Journal articles on the topic 'Presidential administrations'
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1
Roberts, Robert N. "The Administrative Presidency and Federal Service." American Review of Public Administration 51, no. 6 (February 20, 2021): 411–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074021993849.
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Through the 20th and early 21st century, the United States has seen the growth of the administrative presidency. As political polarization has made it much more difficult for a presidential administration to push public policy initiatives through Congress, presidential administrations have become much more dependent on executive orders, policy statements, federal rulemaking, and nonenforcement policies to implement their agenda. Presidential administrations have also attempted to exert much greater control over the actions of federal employees with policymaking and policy implementation responsibilities. The article argues that the modern administrative presidency has become a serious threat to the nation’s democratic values and institutions. The article also argues that in the wrong hands, the administrative state may do great harm. Finally, the article argues that the discipline of public administration must end its love affair with the administrative presidency. The danger of misuse of the administrative state has just become too serious to permit presidential administrations to coerce career civil servants to put the ideological interests of a President over the public interest. To help control this serious problem, the article argues that the discipline of public administration should help to empower federal employees to serve as guardians of constitutional values by providing them the tools necessary to uncover and make known instances of abuse of power by presidential administrations intent upon ignoring the constitutional foundations of the administrative state.
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Doherty, Kathleen M., David E. Lewis, and Scott Limbocker. "Presidential Control and Turnover in Regulatory Personnel." Administration & Society 51, no. 10 (September 18, 2019): 1606–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399719875458.
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Career executives often occupy administrative positions that determine the pace and content of policy, such as those responsible for developing regulations. Yet, presidential administrations need control over these positions to achieve policy aims. This article considers the extent to which new presidential administrations marginalize career executives in key regulatory positions by transferring responsibilities to another individual and whether the mere expectation of political conflict with a new administration drives career regulators from their positions. Using unique new data on 866 career regulators that led major rulemaking efforts between 1995 and 2013, we demonstrate that turnover among career executives in key regulatory positions increases following a party change in the White House. Turnover also increases during a presidential election year, but this effect is conditioned by bureaucrats’ expectations of the election outcome. Finally, career executives are more likely to depart in response to favorable labor market conditions. Given our findings that turnover in regulatory responsibilities is driven both by presidential marginalization and strategic exit by bureaucrats, we conclude with implications for presidential efforts to control the administrative state.
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Giles, Frank L., and E. Keith Byrd. "Disability & Human Services In Popular Literature in Relation to Recent Presidential Administrations." Journal of Applied Rehabilitation Counseling 17, no. 4 (December 1, 1986): 54–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0047-2220.17.4.54.
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The purpose of this research is to determine relations that may exist between presidential administrations and topics related to human services and persons with disabilities in popular periodicals. The researchers discovered a relationship between human service topics and the Carter versus Reagan administrations. Significantly more articles were written on human services during the last two years of the Carter Administration than during the first two years of the Reagan Administration.
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HUFBAUER, BENJAMIN. "Spotlights and Shadows: Presidents and Their Administrations in Presidential Museum Exhibits." Public Historian 28, no. 3 (January 1, 2006): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2006.28.3.117.
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Abstract: This article focuses on the museums in presidential libraries. Since 1940 the rise of the federal presidential library has transformed presidential memorialization by largely allowing presidents—initially, at least—to commemorate themselves. This has populated the landscape of public memory in the United States with a series of history museums that promote an expansive view of presidential power. These museums also attempt to elevate individual presidents into the civil religion of the United States. This article examines the largely celebratory accounts in some presidential libraries, and contrasts them with the Truman Library's more balanced and historically accurate approach.
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Chien, Wen-Wen, Roger W. Mayer, and Zigan Wang. "Stock Market, Economic Performance, And Presidential Elections." Journal of Business & Economics Research (JBER) 12, no. 2 (March 29, 2014): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jber.v12i2.8530.
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Using stock market and economic data from 1900 to 2008 from 27 separate presidential administrations in the United States (U.S.), including 15 Republican and 12 Democratic, this paper examines the relationships between the market return after each Election Day and economic performance during the presidential term. Using the theoretical framework of political economy, the authors examine how Wall Streets reaction to a presidential election acts as a predictive measure of future economic performance. The analysis shows that the after-election market movement has progressively been more accurate in predicting the future Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth but not the future unemployment rates. Given that the results show a higher correlation over time, the model appears to provide a good starting point for judging the economic potential of future presidential administrations.
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Gonzalez, Kirsten A., Lex Pulice-Farrow, and Roberto L. Abreu. "“In the Voices of People Like Me”: LGBTQ Coping During Trump’s Administration." Counseling Psychologist 50, no. 2 (February 2022): 212–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00110000211057199.
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The present study explored strategies that LGBTQ people used to cope during the U.S. presidential administration of Donald Trump. Coping strategies can buffer the impact of identity-related stigma and decreased psychological well-being, however, little is known about the ongoing coping strategies used by LGBTQ people during Trump’s presidential administration. This research addresses this gap in the literature. Participants included 335 LGBTQ individuals who were negatively impacted by the discriminatory policies of the Trump administration. Participants completed an online survey where they discussed the coping strategies they used during the Trump administration. Thematic analysis revealed five coping-related themes, including: (a) Coping Through Connecting With People, (b) Coping Through Self-Care and Self-Preservation Activities, (c) Coping Through Relational Disengagement, (d) Coping Through Activism, and (e) Coping Through Outness Decisions. Our discussion explores how counseling psychologists can work with LGBTQ clients to maximize coping strategies for managing distress during anti-LGBTQ presidential administrations.
