie metaforų nagrinėjimo politiniame diskurse, sukurdamos aiškesnį jų pobūdžio ir veikimo ypatumų vaizdą. Taigi, šis tyrimas buvo atliktas remiantis Kritinės metaforos teorija, kuri yra Konceptualios metaforos teorijos ir Kritinės diskurso analizės derinys. Konceptualios metaforos teorijos pirmtakai Lakoff ir Johnson (1980: 4) parodė, jog mūsų konceptuali sistema savo prigimtimi yra iš esmės metaforinė. Metaforos esmė yra vieno dalyko supratimas ir patyrimas kito dalyko atžvilgiu. Mokslininkai teigia, jog konceptualios metaforos, kurios yra vartojamos politiniame diskurse, sėkmingai gali įtikinti, įteisinti bei įtakoti publiką. Susidomėjimas politikų kalba sustiprėjo diskurso tyrinėtojų dėka, kurie nagrinėja metaforų vartojimą politikų pasisakymuose, politinių partijų ir judėjimų dokumentuose, žiniasklaidoje, pokalbiuose prie apvalaus stalo, debatuose... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

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18

Mears, Zachary M. "Presidents, the Public, and American Foreign Policy Behavior." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243568575.

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19

Bissonette, Devan. "Charisma and the American presidency." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/1425607.

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20

Welch, Courtney. "Leadership Frames of Female Presidents of American Research Universities." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3196/.

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This study used case studies to examine the leadership frames of female presidents of four-year, public and private, coeducational research institutions both from the Intensive and Extensive Carnegie classifications within the United States. The population (N=30) surveyed was sent the Leadership Orientation Questionnaire (Self) developed from the previous research conducted by Lee Bolman and Terrance Deal. The Bolman and Deal leadership frame theory condensed existing organizational theories into a four-frame perspective consisting of a structural, human resource, political, and symbolic frame. Bolman and Deal theorized that the ability to use more than one frame is considered to be critical to the success of leaders and intensify that leader's capacity for making decisions and taking effective actions. The Leadership Orientation Questionnaire (Self) contains five sections that include rating scales for personal demographics, the four frames, eight leadership dimensions, and management and leadership effectiveness. The research questions sought to identify the demographic characteristics and academic histories of the survey participants and the associations between these variables, the leadership frames represented among the survey participants, and how many, and which, of the four frames the survey participants use collectively. This study allowed its participants to examine their perceptions of their own leadership frames in order to analyze the frame that dominates the way certain universities communicate. Thirteen of the thirty presidents (43%) completed and returned the survey. Survey participants who had 20 or more years of experience were more likely to exhibit the human resource or symbolic frame as their dominant style; presidents whose years of experience numbered less than 20 years exhibited a mulitframe perspective in their decision-making process. Overall, this research found that the survey participants exhibited most often the human resource frame, followed by the symbolic, structural, and political frames.

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21

Frame, Gregory. "The American president in film and television." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2012. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57046/.

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This thesis examines the representation of the American president in fictional films and television programmes, as well as documentary film and photography. It engages broadly with the subject’s entire history, but focuses particularly on the past two decades (1992-2012). Its primary method is close textual analysis, departing from pre-existing studies that are largely preoccupied with questions of verisimilitude and historical accuracy. The construction of the cinematic and televisual presidencies requires a simultaneous negotiation of the ‘real’ political/historical record, and the desire to reproduce and reinforce the representational genealogies inherited from cinema and television’s own histories (not necessarily all explicitly ‘political’). My research has found the presidency to be overwhelmingly reliant upon mythological discourses about American national identity, and traditional conceptions of masculinity. How these constructions impact upon the representation of the president in relation to the contexts from which the films and programmes emerge is of crucial importance. The conception of the presidency has undergone enormous change since the early 1990s. The end of the Cold War, the increased scrutiny of the mass media, 9/11 and the ‘war on terror’, and the economic crisis, have either challenged or reinforced the notion that the president is an omnipotent force, able to bend the world to his will. The strategies cinema and television have employed to address these changes is of crucial significance to this thesis. This thesis will establish the manner in which techniques of mainstream film and television production – genre, visual style, iconography, and narrative – have impacted upon the reinforcement or critique of the presidential myth. As the presidency has suffered relative decline in a more diffuse geopolitical environment, this thesis demonstrates the extent to which the myth of the presidency has required the intervention of mainstream cinema and television to ensure its preservation.

