Relevant bibliographies by topics / Presidents of America

Academic literature on the topic 'Presidents of America'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Presidents of America"

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Tumelero, Aglaé. "Who does Bolsonaro listen to under emergency conditions? Building a framework for analyzing informal presidential advisory networks during the Covid-19 pandemic in Brazil." Revista Chilena de Derecho y Ciencia Política 12, no. 1 (August 27, 2021): 219–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7770/rchdcp-v12n1-art2362.

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Despite evidence about the informal advisors of the presidents in Latin America, literature on this topic is still incipient. This article investigates the informational scenario that surrounded the Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, from January to April 2020, a period of presidential decision-making on the measures to face the Covid-19 pandemic. In-depth case study of interactions established by the Brazilian president is developed based on data from the Brazilian President’s Daily Diary. Social Network Analysis (SNA) tools are used to analyze this evidence. The findings suggest that the Ministry of Health (MOH) was not the main information channel for the president at the beginning of the pandemic despite its central role in the national governance structure of public health emergencies. In addition, the analysis shows the president's choice to use the structures of the Presidency as main informational support, including strengthening them through unilateral administrative measures. Finally, the results indicate that there is no evidence that the president combined formal and informal advisory as a strategy to access alternative information to the MOH. The findings should be pondered regarding the partly reliable nature of the President’s Daily Diary as a source of relational data. The study provides a conceptual and methodological framework to identify and measure the presidential informal advisory strategy, contributing to the advance of research on presidential advising in Latin America.
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Marsteintredet, Leiv, and Fredrik Uggla. "Allies and Traitors: Vice-Presidents in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 51, no. 03 (January 31, 2019): 665–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x18001098.

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AbstractVice-presidents in Latin America have often been at the centre of political turbulence. To prevent conflicts within the executive, most Latin American countries have therefore put in place formulae to elect presidents and vice-presidents on a joint electoral ticket. Still, it is common for presidential candidates to pick running mates from other parties in order to construct alliances and appeal to a broader set of voters. But the presence of such ‘external’ vice-presidents seems to increase the risk of presidential interruption in general and impeachment processes in particular. Accordingly, we argue that the frequently overlooked institution of the vice-president deserves attention as a possible intervening variable that can contribute to the explanation for government crises and their outcomes in Latin America.
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Negretto, Gabriel L. "Minority Presidents and Democratic Performance in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 03 (2006): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2006.tb00356.x.

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Abstract A widely accepted argument among scholars of Latin American presidential regimes is that interbranch cooperation is impaired when the president's party falls short of a majority of seats in the legislature. This argument fails to consider three factors that affect the performance of minority presidents: the policy position of the president's party, the president's capacity to sustain a veto, and the legislative status of the parties included in the cabinet. This article argues that the greatest potential for conflict in a presidential regime occurs when the president's party lacks the support of both the median and the veto legislator and no cabinet coalition holding a majority of legislative seats is formed. This hypothesis is supported using data on executive-legislative conflicts and on interrupted presidencies in Latin America during the period 1978–2003.
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Portier, William L. "Reimagining the “America” in American Catholicism." Horizons 44, no. 2 (November 7, 2017): 448–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2017.64.

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Your faces bring back memories of thirty-six previous CTS convention banquets. The first was in 1979. It was held at Trinity College in Washington. I was a graduate student. Bill Cenkner was president. I'm here tonight, warts and all, where Bill stood in 1979. I think of Gerry Sloyan, Vera Chester, Dolores Greeley, Mary Lea Schneider, and the rest. To a much younger me they loomed larger than life. Tonight I want to thank you for the honor of serving briefly with them in the long line of our society's presidents. And a special thanks to my family, who made the trip to Newport to be here with us tonight.
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CRAMER, ALEXANDER, and KENNETH CRAMER. "Identifying Families in C-SPAN's U.S. Presidential Ratings: 2000, 2009, and 2017." Michigan Academician 47, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7245/0026-2005-47.2.136.