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Peterson, Mark A. "The Presidency and Organized Interests: White House Patterns of Interest Group Liaison." American Political Science Review 86, no. 3 (September 1992): 612–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964125.
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Studies of the relationship between the presidency and organized interests generally focus on presidential assistants and their communications with the interest group community. I take a different perspective. Based on presidential strategic interests and choices illuminated for several administrations through interviews with White House officials, four kinds of interest group liaison are identified: governing party, consensus building, outreach, and legitimization. These approaches are then empirically evaluated for the Reagan White House using interviews with Reagan's staff and the responses of several hundred interest group leaders to 1980 and 1985 surveys of national voluntary associations. Like the Carter administration after its first year, the Reagan White House initially emphasized “liaison as governing party” built on exclusive and programmatic ties to groups. A less activist legislative agenda and new circumstances later shifted the emphasis of the Reagan and Bush administrations to other forms of interest group liaison.
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Prins, Brandon C., and Bryan W. Marshall. "Senate Influence or Presidential Unilateralism?" Conflict Management and Peace Science 26, no. 2 (April 2009): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894208101129.
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Treaty-making involves the constitutional struggle for policy control. Both the Executive and Senate are defined as official actors in establishing international commitments and both closely guard their constitutionally defined roles.Yet most research concludes that Congress rarely matters when defining US commitments abroad.We explore the Senate's role in treaty-making during the administrations of Theodore Roosevelt (1901—1909) and the first term of George W. Bush (2001— 2005). Our evidence confirms that even recent studies showing greater Senate influence on treaty-making significantly underestimate the upper chamber's role in defining US commitments abroad. Rather than killing treaties with a formal floor vote, the Senate exerts influence at the committee stage by refusing to act on controversial agreements negotiated by presidential administrations. President Bush has responded to such congressional oversight by establishing more international commitments through executive agreements rather than treaties, particularly when it comes to issues of security.
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Miller, Stephen M., and Orawin T. Velz. "Do United States presidential administrations influence monetary policy?" Journal of Policy Modeling 14, no. 2 (April 1992): 221–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0161-8938(92)90010-a.
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Holzer, Joshua. "The perils of plurality rule and the major(itarian) effect of cabinet composition on human rights in presidential democracies." Research & Politics 5, no. 3 (July 2018): 205316801879475. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168018794753.
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I argue that when presidents are able (or forced) to cobble together broad-based coalitions to win an absolute majority, their administrations are less likely (and less able) to violate human rights, in comparison to presidential administrations whose victories are the result of a narrow plurality. Consistent with this argument, I find cabinets comprised of a higher percentage of individuals from parties other than that of the president to be associated with greater government respect for human rights. Additionally, I find that in the years after a presidential election won by an absolute majority, states are more likely to experience an increase in government respect for human rights, in comparison to the years after a presidential election won by a mere plurality. Utilizing an original dataset of cabinet composition for 35 presidential democracies spanning from 2001 to 2011, this study concludes that it may prudent for non-majoritarian systems to consider adopting a mandatory majority rule so to encourage the types of conciliatory alliances that appear to promote high human rights respect.
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Ingber, Rebecca. "The Obama War Powers Legacy and the Internal Forces That Entrench Executive Power." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 4 (October 2016): 680–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000763172.
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As we contemplate the incoming presidential administration, we stare ahead into uncharted space. It may seem as though recent history leaves us unprepared for what lies ahead. What can a discussion of the Obama war powers legacy, and the transition from the Bush to Obama administration, tell us about a transition from Barack Obama to the next president, and beyond?Yet there are lessons here. Noone can predict precisely how the president-elect and the team that is installed will confront the rule of law or grapple with the bureaucratic norms that I discuss in this paper. But systemic forces exist inside the executive branch that influence presidential decision-making in each modern administration and, barring a total reimagining of the executive branch, will operate on administrations to come. These internal forces include mechanisms and norms that fall within two broad categories: (1) those that favor continuity and hinder presidents from effecting change, and (2) those that incrementally help ratchet up claims to executive power.
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Roberts, Robert. "The Judicial Response to the Presidential Polarization of the Administrative State." American Review of Public Administration 49, no. 1 (February 5, 2018): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074018754888.
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From the late 20th century through today, the relationship between the administrative state and the judiciary has undergone major changes. The same period has seen presidential administrations seek to make use of bureaucratic power to implement their public policy initiatives without having to obtain the approval of Congress. After reviewing the evolution of judicial oversight of the administrative state, the essay argues that the federal courts now make use of an ad hoc approach for determining the scope of judicial oversight of the administrative process. The essay argues that the use of this ad hoc approach has done serious damage to the administrative state, providing insufficient guidelines for presidential administrations to make use of bureaucratic power to implement public policy initiatives.
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Yang, Haesoo. "Comparison of Security Policies between the Trump and Biden Governments toward China." Journal of Advances in Military Studies 5, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 109–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37944/jams.v5i3.168.
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The Trump administration, following the Obama administration, criticized previous administrations' security policies toward China, heralding the emergence of a groundbreaking strategy. Biden also criticized the Trump administration's security policy toward China from the time of his presidential nomination, implying the emergence of various containment policies. In this study, the Trump and Biden administration's China security policies were examined and compared with an emphasis on the integrated deterrence declared by the Biden government. The Trump and Biden administrations simultaneously pointed to China as a country that would undermine US interests. Accordingly, the two governments pursued a containment policy against China to maintain a US-centered international order. The Trump administration pursued a reckless alliance strategy based on the US-first principle as its integration policy and maintained multilateral security cooperation centered on the Indo-Pacific strategy as its deterrence policy. The Biden government maintained an ideological alliance strategy based on alliance priority as an integration policy and sought multilateral security cooperation by adding the NATO alliance to the Indo-Pacific strategy as a deterrence policy. The US anti-China policy can be divided into integration and suppression, and the detailed strategies applied at this time covered nonmilitary and military areas. Therefore, this study investigated the possibility of applying the entire military or nonmilitary domain to the scope of the analysis of the theory of integration and deterrence within the framework of international relations.