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22

Hite, James Emory. "The Institutional Development of the American Vice Presidency." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/354.

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The ongoing disregard for the American vice presidency, and for those who would and do hold the office, in conjunction with the scarcity of academic research devoted specifically to the development of the institution, warrants the following study. Indeed, this study is relatively novel to the existent body of political science research which ventures to evaluate the vice presidency. Generally, research and publications on the vice presidency have tended to focus on variables such as ticket-balancing and home-state advantage; critiques of individual vice presidents; and more recently, specific policy spheres where modern vice presidents have been involved. In contrast, this project is devoted exclusively to isolating the institutional markers that have increased the broad utility of the position of vice president of the United States and, in the process, have augmented the development of the vice-presidential institution. These institutional markers include augmentation by precedent, statute, and constitutional amendment; increases in the resources made available to the institution; the addition of institutional identifiers; and the gradual accumulation of policy portfolios and responsibilities assigned to vice presidents. Underscoring each of the preceding institutional markers has been the vital role specific presidents have played in facilitating the development of the vice-presidential institution; indeed, the form and the substance of the vice presidency today is almost entirely the product of presidential initiative. In total, this study represents an interpretive synthesis of the historical record of the American vice presidency and how that record reflects the development of the institution. In the end, salient institutional markers have led to the development of a modern, utilitarian institution, one that is now fully integrated into the executive government. Of equal import, the standing of the vice presidency today, legitimizes the individual serving in the office, and furthers the influence of the vice president in the executive government. And, in telling the story of the development of the vice presidency, it is readily apparent that a combination of anecdotal and empirical evidence support the thesis of a changed institution, closely integrated with, and dependent upon, the presidency.

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23

Marbury, R. Kevin (Robert Kevin). "African-American Senior Administrators of Colleges and Universities in American Higher Education: Identification of Characteristics in Their Career Progression." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277660/.

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This study identified and compared characteristics in the career progression of African-American college presidents of institutions in the continental United States. The study was concerned with personal, educational and professional characteristics of these senior level administrators. From a population of 141 individuals, 73 presidents participated in this study. Frequencies, means, percentages, chi-square, crosstabulations and analysis of variance (ANOVA) were employed in the analysis of data. The level of significance was set at 0.05.

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24

Fitzgerald, Timothy M. "The primary election system evaluation of an American political institution /." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1993. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

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25

Handy, Bosma John Hans. "Images of political consultancy in American presidential campaigns /." Digital version:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p9992808.

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26

Guan, Yue. "America’s College Promise: An Economic Evaluation of President Obama’s Free Community College Plan." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/629.

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In his 2015 State of the Union Address, President Obama announced “America’s College Promise,” a plan to make community college free for all American families making less than $200,000. In this thesis, I provide an analysis of the plan and provide an evaluation of its potential impact on the education attainment gap in the United States. I also evaluate the plan’s various components and assess its potential impact on community college student enrollment, completion, and transfer to four-year universities. Lastly, I offer recommendations for improvement.

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27

Cunningham, Phillip Lamarr. "“Well, It Is Because He’s Black”: A Critical Analysis of the Black President in Film and Television." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1307779402.

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28

Seylar, John. "Across Empires: A Comparative Analysis of Roman Emperors and American Presidents." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1714.

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The influence of the Roman Republic and Empire is visible everywhere in the contemporary United States government. Some even propose a “democratic legacy” that the United States has inherited from the Roman Republic, a legacy that dooms modern America to a similar “decline and fall.” These arguments reached their apex in journalism surrounding the 2016 presidential election. A comparison between American Presidents and Roman Emperors proves that these assertions are false, employing case studies in each society’s democracy, interactions with deliberative bodies, public image management, and demagoguery. The distinctness of Roman and American social and political culture in each of these areas suggests a fundamental incongruity between the political figures of the two cultures. Even apparent commonalities can be misleading, as there are significant structural or cultural discrepancies that prevent scholars from drawing conclusions about Presidents using the Roman Imperial example. The argument of this thesis is therefore historiographical in nature: The findings this thesis contains suggest that modern scholars should not read history, specifically Roman history, to predict or justify present political circumstances. The comparisons made between Emperors and Presidents instead serve to prove the distinctness of contemporary American political culture as well as ancient Roman political culture. Acknowledgement of the uniqueness of both of these societies allows scholars to better understand both Presidents and Emperors within their own context. This separation will also lead to more directed, better informed study in the field of Roman history and in the field of modern American governmental policy.