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ABSTRACT Since the inauguration of George Washington in 1789, the United States of America has seen the governance of some 44 individual presidents. Although such presidents share a variety of attributes, they still differ from one another on many others. Significantly, these traits may be used to construct distinct sets of “families” of presidents throughout American history. By comparatively analyzing data from experts on the U.S. presidency – in this case, the C-SPAN Presidential Historians Surveys from 2000, 2009, and 2017 – this article identifies a consistent set of six presidential families: the All Stars; the Conservative Visionaries; the Postwar Progressives; the Average Joes; the Forgettables; and the Regrettables. In situating these categories in history, this article argues that U.S. presidents can be accurately organized into cohesive, like-performing families whose constituents share a common set of criteria.
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Madrid, Raúl L., and Matthew Rhodes-Purdy. "Descriptive Representation and Regime Support in Latin America." Political Studies 64, no. 4 (July 9, 2016): 890–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321715617772.

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Does descriptive representation matter? We analyze the impact of descriptive representation on regime support among women and the self-identified indigenous population in Latin America. We find that having a female president does not have a consistent impact on regime support among Latin American women, but that the election of an indigenous president has significantly boosted regime support among indigenous people in Bolivia. We suggest that ethnic representation has had a greater impact than gender representation on regime support in the region for a couple of reasons. First, in Latin America, ethnicity is much more highly correlated than gender with other variables that are known to shape political attitudes, such as class, education, region, and area of residence. Second, ethnicity has been a more salient factor in elections and governing than has gender in those countries that have elected indigenous or female presidents.
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RACHED, Kardo, and Salam ABDULRAHMAN. "UNITED STATES: A REVIEW OF THE US MIDDLE EAST POLICY FROM HARRY TRUMAN TO BILL CLINTON." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 34 (January 5, 2021): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.34.3.

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Since the Second World War, the Middle East has been mentioned in connection with the national interest of America manifested by US presidents. This paper looks at the US foreign policy in the Middle East from Truman to Clinton on the premise that the US foreign policy has contributed to creating a breeding ground for dissatisfaction toward the US In this context, the paper focuses on the doctrines in use from the time of President Truman to Clinton. Thus, every American president has a doctrine, and this doctrine tells what political line the president follows regarding domestic and foreign policies. Keywords: Middle-East, Israel, US national interest, Soviet Union, Natural resources, ideologies.
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Negretto, Gabriel. "Political Parties and Institutional Design: Explaining Constitutional Choice in Latin America." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 1 (January 2009): 117–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000446.

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The formulas for electing presidents and the rules determining the legislative powers of presidents are important variables for explaining the performance of presidential democracies. This article develops a strategic choice model to explain variations in these institutional features. Based on this model, it is proposed here that constitution makers are likely to opt for more-than-plurality rules of presidential elections when the number of parties necessary to pass constitutional changes increases. It is also proposed that the makers of constitutions are likely to strengthen the legislative powers of the president when the number of parties necessary to pass constitutional changes increases and when parties are decentralized. The argument is supported by a statistical analysis of the determinants of constitutional choice in Latin America.
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Smekhov, Leonid V. "THE INSTITUTE OF THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES AND RUSSIA IN 2000–2008 AS A COMMUNICATIVE PHENOMENON." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 2 (2022): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2022-2-91-99.

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Political power as such is of a communicative nature, the process of governing is exercised through the communication using the language and terminology accepted in the certain communicative community. The presidency institution can also be viewed and studied as a multidimensional communicative community, with the head of the state as the main actor. Besides the president, that communicative community also includes the president’s “team” (administration, advisors, speechwriters, plenipotentiaries, etc.), as well as certain media, especially journalists of the presidential pool. The presidential discourse is formed within the said community. Given the increasing complexity of the communication phenomenon in the contemporary world, the study of the presidency from the point of view of the communication theory seems to be an urgent scientific task. The paper uses examples of the United States of America and the Russian Federation to examine the institution of presidency as a phenomenon belonging to the field of political communication. By the term “communication” or “speech communication” the author understands the interaction of communicants – addressee and addressee, speaker and audience – through the verbal exchange of information with different purposes. The main object of analysis is the presidents’ annual oral addresses – “Addresses to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation” and “Addresses to the US Congress”.
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Hochstetler, Kathryn, and Margaret E. Edwards. "Failed Presidencies: Identifying and Explaining a South American Anomaly." Journal of Politics in Latin America 1, no. 2 (August 2009): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x0900100202.