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Camp, Roderic Ai. "Cabinet Leadership: Does It Mirror Democratic Change in Mexico?" Latin American Politics and Society 60, no. 2 (April 17, 2018): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.7.
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AbstractAn exploration of cabinet leadership in Mexico has always provided insights into political recruitment trends for leading policymakers. An examination of the present cabinet from 2012 through 2016 is valuable for four reasons. First, to what extent does the current leadership reflect changes in compositional patterns of the most influential policymakers as a result of a democratic electoral process dating from 2000? Second, does the return of the PRI reflect traditional patterns established by the last two PRI presidential administrations, or has the present cabinet taken on features that can be attributed to the two previous PAN administrations? Third, have significant patterns emerged, reflected in recent appointments, that suggest influential characteristics exercising broader influences in the future? Fourth, will the most influential cabinet figures under the PRI presidency reestablish their dominance as leading contenders for their party’s presidential election in 2018?
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Johnson, Loch K. "Spy watching: Intelligence accountability in the United States." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 3, no. 3 (March 15, 2021): 106–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v3i3.2767.
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Dr. Loch K. Johnson presented on intelligence accountability in the United States during the Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations at the 2020 CASIS Vancouver West Coast Security Conference. The presentation was followed by a question and answer period with questions from the audience. The key points discussed were the roles of intelligence in different eras; the usage differences of the various Presidential administrations; and the issues that affected the efficiency and autonomy of intelligence agencies.
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Monteiro, Sérgio Marley Modesto, and Pedro Cezar Dutra Fonseca. "Credibility and populism: the economic policy of the Goulart administrations in Brazil." Estudos Econômicos (São Paulo) 42, no. 3 (September 2012): 511–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-41612012000300004.
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The Goulart Administrations (1961-1964), which consisted of a parliamentary period and a presidential period, are considered typical examples of populism in Brazil. The literature usually defines economic policies advanced by these administrations as "he-sitating", "irrational" or "ambiguous." We use a credibility model to argue that there is actually a consistent pattern in the manner in which economic policy was conducted. The credibility of the economic policies is defined to be the subjective probability that the government is following a monetary rule. Early on, the administrations enacted inflation-fighting measures. However, these policies were costly, and the administrations abandoned the course of austerity. As a result, their credibility was diminished, and attempts to achieve stabilization failed.
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Kaftan, Joanna. "RELIGIOUS MESSAGES: THEMES IN RELIGIOUS LEFT AND RIGHT PUBLICATIONS DURING THE OBAMA AND TRUMP ADMINISTRATIONS." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 16, no. 2 (December 5, 2022): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1602289k.
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Both the religious left and right make calls for followers to put faith into action. Priorities for action are affected by social and political realities. This paper examines themes conveyed by two distinct religious publications before and after the 2016 election. Both publications are published by organizations that wish to put faith into action. The method relies on the content analysis of one thousand nine hundred forty-three articles from Sojourners and Evangelicals during the Obama and Trump presidencies. While the results show differing emphases for each publication, emphases for each shifted after the 2016 election. Articles in Sojourners, a left-leaning publication with an interfaith readership, directly responded to presidential policy. Criticism of President Trump became a common theme. Articles in Evangelicals, a right leaning publication with diverse evangelical readership, in contrast, avoided controversial current events and did not directly discuss presidents, presidential policy, nor governments during either presidency; instead focusing on the challenge of pastoral work and civility after the 2016 election. Moreover, in both magazines, articles during the presidential administration conflicting more with the organization’s values, resulted in a wider range of themes, suggesting that opposition provides more opportunity to clarify and emphasize values and priorities.
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King, James D., and James W. Riddlesperger. "Unscheduled Presidential Transitions: Lessons From the Truman, Johnson, and Ford Administrations." Congress & the Presidency 22, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343469509507862.
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Coate, Malcolm B. "Merger Enforcement at the Federal Trade Commission in Three Presidential Administrations." Antitrust Bulletin 45, no. 2 (June 2000): 323–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003603x0004500204.
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Bennett, Elizabeth. "Terrorist Attacks & Presidential Approval Rating." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 22 (April 15, 2014): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.22.4.
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After the attacks of September 11th the U.S. focused much of its foreign policy efforts on the War on Terror and prevention of another attack on U.S. soil. This paper will look at terrorist attacks dating back to 1970 in order to fully understand the impact of terrorist attacks on U.S. presidential approval ratings and the existence of the ‘rally around the flag’ effect during different administrations. Location, lethality, style, and political affiliation of the president will be variables focused on in a pre and post 9/11 context. This paper will give special consideration to 9/11, excluding the attacks in many cases, in order to view if there is a significant stable impact on approval ratings from terrorist attacks over time.