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Strickler, Jeremy. "Between Guns and Butter: Cold War Presidents, Agenda-Setting, and Visions of National Strength." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19339.

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This project investigates how the emergent ideological, institutional, and political commitments of the national defense and security state shape the domestic programmatic agendas of modern presidents. Applying a historical and developmental analysis, I trace this dynamic from its origin in the twin crises of the Great Depression and World War II to examine how subsequent presidents since Franklin D. Roosevelt have navigated the intersecting politics of this warfare -welfare nexus. I use original, archival research to examine communications between the president and his staff, cabinet members, administration officials, and Congressional leaders to better appreciate how the interaction of these dual political commitments are reflected in the formulation and promotion of the president’s budgetary requests and domestic policy initiatives. More directly, I focus on the relationship between the national security politics of the Cold War and the efforts of Presidents Truman and Eisenhower to support their objectives in either the expansion or retrenchment of the New Deal-liberal welfare state. My research suggests that Cold War concerns occasionally aided the growth of the welfare state in areas such as public health and federal aid to education, while at other times defense and security anxieties provided the backdrop for presidential efforts to diminish the political capacity of the welfare state. More specifically, I find that both Truman and Eisenhower constructed visions of national strength which framed their initiatives in national defense and social welfare as interrelated goals. In the end, I argue that the changing institutions, ideologies, and international commitments of the warfare state present both opportunities and challenges for presidents to articulate political visions in service of domestic policy advancement.

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Palmer, Gavin. "Virtuous Empire: The Jeffersonian Vision for America." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1503328618609521.

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Goldenberg, David H. McGrath J. H. "A study of American college and university presidents perceptions of their educational leadership /." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1985. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p8514770.

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Thesis (Ed. D.)--Illinois State University, 1985.
Title from title page screen, viewed June 7, 2005. Dissertation Committee: J.H. McGrath (chair), John Brickell, Edward Hines, Paul Baker, John McCarthy. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 144-150) and abstract. Also available in print.

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Mason, Gregory K. "The Role of Mentoring in Developing Future African American Community College Presidents." Thesis, Indiana Wesleyan University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10930282.

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American community colleges are facing the dual dilemma of replacing the increasing number of presidents who are retiring, and promoting more diversity among their successors. Mentoring is viewed as a way of helping minority faculty and administrators acquire the knowledge and skills necessary to advance successfully into senior leadership roles. This study utilized a mixed-methods phenomenological approach to explore the differences in the perceptions of preparedness for their first presidency among Black/African-American community college presidents, who were mentored through an afro-centric leadership development program; other formal, national leadership programs, or mentored informally. The study was framed by five research questions exploring possible differences in participants’ backgrounds, career paths, and perceived impact of mentoring. Survey findings revealed few demographic differences among the respondents. Themes emerging from qualitative interviews of 12 randomly selected presidents indicated differences in perception regarding the impact of the psychosocial and career development aspects of mentoring in preparing for the presidency. The study identified the importance of context in determining the types of mentored relationships, and may offer insights regarding the role of mentoring in developing future minority presidents.

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Tanner, Nicole N. "Underrepresentation of African American Female Community College Presidents in the United States." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/7200.

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African American women are significantly underrepresented in the role of community college presidents in the United States. Insufficient research has been conducted related to the reason behind the underrepresentation of African American female community college presidents in this nation, warranting an investigation that led to this study. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the lived experiences of 7 current and former African American women who are, or have held, the community college presidency role to gain an in depth understanding as to why, from their perspective, an underrepresentation of African American female community college presidents exists in the United States. Critical race theory is the theoretical foundation that guided this phenomenological qualitative study. Semistructured interviews were conducted to collect data. The data were interpreted using phenomenological analysis. This study found that African American female community college presidents identified several barriers that lead to their underrepresentation. Race and gender were the most influential factors noted. Gender bias was evident in that women are not expected to hold the presidency position. The respondents noted that the U.S. society still has elements of white supremacy where people of color are not trusted with certain leadership positions. These sources of bias have limited access to the college presidency, leading to their lack of representation in the role. The findings of this study can assist leaders and policymakers in formulating and implementing appropriate strategies and policies to end or minimize the disparities of Black women leading US community colleges.