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Are presidential democracies inherently unstable and prone to breakdown? Recent work on Latin America suggests that the region has seen the emergence of a new kind of instability, where individual presidents do not manage to stay in office to the end of their terms, but the regime itself continues. This article places the Latin American experiences in a global context, and finds that the Latin American literature helps to predict the fates of presidents in other regions. The first stage of a selection model shows that presidents who are personally corrupt and preside over economic decline in contexts where democracy is paired with lower levels of GDP/capita are more likely to face challenges to their remaining in office for their entire terms. For the challenged presidents in this set, the risk of early termination increases when they use lethal force against their challengers, but decreases if they are corrupt. These factors help account for the disproportionately large number of South American presidents who have actually been forced from office, the “South American anomaly” of the title.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Presidents of America"

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Rudling, Adriana. "La Senora Presidenta : Feminist policy-making by female Latin-American presidents?" Thesis, Halmstad University, School of Social and Health Sciences (HOS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-2323.

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The following thesis is dedicated to the investigation of the comparative gender discourse of two of the current South American female Presidents: Michelle Bachelet, the first woman elected President in Chile for a four year term, in 2006 and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, the first woman elected President in Argentina also for a four year term, but in 2007. Using secondary sources and critical discourse analysis, the study attempts to characterize their agenda on gender both before and after their election campaigns. Recognizing that a candidate must balance between many actors, as one of the principles of social constructivism runs, the essay presents a short history of the feminist movement in both countries and the current state that the movement finds itself in, either institutionalized or absorbed and fragmented by party politics. The conclusions that the study arrives to are that, of the two subjects, the one who has presented a more concrete and convincing stand on gender thanks to her political views, the space created for feminism by her coalition and the climate of her country, is Michelle Bachelet.

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Scherlis, Gerardo. "Presidents and parties in Latin America: the exceptionality of peronism in the Latin American context." Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91944.

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Political parties have ceased fulfilling substantial representative functions. Their legitimacy lies now on their role as governmental agencies. This led to an increasing interpenetration between parties and the states, and to the empowerment of those leaders that occupy executive offices. In the Latin American context these features are particularly intense in the case of ruling parties in countries where traditional parties collapsed or suffered significant brand dilution. In these cases the president controls the ruling party, while the «really existent» party organization is built up on the basis of networks recruited by the elected leader to run the government. The central argument of this article is that Peronism is the sole political force which has managed to adapt successfully to the conditions of electoral competition in contemporary Argentina. The president´s autonomy in terms of public policies´ in relation to a political machine sustained on the basis of the control of sub-national states makes it possible to disentangle the legitimacy of the party from that of its current national leadership. This scheme provides Peronism with a successful self-preservation mechanism, which is exceptional in the Latin American context.
Los partidos políticos han dejado de cumplir funciones representativas significativas para legitimarse a partir de su rol como agencias de gobierno. Esto ha implicado la creciente inter- penetración entre partidos y estados, así como la concentración de recursos en los líderes que ocupan cargos ejecutivos. En el contexto latinoamericano, estas características alcanzan mayor intensidad en los partidos de gobierno de países en los que se ha producido el colapso o la dilu- ción del valor de la etiqueta de los partidos tradicionales. En estos casos, el presidente controla al partido de gobierno, mientras la estructura partidaria realmente existente se constituye sobre la base de las redes reclutadas por el líder electo para el ejercicio del gobierno.El argumento central del artículo consiste en que el peronismo es la única fuerza política que ha logrado adaptarse exitosamente a las condiciones de la competencia electoral en la Argentina contemporánea. La autonomía del presidente en términos de orientación de políticas públicas frente a una máquina partidaria sostenida sobre la base del control de los estados subnacionales hace posible escindir la legitimidad del partido respecto a la de su coyuntural liderazgo. Esto provee al peronismo de un exitoso mecanismo de preservación, excepcional en el contexto latinoamericano.
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Kellam, Marisa Andrea. "Parties for hire the instability of presidential coalitions in Latin America /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1383483231&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Colomer, Josep M. "Non-Median and Condorcet-loser Presidents in Latin America: an instability factor." Politai, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92164.