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Mbanga, Cedric, Jeffrey Scott Jones, and Seth A. Hoelscher. "The impact of politics and economic policy uncertainty on anomaly-based investment strategies." Managerial Finance 45, no. 5 (May 13, 2019): 654–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mf-08-2018-0378.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the overlooked relationship between politics and the performance of anomaly-based investment strategies. Design/methodology/approach Monthly long-short portfolios are formed based on relative mispricing scores according to the Stambaugh et al. (2012, 2015) relative mispricing measure. Portfolio performance is examined throughout various presidential terms. The design also introduces economic policy uncertainty (EPU) as a possible explanatory variable for portfolio performance. Findings The analysis reveals that anomaly-based returns are higher under Republican administrations than they are under Democratic administrations. Moreover, the results show that the impact of EPU on the relationship between the political party affiliation of the president and future anomaly-based returns are driven by the election and post-election years. Practical implications The examination of returns on a long-short portfolio may be of particular value to investment companies, such as hedge funds, who regularly employ this type of strategy. Originality/value While the impact of presidential terms on raw equity returns has been well examined, the paper is the first to examine the impact of presidential terms on the return of an anomaly-based investment strategy. EPU is also introduced as an important contributing factor.
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Hughes, William J. "The “Not-So-Genial” Conspiracy: The New York Times and Six Presidential “Honeymoons,” 1953–1993." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, no. 4 (December 1995): 841–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200407.
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Scholars and political actors generally believe that presidents enjoy a period of sanguine rapport with the press gallery during a honeymoon of about two months at the beginning of each new administration. The honeymoon is characterized by a minimum of hostile questions by reporters and relatively gentle media treatment of the new president. However, this content analysis of front-page headlines in the New York Times during the first 100 days of the Eisenhower, Kennedy, Nixon, Carter, Reagan, and Clinton administrations suggests that all honeymoons are not equal.
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Tolz, Vera, and Irina Busygina. "Regional Governors and the Kremlin: the Ongoing Battle for Power." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 30, no. 4 (December 1, 1997): 401–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00014-7.
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This article examines the relationship between heads of regional administrations (governors) and the federal government in Russia since 1992. It looks at the methods with which governors have enhanced their powers vis-a-vis Moscow and at the policies of the federal authorities aimed at preserving some form of control over regional officials. The article argues that the gubernatorial elections of September 1996–March 1997, which gave almost all governors a popular mandate, will not considerably change the balance of power in center-periphery relations, despite fears to this effect among members of the Presidential Administration.
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Kaplan, Robert M. "Application of a General Health Policy Model in the American Health Care Crisis." Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 86, no. 5 (May 1993): 277–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014107689308600512.
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There is near consensus that the US health care system requires reform. Only a quarter of the American public has faith in the current system. Health care was one of the major issues considered in the 1992 US presidential election and the search for innovative solutions has transcended administrations.
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MAYER-SERRA, CARLOS ELIZONDO. "Tres trampas: sobre los orígenes de la crisis económica mexicana de 1994." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 18, no. 4 (October 1998): 623–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571998-1271.
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ABSTRACT In all developing countries facing economic reform there are political and economic obstacles to such a radical change. In the case of Mexico, however, during the Salinas administration (1988-94), a new economic crisis exploded after serious changes had taken place and the economy seemed to have stabilized and was prepared for continuous growth under a new development strategy. By the end of the six-year presidential period, the old cycle of boom and bust returned. This article seeks to understand why the Mexican economy has ended in two of the last three presidential periods with an overvalued exchange rate, high deficits of the current account, unsustainable short-term debt, and a financial crisis. The article focuses on the Salinas administration, but shows that a similar logic led to economic crisis in the Echeverría (1970-76) and López Portillo (1976-82) administrations. It is argued that the 1994 crisis is the result of three traps: an international context which allowed a massive entrance of capital flows, the ideology of the state elite, and the incentives provided by the institutional framework. These three traps were also present in the previous two crises.
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Williams, John T. "The Political Manipulation of Macroeconomic Policy." American Political Science Review 84, no. 3 (September 1990): 767–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962766.
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Conventional wisdom and some research indicate that macroeconomic policies follow cycles corresponding to political, as well as economic, forces. Using vector autoregression analysis, I test three models of monetary policy determination for the United States, 1953–1984: the electoral cycle model (that reelection motivations on the part of presidents create a policy cycle), the party differences model (that policy changes reflect revolving presidential party administrations), and the referendum model (that changes in presidential approval create, in effect, a continuing referendum, allowing presidents to monitor their success and change macroeconomic policies when necessary). Analysis shows that monetary policies, as measured by the monetary base and short-term interest rates, respond to the election cycle and presidential approval (although the effect on macroeconomic outcomes is ambiguous). Party differences are found in real income but are not very significant in other variables.
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Bredthauer, Jeffery Scott, Brian C. Payne, Jiri Tresl, and Gordon V. Karels. "Presidential parties, monetary regimes, and health care returns." Managerial Finance 41, no. 10 (October 12, 2015): 1059–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mf-09-2014-0247.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the absolute and risk-adjusted stock return performance of the US health care industry conditional upon the presidential administration’s political party and the Federal Reserve’s monetary policy stance. It evaluates this return behavior across the 60-year time period from 1954 to 2013, and sub-divides this entire period into the pre-Medicare period (1954-1964), Medicare period (1965-1984), and Medicare-plus-high-health-care-inflation period (1985-2013). Design/methodology/approach – The study uses monthly returns to the health care industry and overall market, characterizing each sample month as either having a Republican or Democratic president and either a contractionary or expansionary monetary policy regime determined by whether the Federal Reserve is increasing or decreasing interest rates, respectively. It incorporates univariate and multivariate analysis to quantify the return behavior of both the health care industry and the overall market during the entire period and all three sub-periods. Additionally, it utilizes a common four-factor multivariate regression model and associated hypothesis testing to characterize risk-adjusted excess returns (i.e. α) to the health care industry during the entire period and all three sub-periods. Findings – The health care industry has earned robust, positive risk-adjusted returns with the magnitude of the returns sensitive to the political party of the administration and the monetary policy regime. The authors find that prior to 1965 (1954-1964), when the president was a Republican, during times of monetary contraction, health care earned an excess risk-adjusted return. There was no association between Democratic administrations and excess health care returns prior to 1965. In contrast, the authors find that after 1965 this relationship changes. The authors find that returns to health care were positive for Republicans during times of monetary expansion and positive for Democrats during monetary contraction. The authors also find this relationship has become more pronounced after 1984. Originality/value – The study extends prior literature, which has shown that the health care industry is a priced factor in the US stock market and that it provides significant risk-adjusted returns in the recent past. Uniquely, this study shows that the excess returns to health care vary considerably over the past 60 years, and that these excess returns are quite sensitive to political policy, proxied by the presidential administration party, and monetary policy, as measured using Fed discount rate changes. These findings have implications for management and shareholders of highly regulated and subsidized industries and firms.