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Block, Jimmy. "Donald Trump : A fascist president with Christian support?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-60984.

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Donald Trump tog världen med storm när han deltog i det amerikanska presidentvalet och sedermera blev vald. Uppsatsen undersöker om Donald Trump kan placeras på en fascistisk skala baserat på hans uttalanden i sex tal; samt hur det kristna stödet, som Donald Trump erhöll i valet, kan förklaras. Sex tal analyseras med basen i kvalitativ textanalys och kategoriseras i fem kategorier för fascism. Det kristna stödet kan förklaras genom gemensamma värderingar, Lakoffs Strict Father morality, i kombination med rädsla. Rädslan över vad som ska hända med AFS med Hillary Clinton som president är stor, är en tung faktor för konservativa kristna att rösta på Donald Trump. Studien kommer fram till att Donald Trump kan klassificeras som semi-fascist då han delvis uppfyller de kriterier som studien grundar sig på.
Donald Trump chocked the world when he decided to run for president of the United States of America, and won. This study examines if Donald Trump may be placed on a fascist scale based on his statements in six speeches; and how the Christian support, that he received, may be explained. The speeches have been analysed based on a qualitative text analysis and been categorized in to five categories of fascism. The Christian support may be explained by common values; Lakoff’s Strict Father morality, in combination with fear. The fear for what may happen to the U.S. with Hillary Clinton as president has a big impact on why conservative Christians voted for Donald Trump. The conclusion of this study is that Donald Trump can be classified as a semi-fascist as he partly fulfils the fascist criteria this study presents.

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Nietzel, Mark. "A Critique of the American Presidency: Crisis Management Successes and Failures." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1013.

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This thesis observes and critiques leadership and crisis management by seven of the presidents of the United States, starting in the mid 20th century and ending right before our current president’s term. The paper analyzes presidential policies and decision-making, and assesses (grades) their overall performance on how they managed crises. The paper will look at the historical aspects of each crisis and view them through the governmental lens the presidency, and then apply leadership concepts to each president for a final analysis.

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Woog, Carlin Russell. "To what end?: the ethics and politics of the American presidency." Thesis, Boston University, 2004. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27803.

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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02

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Carter, Daryl A. "Brother Bill: President Clinton and the Politics of Race and Class." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://amzn.com/155728699X.

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As President Barack Obama was sworn into office on January 20, 2009, the United States was abuzz with talk of the first African American president. At this historic moment, one man standing on the inaugural platform, seemingly a relic of the past, had actually been called by the moniker the “first black president” for years. President William Jefferson Clinton had long enjoyed the support of African Americans during his political career, but the man from Hope also had a complex and tenuous relationship with this faction of his political base. Clinton stood at the nexus of intense political battles between conservatives’ demands for a return to the past and African Americans’ demands for change and fuller equality. He also struggled with the class dynamics dividing the American electorate, especially African Americans. Those with financial means seized newfound opportunities to go to college, enter the professions, pursue entrepreneurial ambitions, and engage in mainstream politics, while those without financial means were essentially left behind. The former became key to Clinton’s political success as he skillfully negotiated the African American class structure while at the same time maintaining the support of white Americans. The results were tremendously positive for some African Americans. For others, the Clinton presidency was devastating. Brother Bill examines President Clinton’s political relationship with African Americans and illuminates the nuances of race and class at the end of the twentieth century, an era of technological, political, and social upheaval.
https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1093/thumbnail.jpg

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Ausmer, Nicole. "Redefining leadership: Examination of African American women serving as presidents in institutions of higher education." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1243164670.

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39

Sullivan, Janice. "Global Leadership in Higher Education Administration: Perspectives on Internationalization by University Presidents, Vice-Presidents and Deans." Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3370.