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A favorable condition for good governance is that elected presidents obtain the support of both the median voter and the median legislator. Several electoral rules are evaluated for their results in 111 presidential and 137 congressional elections in 18 Latin American countries during the current democratic periods. The frequency of median voter’s or Condorcet-winner presidents appears to be higher under rules with a second-round runoff than under simple plurality rule. The victory of Condorcet-loser or the most rejected candidate is discarded under majority runoff rule. More than half of democratic presidents have not belonged to the median voter’s party in the presidential or the congressional elections. Many of them have faced wide popular and political opposition and entered into inter-institutional conflict.
Una condición favorable para la gobernabilidad es que el presidente electo obtenga el apoyo tanto del elector mediano como del legislador mediano. Por ello, se evalúan las reglas y resul- tados electorales en 111 elecciones presidenciales y 137 elecciones parlamentarias en 18 países en América Latina durante el actual periodo democrático. La frecuencia de presidentes elegidos por los electores medianos o ganadores parece ser más alta cuando las reglas implican una segunda vuelta electoral. La victoria del perdedor de Condorcet, o el candidato con más anticuerpos en los votantes, queda descartada bajo el sistema de mayoría simple electoral. Más de la mitad de los presidentes electos no pertenecieron al partido del votante mediano en las elecciones presidenciales o congresales. Muchos de esos gobernantes se han enfrentado a una amplia oposiciónpolítica y popular y han ingresado a un conflicto interinstitucional.
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Flores, Juan Carlos. "Cultural Value Differences in Arguments Between Presidents Ronald Reagan and Oscar Arias." PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3877.

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Costa Rica embodies many of the characteristics which the United States would like to foster in Central America and elsewhere. In recent years, however, misunderstandings have often been present in the development of relations between both nations, and leaders. These differences have been particularly visible between Presidents Reagan and Arias when carrying out their foreign policies towards Central America. Recent developments in warfare, social and political unrest and economic crises in the region added to the emergence of a Central American political leadership--independent of U.S. decision making-have increased international misunderstandings between both political speakers. These misunderstandings are shown by Reagan and Arias' through their public discourses which have revealed deterioration in communication and cooperation between them. Since Reagan and Arias come from different cultures, their values are different, making it difficult for the two men to communicate effectively. Towards discovering the differences m cultural values underlying arguments between them, this study uses the Toulmin model to provide a critical and interpretative analysis of the exchange of political arguments from both leaders concerning Central America. Data were collected from public discourses by Reagan and Arias. An intercultural communication perspective is then used to assess the effects of the arguments on international understanding. This research was successful in isolating a number of political arguments concerning Reagan and Arias' respective policies toward Central America, it revealed consistently different underlying cultural values. These differences in cultural values may affect the mutual understanding between the two political leaders, since their discourses did not acknowledge each other's cultural values or patterns of thinking. At the core of Reagan and Arias' disagreements is the ethnocentric assumption that each is similar to the other. This assumption is not a recommended strategy for intercultural interaction. Because of the novelty of this type of interdisciplinary interpretative research, the results can not be compared adequately with previous research on values in public discourse. Further investigation in this area should support the worth of studying political argumentation from the combines approaches of rhetorical analysis and intercultural communication.
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Kada, Naoko. "Politics of impeachment in Latin America /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3044796.

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Summers, Sandra. "Presidents and legitimacy in U.S. foreign policy : Cold War and Post-Cold War intervention in Latin America." Thesis, Keele University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.555823.