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Beermann, Jack. "Midnight Rules: A Reform Agenda." Michigan Journal of Environmental & Administrative Law, no. 2.2 (2013): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.36640/mjeal.2.2.midnight.
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There is a documented increase in the volume of regulatory activity during the last ninety days of presidential administrations when the President is a lame duck, having either been defeated in a bid for re-election or being at the end of the second term in office. This includes an increase in the number of final rules issued as compared to other periods. The phenomenon of late-term regulatory activity has been called “midnight regulation,” based on a comparison to the Cinderella story in which the magic wears off at the stroke of midnight. This Article looks closely at one species of midnight regulation— namely, midnight rules. This Article defines midnight rules as agency rules promulgated in the last ninety days of an administration. This Article focuses on legislative midnight rules (normally issued under the notice and comment procedures of the Administrative Procedure Act (APA)), because they are the most visible and often the most controversial actions taken in the final days of administrations and because they are usually the most difficult to alter or revoke among the various midnight actions taken by outgoing administrations. However, because late-term activity goes beyond legislative rulemaking, this report also discusses, to a lesser extent, other phenomena such as the issuance of non-legislative rules including interpretative rules and policy statements; non-rule regulatory documents, such as guidance documents and executive orders; and the use of other presidential powers, such as the pardon power and the ability to entrench political appointees into protected employment positions in the new administration. This Article documents the existence of the midnight rules phenomenon both quantitatively and qualitatively, using numerical measures of the volume of rules and qualitative analysis of some rules as illustrations. The Article reviews various explanations for the existence of the phenomenon, ranging from the simple human tendency to work to deadline, to more complicated political factors that may affect the timing of rules. The Article also reports on interviews of officials involved in rulemaking to inform the analysis of the causes and effects of the midnight rulemaking phenomenon. This Article also addresses midnight rulemaking from a policy perspective, asking whether there are reasons to be concerned about the phenomenon. Midnight rulemaking and midnight regulation generally have been strongly condemned by commentators and media from across the political spectrum. There are at least two possible sets of concerns regarding the increase in rulemaking at the end of an administration: first, midnight rules may be of lower quality than rules issued at other times during administrations, and second, midnight rulemaking may involve undesirable political consequences, mainly the unwarranted extension of an outgoing administration’s agenda into the successor’s term. It may be very difficult to arrive at firm conclusions on either of these potential objections to midnight rulemaking, but this Article will attempt to do so from various perspectives.
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Yonce, Adam. "US Corporate Investment Over the Political Cycle." Quarterly Journal of Finance 05, no. 01 (March 2015): 1550015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2010139215500159.
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The investment behavior of US firms exhibits systematic variation over the political cycle. After controlling for investment opportunities, US firms reduce investment expenditures approximately 2.0% during Presidential election years, 5.3% during periods of single-party government, and 8.7% during Republican presidential administrations. Neoclassical investment theory has little to say about direct links between investment and the political environment. I show that the empirical results arise naturally in a model of investment under regulatory and political uncertainty, provided that (i) regulatory policy affects the cash flows of the firm, (ii) firms have flexibility over the scale of their investments and (iii) regulatory uncertainty resolves quickly.
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Liano, Kartono, Kadir Liano, and Herman Manakyan. "Presidential administrations and the day-of-the-week effect in stock returns." Review of Financial Economics 8, no. 1 (June 1999): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1058-3300(99)00008-7.
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Dion, Michelle. "The Political Origins of Social Security in Mexico during the Cáárdenas and ÁÁvila Camacho Administrations." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 21, no. 1 (2005): 59–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2005.21.1.59.
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This study compares efforts to adopt social insurance legislation in the administrations of Láázaro Cáárdenas and Manuel ÁÁvila Camacho in Mexico to explain the political origins of the welfare state in Latin America. The author argues that the adoption and implementation of social insurance in Mexico was the outcome of an implicit bargain between organized labor and the state following the 1940 presidential election. This bargain signifies the rebuilding by the ÁÁvila Camacho administration of the cross-class coalition originally designed by President Cáárdenas and jeopardized by the nationalization of petroleum and presidential succession struggles of the late 1930s. Este trabajo compara esfuerzos a implantar legislacióón del seguro social en las administraciones de Láázaro Cáárdenas y de Manuel ÁÁvila Camacho en Mééxico para explicar los oríígenes polííticos del Estado de bienestar en Améérica Latina. La autora discute que la adopcióón y la implantacióón del seguro social en Mééxico fueron resultados de un negocio implíícito entre la clase trabajadora organizada y el Estado que seguíía la eleccióón presidencial de 1940. Este negocio significa la reconstruccióón por la administracióón de ÁÁvila Camacho de la coalicióón de clases diseññada por presidente Cáárdenas y comprometida originalmente por la nacionalizacióón del petróóleo y de las luchas de la sucesióón presidencial de los finales de los 30s.