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The purpose of the study was to identify international university administrators' perspectives on organizational strategies to support higher education internationalization. Internationalization is the conscious effort to integrate international, intercultural, and global dimensions into the ethos and outcomes of higher education (NAFSA, 2008). A descriptive survey design method was used and the instrument entitled "Strategic Internationalization Priority Scale" was developed for this research. This study is quantitative and cross-sectional. The online survey was sent to 1,043 top university administrators at 149 universities in 50 countries. These universities had active international agreements with the University of South Florida at the time of the study. Approximately 350 university presidents, vice-presidents, and deans, from 33 countries, and 65 universities, participated in the study. ANOVA, MANOVA, and Multiple Regression analyses were used to examine data in the three dimensions of internationalization: 1) Planning and operations, 2) Student Education, and 3) Teaching and Faculty Development. The statistical programs used for data analysis were SAS 9.2, SPSS 18.0 and Mplus 5. In general, the study participants perceived the three dimensions as having a medium priority level. Planning and operation strategies, and student education strategies, were rated higher than those for teaching and faculty development. Four of the 34 strategies were perceived as having a high priority level: 1) Motivating students to participate in study abroad programs, 2) Establishing institutional collaboration with foreign universities, 3) Communicating an institutional global vision, and 4) Increasing visibility of international focus on institution's web site. In contrast, the following strategies were perceived as having a low priority level: 1) Creating a branch campus abroad, and 2) Considering foreign language fluency in salary and promotion decisions. The research findings revealed that there were differences in perceptions based on the following demographic characteristics: 1) Institutional description, 2) Institution's world region, 3) Institutional status, 4) Number of international undergraduate students, 5) Administrators' position, 6) Administrators' English proficiency, and 7) Administrators' International experience. Furthermore, the participants identified the following top difficulties in achieving internationalization at their institutions: 1) Lack of economic resources, 2) Lack of faculty involvement, 3) Lack of planning and coordination, and 4) Lack of governmental support. The implications of these results are presented as they relate to the research and practice of higher education administration, educational leadership and policy development.

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Mason, Robert John. "The new American majority : the challenge to Democratic dominance, 1969-1977." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310437.

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Evans, Lamona Nadine. "The administrative styles of presidents of black colleges in the academic novel /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1987.

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42

Rodríguez, David Sarias. "All the president's conservatives : Richard Nixon and the American conservative movement." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2011. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14658/.

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This doctoral dissertation examines the relationship between the American conservative movement and Richard Nixon between the late 1940s and the Watergate scandal, with a particular emphasis on the latter's presidency. It complements the sizeable bodies of literature about both Nixon himself and American conservatism, shedding new light on the former's role in the collapse of the post-l945 liberal consensus. This thesis emphasises the part played by Nixon in the slow march of American conservatism from the political margins in the immediate post-war years to the centre of national politics by the late 1960s. The American conservative movement is treated as a diverse epistemic community made up of six distinct sub-groupings - National Review' conservatives, Southern conservatives, classical liberals, neoconservatives, American Enterprise Institute conservatives and the 'Young Turks' of the New Right - which, although philosophically and behaviourally autonomous, remained intimately associated under the overall leadership of the intellectuals who operated from the National Review. Although for nearly three decades Richard Nixon and American conservatives endured each other in a mutually frustrating and yet seemingly unbreakable relationship, Nixon never became a fully-fledged member of the movement. Yet, from the days of Alger Hiss to those of the 'Silent Majority', he remained the political actor best able to articulate and manipulate the conservative canon into a populist, electorally successful message. During his presidency, the administration's behaviour played a crucial role - even if not always deliberately - in the momentous transformation of the conservative movement into a more diverse, better-organised, modernised and more efficient political force. In the process, conservatives consciously and successfully used Nixon in their quest to gain acceptance as the legitimate sparring partners of the liberalism that had hitherto dominated post-1945 American politics. This doctoral dissertation examines the relationship between the American conservative movement and Richard Nixon between the late 1940s and the Watergate scandal, with a particular emphasis on the latter's presidency. It complements the sizeable bodies of literature about both Nixon himself and American conservatism, shedding new light on the former's role in the collapse of the post-l945 liberal consensus. This thesis emphasises the part played by Nixon in the slow march of American conservatism from the political margins in the immediate post-war years to the centre of national politics by the late 1960s. The American conservative movement is treated as a diverse epistemic community made up of six distinct sub-groupings - National Review' conservatives, Southern conservatives, classical liberals, neoconservatives, American Enterprise Institute conservatives and the 'Young Turks' of the New Right - which, although philosophically and behaviourally autonomous, remained intimately associated under the overall leadership of the intellectuals who operated from the National Review. Although for nearly three decades Richard Nixon and American conservatives endured each other in a mutually frustrating and yet seemingly unbreakable relationship, Nixon never became a fully-fledged member of the movement. Yet, from the days of Alger Hiss to those of the 'Silent Majority', he remained the political actor best able to articulate and manipulate the conservative canon into a populist, electorally successful message. During his presidency, the administration's behaviour played a crucial role - even if not always deliberately - in the momentous transfonnation of the conservative movement into a more diverse, better-organised, modernised and more efficient political force. In the process, conservatives consciously and successfully used Nixon in their quest to gain acceptance as the legitimate sparring partners of the liberalism that had hitherto dominated post-1945 American politics.