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The legitimacy of presidential actions in United States interventions in Latin America is examined. The key questions are to consider the legitimacy of the interventions in terms of the constitutional legitimacy, international legitimacy, including the United Nations and the Organization of American States, political legitimacy and public legitimacy. It discusses whether presidents considered the legitimacy of their actions, and how it affected their decision making. It considers how presidents view legitimacy and whether administrations attempted to construct an image of legitimacy for the interventions. If further considers whether there was a difference between the Cold War and Post-Cold War periods. It concludes with a discussion about how the results of the case studies can be extended to other times and place. Four case studies of interventions in Latin America are used to determine how presidents have used their power: Bay of Pigs, 1961; Dominican Republic, 1965; Panama, 1990/91; and Haiti, 1995. The study considers what the Founders intended, and how it has been interpreted over the years. Presidents have made claims about their power. Those claims are discussed against their actions. The Constitution informs the congressional legitimacy, but it is a living document and has been interpreted differently over time. The study examines how presidents can gain legitimacy in the international, political and public arenas. A main finding is that do presidents consider legitimacy but are more concerned with how their actions are perceived. The work concludes that presidents view legitimacy in a different way from that intended by the Constitution. Legitimacy is an important aspect of their decision making, but they do not follow due process. They systematically and wilfully manipulate the information to present their actions in a legitimate light. In this they have scant regard for the Constitution, or International Law. Public legitimacy is shown to be a key issue for the presidents in the study.
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Lempres, Ellen. "‘The Spirit—The Faith of America’: The Role of Religious Rhetoric in Presidential Inaugural Addresses from George Washington to Donald Trump." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1778.

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While the United States was founded upon the premise of religious freedom, religious rhetoric has pervaded presidential addresses since the Founding. While such addresses were rare at the Founding because constitutional interpretation restricted presidents’ ability to campaign and communicate directly with the American people, the inaugural address is one speech that has existed since George Washington’s inauguration in 1789. During presidential inaugurations, presidents introduce themselves as presidents and establish their policy directions for their presidencies. In this context, according to the role of the rhetorical presidency, early presidents used religious rhetoric in order to unite the nation under a unitary God, connecting the nation under common values and orienting the democracy as pre-destined by God for success. As distance increased from the American Revolution, presidents began to use religion in more personal ways, using religious rhetoric and even Scripture to support their policies, while continuing to use religion in unifying ways. By the beginning of the twentieth century, presidents began to appeal to the people more publicly, actively campaigning for their policies. In this context, religion began to be used as a tool of persuasion to advance presidents’ policies. This trend continued into the Cold War, when presidents invoked religion in order to establish America’s identity in a religious framework against an anti-religious, anti-democratic enemy, while simultaneously using specific religious allusions on the domestic front to further their policies in sometimes divisive ways. As the Cold War concluded, presidents continued to use religion to advance their own policies, appealing to certain audiences through religious rhetoric and making pleas for their policies through religious allegory.
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Neto, Octavio Amorim. "Of presidents, parties, and ministers : cabinet formation and legislative decision-making under separation of powers /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9824656.

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June-Friesen, Katy. "The sounds of red and blue America dissecting musical references to "red state" and "blue state" identity in print media during the 2004 presidental campaign /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4517.

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Thesis (M.A.) University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (June 26, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.
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Books on the topic "Presidents of America"

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Oxlade, Chris. Presidents. Bath, BAI IHE, UK: Bright Sparks, 2000.

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Sahu, Charanlal. Presidents of America & India. New Delhi: Charan Lal Sahu, 2010.

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Belenky, Alexander S. How America chooses its presidents. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2007.

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America the beautiful. New York: Orchard Books, 2013.

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Kolb, Larry J. America at Night. New York: Penguin Group USA, Inc., 2008.

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O'Neill, Richard. Facts America: Presidents of the United States. New York: Smithmark Publishers, 1992.

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Presidents and Black America: A documentary history. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 2011.

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Shepherd, Jodie. Presidents of the United States of America. New York, NY: Sandy Creek, an imprint of Sterling Publishing, 2015.

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Long, Cathryn J. Crossword America. Los Angeles: Lowell House Juvenile, 1999.