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CAMP, RODERIC AI. "The 2012 Presidential Election and What It Reveals about Mexican Voters." Journal of Latin American Studies 45, no. 3 (August 2013): 451–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1300076x.
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AbstractThe 2012 presidential election in Mexico is significant for many reasons, not least of which is that it returned the Partido Revolucionario Institucional to power after two Partido Acción Nacional administrations. This essay reviews more than 50 surveys taken before and during the election to determine significant patterns among Mexican voters, comparing the most influential traditional and non-traditional demographic variables, as well as other variables such as partisanship and policy issues in this election, with those of the two previous presidential races. It also analyses other influential variables in the 2012 presidential race, including social media and the application of new electoral legislation. It identifies significant differences and similarities among voters today in contrast to the two prior elections, and suggests long-term patterns among Mexican voters which are likely to influence voting behaviour in future elections, ranging from regionalism and gender to partisanship and social media.
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Pavlov, V. V. "THE U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL IN CONTEMPORARY AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(49) (August 28, 2016): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-181-189.
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Established in accordance with the provisions of the National Security Act of 1947, the U.S. National Security Council is the main advisory body to the President of the United States tasked with helping the head of state to make the right decisions on matters related to national security. NSC system has been constantly evolving for some 70 years, and the NSC staff became a separate 'ministry' of a kind, allowing presidential administrations to focus ever-increasing control over American foreign policy in the White House. That is why serious attention is devoted to the National Security Council by American researches studying foreign policy decision-making. Here, a 'three-pronged consensus' exists: functioning and efficiency of the decision-making process is primarily a result of presidential actions; the President will make the best decision after becoming aware of the whole range of possible alternatives and assessing the consequences of each policy option; the position of the National Security Advisor, who is often one of the closest officials to the President and serves as a coordinator of the decision-making process, is considered to be one of the most notable in today's U.S. presidential administrations - and the most influential of those not being a subject to approval by the legislative branch of U.S. government. Any fundamental changes in the practice of U.S. foreign policy mechanism, as well as a decline of the White House influence on foreign policy are unlikely in the short term.
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Silva, Juan Guillermo Vieira, and Jeraldine Alicia del Cid Castro. "O Projeto de Agendas Políticas da Colômbia: análise da atenção presidencial durante as administrações de Uribe e Santos (2002-2018)." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1565–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220190447.
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Abstract This article has two interrelated objectives: to introduce the Colombian Political Agendas Project (COL-PAP) and offer an exploratory example of the applications of its databases. As a prelude, we describe some characteristics of the Colombian political system and the presidents analyzed. The study presents the objectives of COL-PAP, the creation of the codebook and the databases built so far, with special attention to the databases gathering bills and CONPES documents. The example discussed explores the dynamics of presidential attention in the period 2002-2018, especially the attention distributed among public policy issues over time, and its allocation among instruments. The study shows that attention varies among issues, but also that it is assigned differently between instruments, according to the opportunity structure they offer. Inspired in the discussion and findings related to the databases built so far for COL-PAP, the study suggests future lines of research for Colombia, Latin America, and the CAP in general.
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Chung Joo Chung and Han Woo Park. "Textual analysis of a political message: the inaugural addresses of two Korean presidents." Social Science Information 49, no. 2 (May 20, 2010): 215–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018409359370.
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This article analyzes the inaugural addresses of two Korean presidents using mixed methods of social network-oriented and socio-psychological linguistic text analyses. The analyses determined that former President Roh frequently used words relating to international affairs and politics, while current President Lee used rhetoric related to the economic perspective, emphasizing the construction of an advanced nation. The former was popularly known for his progressive (leftwing) policies while the latter emphasized his conservative and neo-liberal political stances during the presidential campaigns. As the first political-message analysis of its kind in Korea, this study has broad implications for inaugural-address research as an analytical tool to help understand not only the relationship between rhetorical substance and style but also the characteristics of presidential administrations’ political and social viewpoints.
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Barroso, Luís Roberto. "Brazil’S Constitution of 1988 on its twenty first anniversary." Revista Brasileira de Direitos Fundamentais & Justiça 3, no. 9 (December 30, 2009): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30899/dfj.v3i9.465.
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In its first part, the article gives a brief overview of the Brazilian State´s constitutional history in order to present the main aspects concerning the 1988 BrazilianConstitution: its immediately prior history, development, key foundations and principles, and the experience of the Presidential Administrations under it so far. The second part of the text highlights constitutional topics related to the three branches of government and, lastly, provides some personal insight on future developments.
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Gergiieva, Valeriia. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE US STRATEGY TOWARD THE NUCLEAR NONPROLIFERATION AFTER THE COLD WAR." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (8) (November 26, 2020): 112–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2020-02-112-126.
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The article analyzes the US strategy in the nonproliferation field during three decades (in 1990s – 2018) and during the presidency of four US presidents (Bill Clinton, George Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump). The author considers the key guidelines of US nonproliferation strategy that are described in four Nuclear Posture Reviews (NPR) issued by each post-Cold War presidential administration. These documents describe the US nuclear policy in general, but the author focused on analysis of those their sections that were devoted to dealing with the risks of proliferation of nuclear weapons. The National Security Strategies of 1996 and 2002 were also analyzed in the article to clarify the nonproliferation aspects of US strategy that were not explained well in the published excerpts of the first two Nuclear Posture Reviews of presidents Bill Clinton and George Bush. As George Bush faced with the new challenges that required developing updated nonproliferation strategy like he terroristic acts on 11 September 2001, war in Iraq - the nonproliferation policy had to change too and focus more on preventing the terrorists from acquiring the nuclear bomb and nuclear materials. The last two NPRs of 2010 and 2018 were published fully and considered in the article as the primary source for understanding the nonproliferation policy of presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump. All four post-Cold War presidential administrations faced with the new proliferation challenges, and the author examines how these new challenges were described in the US strategic documents and how the US nonproliferation strategy evolves. In addition, the article studies the practical implementation of the proclaimed nonproliferation strategies of four presidents and compares the efficiency of this implementation by each presidential administration. The author also assesses the consequences of realizing the US nonproliferation strategy for the international security and its influence of the future development of the global nonproliferation regime.