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Murray, Claire Donette. "The Anglo-American defence relationship during the Kennedy presidency." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390070.

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44

Gallagher, Thomas. "The Entertainment Presidency: American Politics in the Digital Age." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/396514.

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Media & Communication
Ph.D.
The essential issue of this project is the relationship between the American people and their president. As technology changes, people adapt to new methods of communication which simultaneously allow them to connect with others and the wider world more easily and yet also separate themselves from others and the wider world more easily. The need for presidential candidates and sitting presidents to connect with citizens has led to the adoption of diverse media strategies that include traditional news initiatives with established journalists, face to face interaction with small groups of supporters, and visits to traditionally non-political entertainment-based venues. This dissertation research examines that last element of presidential-level communication: an embrace of entertainment forums for political purposes. This project is a necessary contribution to the field because there has not been a thorough and exclusive examination of the embrace of the entertainment-based venue by presidential campaigns guided by the thoughts of veterans of presidential campaigns themselves. Some scholars and journalists have partially analyzed this phenomenon as part of a larger examination of presidential communication strategy, but this specific element has largely been uninspected and has become especially relevant in the context of the presidency of Barack Obama, a trailblazer in the use of entertainment-based venues for political purposes, and in the context of presidential campaigns and administrations going forward. The 2016 presidential primaries have only made the purpose of this project more urgent because of the rise of Donald Trump, perhaps the ultimate example of the fusing of politics and entertainment. To understand the phenomena driving presidential campaigns to embrace entertainment-based venues, I conducted interviews with twenty-two veterans of presidential campaigns dating back to the 1980 election. Between them, these twenty-two political strategists have worked for five administrations – Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama – and a number of major campaigns in every election cycle since 1980, including the 2016 campaign. I also conducted two interviews with veterans of the most viewed entertainment platforms of the 1990s and 2000s: The Tonight Show with Jay Leno and The Late Show with David Letterman. These twenty-four interviews, including with one individual who worked for both a presidential campaign and a late night entertainment talk show, were conducted between March 2015 and February 2016 and included targeted questions and an oral history component. Presidential candidates have increasingly needed to stress the lighter sides of their personalities to appeal to a voting public fascinated by the horserace media coverage of presidential politics but largely uninterested in the minutiae of day-to-day policymaking. Slowly, sitting presidents have attempted to do the same but have had to balance revelation with the responsibilities of holding the highest office in the land. This project evaluates the implications of the moves that presidential campaigns and presidential administrations have made to become more accessible and connected with the citizenry in a constantly changing media environment. Based on the data collected through the interview process, his project offers a new theoretical underpinning for this media strategy based on a synthesis of role theory, the postmodern presidency theory, and technological determinism that allows for the significant influence of individual personality in the decision-making process and predicts how future campaigns will operate in this regard as media technology and American political culture evolve.
Temple University--Theses

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Gillies, James Clark. "Bankrupting America : advisory entrepreneurship, fiscal competence and the presidency 1977-2009." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/32969.

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This study focuses on the presidential advisory system through the lens of fiscal policy in order to develop a better understanding of how modern presidents utilize their advisers and how through a process of advisory entrepreneurship, advisers compete among each other for the president’s attention and time. A set of ideal types of presidential advisers is developed in an effort to shift away from studying the presidency through traditional notions of staff hierarchies and management of the White House to the actual selection of advisers. This research traces fiscal policymaking from the Carter administration through the administration of George W. Bush by using a qualitative case study approach, with elite interviews and a quantitative test of ideal adviser types on fiscal policy, to provide a view of the decision making process inside the White House that often gets submerged in larger institutional studies of Washington. The study also offers an important perspective in explaining how presidents can veer away from fiscal competence. Presidential advisory systems matter a great deal to the policies that get passed through Congress. The fiscal policies themselves are the mark of what presidential advisers often decide is best for the country. Therefore providing the background and narrative of the roles these advisers play gives insight into how presidents confront their economic realities and how designing policies that appeal to the national interest can be sometimes, at best, a second or third priority. The case of presidential advisers and fiscal policy across these five presidential administrations provides instances of fiscal competence, when an administration crafts ways to have government live within its means and design policies that for the most part appeal to and benefit the majority of Americans. It also provides instances of fiscal incompetence, in which presidents ignore long-established truths and principles to push the country off of a sensible economic footing often for the benefit of those who elected them, and instances in which administrations aim for fiscal prudence but alienate the public in doing so because the policies enacted do not reflect the campaign promises made by the incumbents.