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Slick Willie: Why America cannot trust Bill Clinton. Annapolis, MD: Annapolis-Washington Book Publishers, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Presidents of America"

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Morrison, Michael A. "The Expansionist Impulse in Antebellum America." In A Companion to the Antebellum Presidents 1837-1861, 43–64. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118609330.ch2.

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Tsai, Jung-Hsiang. "President and Congress in the Period of Unified Government in America." In Presidents, Unified Government and Legislative Control, 91–114. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67525-7_4.

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Register, Woody. "Looking for the Popular Culture of Grant's America." In A Companion to the Reconstruction Presidents 1865-1881, 257–74. Oxford: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118607879.ch12.

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Hunt, David. "Washington Quagmire: US Presidents and the Vietnam Wars - A Pattern of Intervention." In A Companion to Post-1945 America, 464–78. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996201.ch24.

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Genovese, Michael A., and Alysa Landry. "America: A World/Imperial Power—William McKinley to Herbert Hoover." In US Presidents and the Destruction of the Native American Nations, 139–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83574-3_6.

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Hogan, John D. "G. Stanley Hall and company: Observations on the first 100 APA presidents." In Aspects of the history of psychology in America: 1892 – 1992., 133–38. New York: New York Academy of Sciences, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/10503-010.

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Araya, Ignacio Arana. "The “Big Five” personality traits of presidents and the relaxation of term limits in Latin America." In Contested, Violated but Persistent, 113–32. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003351757-7.

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Jillson, Cal. "The President." In American Government, 319–60. Eleventh edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003041764-10.

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Jillson, Cal. "The President." In American Government, 323–64. 12th ed. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003303954-10.

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Novak, Michael. "High-Church America." In Choosing Presidents, 137–46. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315081274-23.

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Conference papers on the topic "Presidents of America"

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Grossweiler, Philip, David Costello, and Kevin Graham. "Post Macondo Safety and Regulatory Issues: Human Factors From an Organizational Development and Senior Management Perspective." In ASME/USCG 2013 3rd Workshop on Marine Technology and Standards. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/mts2013-0310.

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Regulations governing the safety of drilling and offshore production operations have changed since the Macondo spill. This paper suggests management level perspectives on the nexus of human factors and safety management systems including an overview of ideas from: Congressional Testimony; the Bipartisan Policy Center inputs to the Presidents Commission on the Spill; the National Academy of Engineering and National Research Council Deepwater Horizon Report, and workshops and initiatives by RPSEA (Research Partnership to Secure Energy for America), SPE, and ASME. The value of benchmarks from risk management practices from the aviation, nuclear power, and financial community are also discussed. The paper will also consider questions as to what management might consider reducing risk and treating risk management as not just a cost center, but as a way to integrate safety management systems into improving corporate performance for all stakeholders. Paper published with permission.
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Zinkovskaya, Anastasia V. "Political Persuasiveness: Usage Of Metaphors In American Presidents’ Speeches." In Dialogue of Cultures - Culture of Dialogue: from Conflicting to Understanding. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.11.03.32.

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Berenbaum, May R. "Welcome Address, President of the Entomological Society of America." In 2016 International Congress of Entomology. Entomological Society of America, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1603/ice.2016.117819.

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Gómez Cavazos, Enrique Esteban. "Las ciudades de los minerales: reconociendo el legado urbanístico del Norte de México (1885-1921)." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Maestría en Planeación Urbana y Regional. Pontificia Universidad Javeriana de Bogotá, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.5980.

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Este artículo analiza la forma urbana de tres ciudades industriales surgidas de (1885-1921), etapa en la que México vivió con la industrialización su mayor modernización a manos de capitalistas norteamericanos y europeos. Estos ejemplos ponen de manifiesto los grandes proyectos territoriales, urbanos y arquitectónicos que surgieron de la política del régimen del presidente Porfirio Díaz de fundar y poblar ciudades en el Norte, justificando así el crecimiento económico, la estructuración del territorio y la defensa de la soberanía nacional en la frontera. This article analyses the urban form of three industrial cities emerged between (1885-1921), Mexico lived with industrialization his maximum modernization at the hands of American and European capitalists. These examples highlight the large territorial, urban and architectural projects that emerged from the policy regime of President Porfirio Díaz to found and populate cities in the North, justifying the economic growth, the structure of the territory and the defence of national sovereignty at the border.
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"President message." In 2012 American Control Conference - ACC 2012. IEEE, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/acc.2012.6314601.