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Macdonald, Julia, and Jacquelyn Schneider. "Presidential Risk Orientation and Force Employment Decisions." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 3 (July 10, 2016): 511–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715590874.
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In this article, we explore how presidential risk orientations affect force employment decisions through an analysis of the use of unmanned weaponry during the Bush and Obama administrations. We hypothesize that the conception of risk plays an integral part in this choice of weaponry. In order to examine our hypothesis, we utilize the verbs-in-context system of operational code analysis to quantify the risk propensities of President Bush and President Obama during the Afghanistan War from 2001 to 2013. At the aggregate level, we find that the two presidents exhibit unique interpretations of risk with respect to manned versus unmanned weaponry. We further disaggregate our data to examine whether these preferences are fixed or fluctuate with situational changes. We find that President Bush’s risk calculations are influenced by a number of situational variables, highlighting the importance of changing decision contexts in explaining risk behaviors. President Obama’s risk calculations, on the other hand, remain constant over time lending credence to the importance of overall risk propensity in determining risk-taking behaviors. Our findings indicate that risk is an important variable in explaining the means of force employed during conflict, and that the source of this behavior can vary by leader.
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Borzutzky, Silvia. "You Win Some, You Lose Some: Pension Reform in Bachelet’s First and Second Administrations." Journal of Politics in Latin America 11, no. 2 (July 30, 2019): 204–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x19861491.
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This article analyses and compares President Bachelet’s successful efforts to reform the Chilean pension system in 2008 and her failure to achieve the same objective in 2017. The article addresses the impact of electoral promises, policy legacies, policy ideology, presidential power, the role of the private sector, and the role that the government coalitions had in the process of pension reform during the Bachelet administrations. We argue that the 2008 reform was possible because of Bachelet’s personal commitment to reform and the presence of a stable governing coalition that had the will and capacity to legislate. In the second administration, although the policy legacies and ideology had remained the same, the reform did not materialise due to intense conflict within the administration and within the government coalition, as well as conflict between the administration and the coalition. These conflicts, in turn, generated a vicious cycle responsible for Bachelet’s declining popularity, limited political capital, and reduced support for reform. A stagnant economy further undermined these efforts. In brief, this article argues that when assessing success and failure in pension policy reform it is important to analyse not only policy legacies and political ideology but also the strength of the executive, the cohesion of the governing coalition, and the country’s economic performance.
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Samstad, James G. "Corporatism and Democratic Transition: State and Labor during the Salinas and Zedillo Administrations." Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 04 (2002): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2002.tb00221.x.
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Abstract A long process of free-market reforms and gradual democratization seems to be dismantling Mexico's corporatist system of labor representation. A thorough analysis of the country's corporatist institutions yields theoretical reasons to believe that Mexico's practice of labor relations is indeed changing. An empirical examination of the nation's labor congress and ruling party during the two previous presidential administrations (1988–2000) demonstrates that corporatism is being transformed at a practical level, although the process of reform has been complex and uneven at best. The continuing strength of an officialist labor sector will complicate the task of establishing a new system of labor representation, a problem that may have important implications for future democratic consolidation.
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Strnad, Grażyna. "Wyzwania i kierunki nowej administracji prezydenta Yoon Suk Yeola." Azja-Pacyfik 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ap2022.1.03.
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The purpose of the article is to describe the 2022 South Korean presidential election against the backdrop of a paradigm shift and to show the challenges and directions of Yoon Suk Yeol’s new administration. The author focuses on the research problems present in the new South Korean politics. Elements of change and continuity, which were also present in previous administrations are highlighted. In May 2022, Yoon Suk Yeol was sworn into the South Korea’s highest office. Yoon’s win in the presidential election ended a trend in which a decade of progressive rule was followed by a change to conservative rule. Since 1998, progressive and conservative presidents have alternated every two terms. The minimal difference in votes in favor of the conservative candidate reflected the divisions and social preferences of Koreans who favored a change from progressive to conservative government. The results of the 2022 presidential election revealed the polarization of South Korean society. Yoon will face a series of difficult challenges. In domestic politics, he must confront the housing crisis, widespread dissatisfaction with economic inequality, and generational tensions, among other issues. Yoon will also be challenged by the parliamentary majority currently held by the Democratic Party in the National Assembly. In foreign policy, South Korea’s new president advocates strengthening the alliance with the United States and cooperation with the Quad countries; he promises to improve relations with Japan, and to take steps toward South Korea playing a greater role in the world. In his inter-Korean policy, on the other hand, Yoon follows the traditional position of the conservatives, pledging to strengthen a policy of deterrence against acts of aggression and provocation by North Korea.
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Provost, Colin, and Brian J. Gerber. "Political control and policy-making uncertainty in executive orders: the implementation of environmental justice policy." Journal of Public Policy 39, no. 2 (March 28, 2018): 329–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x18000077.