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Bower, Hannah. "Voting, Politics, and Gender: Has America Paved the Way for a Female President?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1332.

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The purpose of this study is to understand the impact of candidate gender on voting behavior in presidential elections in the United States. By delving into the vice presidential nominations of Geraldine Ferraro in 1984, and Sarah Palin in 2008, I provided the baseline for the experiences of Carly Fiorina and Hillary Clinton’s presidential campaigns in 2016. Ultimately, I present the argument that the United States is ready for a female president, either this year or in the near future.

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47

Constantini, Sunthai. "The political communication of Hugo Chávez : the evolution of Aló Presidente." Thesis, University of Kent, 2014. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/48023/.

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Aló Presidente was a weekly television programme anchored and produced by Hugo Chávez during his presidency in Venezuela. The show, a version of a phone-in, was broadcast live on national television at 11am on Sundays and lasted on average six hours. It followed the presidential agenda to a new location every week, where Hugo Chávez would inaugurate factories, read Latin American poetry, interview Fidel Castro, and sing llanero songs. This thesis investigates the role that Aló Presidente played in the making of the “Bolivarian Revolution”, Hugo Chávez’s political project. Through a critical reading of the transcripts of the show, it explores the 378 episodes, or 1656 hours, that aired between 1999 and 2012. Aló Presidente was the cornerstone of Chávez’s political communication, replacing press conferences and interviews. Chávez was known for his continuous presence on radio and television and his daily presidential addresses. However, only on the Sunday show could the audience phone the president and share their ideas, emotions and everyday life concerns. This thesis reviews the narratives that underlined the relationship between the audience/electorate and the host/president on Aló Presidente. It is argued that Aló Presidente played a fundamental role in articulating the identity of a public that shared the values and ideas of Chávez’s hegemonic project. Moreover, it is argued that the show Aló Presidente and the ideological process called the “Bolivarian Revolution” can be read as two co-related arms of a same project, and that they informed and defined each other throughout Chávez’s presidency. In this context, this thesis assesses the evolution of the programme in light of the political events taking place in Venezuela during that time. Aló Presidente is thus seen as a repository, or “black box”, of the discourses that articulated the Bolivarian identity and constructed the legitimacy of Hugo Chávez as the leader of a populist movement in Venezuela. Finally, the core of this thesis is that the co-relation between the show and the hegemonic project evolved over time to strengthen the authoritarian tendencies of Hugo Chávez’s regime. Following the activities of Aló Presidente over 13 years, the investigation charts that evolution in three different stages: 1) participation, 2) education, and 3) obedience, arguing that what started as a seemingly participatory space, progressively became a platform that presented Hugo Chávez’s figure as the ideologue of a populist movement, and ultimately secured his position as the indisputable leader and sole authority of Venezuela’s “Bolivarian Revolution”.

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Gaulton, Marissa. "Sexual Compulsion and Leadership: Psychoanalytic Case Study of John F. Kennedy and William J. Clinton." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/295.

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Is hyper-sexuality intrinsically linked with leadership? Should there be a new category of leaders to include sexual compulsion as part of successful dominance? What about the leadership of these Presidents compensated for their hyper-sexuality and allowed them to rise to the most powerful position in the world? What does it say about our society when we accept, elect, and idealize this behavior? Does sexual compulsion inhibit leaders or are their benefits such as infusing them with confidence and gratification? Is it actually condemnable at all? To answer these questions I’ve had to dive as deeply as I can into the psyche of these two Presidents: John F. Kennedy and Bill Clinton.

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Cho, Sungdai. "Third party candidates and sophisticated voters : spatial competition and strategic voting in multicandiate American presidential elections /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9962511.

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50

Winand, Pascaline. "Presidents, advisers and the uniting of Europe: American policy toward European integration, 1939-1963." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213111.

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