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Zeynalov, Eldar. "VALUES IN AMERICAN POLITICAL DISCOURSE AND MANIPULATION (ON THE BASIS OF SPEECHES BY AMERICAN PRESIDENTS)." In SCIENTIFIC PRACTICE: MODERN AND CLASSICAL RESEARCH METHODS. European Scientific Platform, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/logos-26.02.2021.v2.14.

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Basar, Tamer. "Greetings from the AACC president." In 2011 American Control Conference. IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/acc.2011.5990721.

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"Greetings from the AACC President." In 2009 American Control Conference. IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/acc.2009.5159766.

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Luebs, John, and Carl Snyderman. "Network Analysis of Past NASBS Presidents." In 30th Annual Meeting North American Skull Base Society. Georg Thieme Verlag KG, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0040-1702385.

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Morozova, Alevtina. "Integrity Strategy And Its Linguisitic Expression In Public Speeches Of American Presidents." In Topical Issues of Linguistics and Teaching Methods in Business and Professional Communication. European Publisher, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2020.12.02.79.

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Reports on the topic "Presidents of America"

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Rayburn, A. Honours for American Presidents in Canada's names. Natural Resources Canada/ESS/Scientific and Technical Publishing Services, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.4095/298342.

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Hite, James. The Institutional Development of the American Vice Presidency. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.354.

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Echegoyen, Luis, Huai N. Cheng, and Bonnie Charpentier. Greetings from the American Chemical Society. AsiaChem Magazine, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51167/acm00005.

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As the 2019, 2020, and 2021 presidents of the American Chemical Society (ACS), it is our pleasure to extend our well-wishes to the Federation of Asian Chemical Societies (FACS) in the inaugural issue of AsiaChem. ACS is proud to support the efforts of partner chemical societies around the world, particularly regional collaborators like FACS. The creation of this publication is a monumental step for FACS and we are pleased to be a part of this historic edition.
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Walhood, Patricia. The American President as Legislative Leader-Historical Development of the Role. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2435.

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Deni, John R. The Real Rebalancing: American Diplomacy and the Tragedy of President Obama's Foreign Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, October 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada623799.

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Lazonick, William, and Matt Hopkins. Why the CHIPS Are Down: Stock Buybacks and Subsidies in the U.S. Semiconductor Industry. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp165.

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The Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA) is promoting the Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors (CHIPS) for America Act, introduced in Congress in June 2020. An SIA press release describes the bill as “bipartisan legislation that would invest tens of billions of dollars in semiconductor manufacturing incentives and research initiatives over the next 5-10 years to strengthen and sustain American leadership in chip technology, which is essential to our country’s economy and national security.” On June 8, 2021, the Senate approved $52 billion for the CHIPS for America Act, dedicated to supporting the U.S. semiconductor industry over the next decade. As of this writing, the Act awaits approval in the House of Representatives. This paper highlights a curious paradox: Most of the SIA corporate members now lobbying for the CHIPS for America Act have squandered past support that the U.S. semiconductor industry has received from the U.S. government for decades by using their corporate cash to do buybacks to boost their own companies’ stock prices. Among the SIA corporate signatories of the letter to President Biden, the five largest stock repurchasers—Intel, IBM, Qualcomm, Texas Instruments, and Broadcom—did a combined $249 billion in buybacks over the decade 2011-2020, equal to 71 percent of their profits and almost five times the subsidies over the next decade for which the SIA is lobbying. In addition, among the members of the Semiconductors in America Coalition (SIAC), formed specifically in May 2021 to lobby Congress for the passage of the CHIPS for America Act, are Apple, Microsoft, Cisco, and Google. These firms spent a combined $633 billion on buybacks during 2011-2020. That is about 12 times the government subsidies provided under the CHIPS for America Act to support semiconductor fabrication in the United States in the upcoming decade. If the Congress wants to achieve the legislation’s stated purpose of promoting major new investments in semiconductors, it needs to deal with this paradox. It could, for example, require the SIA and SIAC to extract pledges from its member corporations that they will cease doing stock buybacks as open-market repurchases over the next ten years. Such regulation could be a first step in rescinding Securities and Exchange Commission Rule 10b-18, which has since 1982 been a major cause of extreme income inequality and loss of global industrial competitiveness in the United States.
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DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY WASHINGTON DC. The Army Budget. 1997 President's Budget, Assistant Secretary of the Army for Financial Management and Comptroller, March 1996. America's Army: 'Force of Decision'. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada306329.

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Bolton, Laura. The Economic Impact of COVID-19 in Colombia. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.073.

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Available data provide a picture for the macro-economy of Colombia, agriculture, and infrastructure. Recent data on trends on public procurement were difficult to find within the scope of this rapid review. In 2020, macro-level employment figures show a large drop between February and April when COVID-19 lockdown measures were first introduced, followed by a gradual upward trend. In December 2020, the employment rate was 4.09 percentage points lower than the employment rate in December 2019. Macro-level figures from the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE) show that a higher percentage of men experienced job losses than women in November 2020. However, the evidence presented by the Universidad Nacional de Colombia based on the DANE great integrated house survey shows that a higher proportion of all jobs lost were lost by women in the second quarter. It may be that the imbalance shifted over time, but it is not possible to directly compare the data. Evidence suggests that women were disproportionately more burdened by home activities due to the closure of schools and childcare. There is also a suggestion that women who have lost out where jobs able to function during lockdowns with technology are more likely to be held by men. Literature also shows that women have lower levels of technology literacy. There is a lack of reliable data for understanding the economic impacts of COVID-19 for people living with disabilities. A report on the COVID-19 response and disability for the Latin America region recommends improving collaboration between policymakers and non-governmental organisations. Younger people experienced greater job losses. Data for November 2020 show 3.3 percent of the population aged under 25 lost their job compared to 1.8 percent of those employed between 24 and 54. Agriculture, livestock, and fishing increased by 2.8% in 2020 compared to 2019. And the sector as a whole grew 3.4% between the third and fourth quarters of 2020. In terms of sector differences, construction was harder hit by the initial mobility restrictions than agriculture. Construction contracted by 30.5% in the second quarter of 2020. It is making a relatively healthy recovery with reports that 84% of projects being reactivated following return to work. The President of the Colombian Chamber of Construction predicting an 8.4% growth in the construction of housing and other buildings in 2021.
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Collective Tenure Rights in Colombia’s Peace Agreement and Climate Policy Commitments. Rights and Resources Initiative, September 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.53892/yzuu8847.

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Between June and August 2016, the Colombian government made two announcements that will profoundly change the country. After four years of peace negotiations with the FARC guerillas, President Santos announced the Acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera [Final Peace Accord for the Conclusion of the Conflict and the Construction of Stable and Lasting Peace], moving the country toward the end of one of the longest internal conflicts in the history of the Americas. In the months prior to this announcement, the Ministerio de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sostenible [Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development] also officially launched the Visión Amazonía 2020 Program, a low-carbon sustainable development model for the Amazon region. This program is part of the country’s commitment to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 20 percent by the year 2030. Both announcements, linked to profound historic changes in the country, will generate new proposals related to sustainable development, agriculture, and access to land. They will also raise the question of what institutional changes are needed to effectively respond to these new challenges and opportunities. Given that the implementation of both of these initiatives will coalesce in the territories of the various rural and ethnic populations in the country, it will be necessary to directly address the crucial issue of guaranteeing indigenous and Afro-descendant communities’ collective rights. This issue will be central to effective implementation of the post-peace accord and climate policies, as well as in achieving economic, social, and environmental sustainability.
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