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AbstractEnvironmental justice (EJ) has represented an important equity challenge in policymaking for decades. President Clinton’s executive order (EO) 12898 in 1994 represented a significant federal action, requiring agencies to account for EJ issues in new rulemakings. We examine the impact of EO 12898 within the larger question of how EO are implemented in complex policymaking. We argue that presidential preferences will affect bureaucratic responsiveness and fire alarm oversight. However, EJ policy complexity produces uncertainty leading to bureaucratic risk aversion, constraining presidential efforts to steer policy. We utilise an original data set of nearly 2,000 final federal agency rules citing EO 12898 and find significant variation in its utilisation across administrations. Uncertainty over the nature of the order has an important influence on bureaucratic responsiveness. Our findings are instructive for the twin influences of political control and policy-making uncertainty and raise useful questions for future EJ and policy implementation research.
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Bercaru, Nicoleta, and Sorin Bercaru. "The mobilizing power of Facebook in the campaign for the ongoing presidential elections 2019 in Romania – candidate Viorica Dăncilă." Technium Social Sciences Journal 1 (December 1, 2019): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v1i1.29.
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In an era of communication, technology and dependence on online social networks, Social Media are communication tools that public administrations and especially political actors must learn to use efficiently. Our objective are: (1) analysis of key performance indicators (KPIs) that facilitate the communication on Facebook of the PSD candidate, Viorca Dăncila, Coparativ with the PNL candidate, Klaus Werner Iohannis, during the presidential election campaign, (2) identify and analyze messages that generate high commitment rate from the utiizers, (3) analyzing the dominant emotions generated by the online audience.
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Myers, Daphne. "US Healthcare: A "Disaster" of a System." Pitt Political Review 12, no. 1 (October 24, 2017): 16–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ppr.2017.90.
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The United States has seen presidential administrations with lofty goals for healthcare policy come and go time and again since its founding, but never an efficient healthcare system. The healthcare debate has been raging in America for years. Should healthcare be universal? Should it be publicly or privately funded, or both? Should all citizens have the right to healthcare? Should all citizens be required by law to have healthcare? The case for universal healthcare seems to be the strongest because it is the most cost-effective way for society to fulfill its humanitarian obligations.
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David, Charles. "Le Conseil national de sécurité et la politique sud-africaine des États-Unis de 1969 à 1976." Études internationales 12, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 657–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701273ar.
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This article examines the performance of the U.S. National Security Council as a policy-making body vis-à-vis the southern African conflict under the Nixon and Ford Administrations. It discusses and verifies the hypothesis that the institutionalized System of the NSC gives the President a way of seriously improving his policies, by analyzing (within a structured and formalized framework) the range of options and alternatives, free of negative bureaucratic influences. Furthermore, it shows the impact that the presidential decisions had over the orientation of the southern African conflict from 1969 to 1976.
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Jacobson, Gary C. "The Obama Legacy and the Future of Partisan Conflict." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 667, no. 1 (August 17, 2016): 72–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716216658425.
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Past research has shown that the perceived successes or failures of presidents have a durable influence on the partisan leanings and political attitudes of people who come of political age during their administrations. Here, I examine data from 344 Gallup surveys with a total of 399,755 respondents interviewed during the Obama presidency to (1) document the extent to which generational imprinting is visible among citizens and demographic subgroups in their party identification and ideology, (2) determine how the political identities and ideologies of people who have come of age during Obama’s presidency have evolved compared with those of earlier presidential generations, (3) explore the implications of the population’s changing demographic makeup and the political attitudes expressed by younger age cohorts for the future partisan balance of the American electorate, and (4) consider how the competition to succeed Obama is likely to affect partisan identities forged during his administration.
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Alesina, Alberto, and Howard Rosenthal. "Partisan Cycles in Congressional Elections and the Macroeconomy." American Political Science Review 83, no. 2 (June 1989): 373–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962396.
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In the postwar United States the president's party has always done worse in the midterm congressional elections than in the previous congressional election. Republican administrations exhibit below-average, and Democratic administrations above-average, economic growth in the first half of each term, whereas in the latter halves the two see equal growth. Our rational expectations model is consistent with these two regularities. In presidential elections, voters choose between two polarized candidates. They then use midterm elections to counterbalance the president's policies by strengthening the opposition in Congress. Since presidents of different parties are associated with different policies, our model predicts a (spurious) correlation between the state of the economy and elections. Our predictions contrast with those of retrospective voting models, in which voters reward the incumbent if the economy is doing well before the election. Our model performs empirically at least as well as, and often better than, alternative models.
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Nincic, Miroslav. "The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Politics of Opposites." World Politics 40, no. 4 (July 1988): 452–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010314.
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The notion that the attitudes of the American public vis-a-vis the Soviet Union are driven essentially by emotion, and that they are more extreme and volatile than those of the government itself, is widely believed but may not be valid. While the public typically desires a combination of tough and conciliatory policies, it also tends to express, at any given moment, particular concern about whichever of the two it feels is most slighted in U.S. policy. Thus, the public will tend to seek conciliatory behavior from hawkish administrations while preferring a tough stance from administrations it deems dovish. By so doing, the public is likely to have a moderating effect on official behavior toward Moscow. The proposition is tested with reference to shifts in public approval of presidential Soviet policy, and certain implications are suggested for the manner in which political leadership perceives of its mandate.
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Goloub, Yuri, and Sergei Shenin. "Donald Trump and European Allies: American Experts on the Future of NATO." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope120210515.
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The article analyzes the perception in the United States of the Trump administration‟s policy regarding NATO, the role of European countries, and the possibility of reforming the alliance. In the context of comparing this policy with the efforts of previous administrations, the authors study the attitudes of the most active political expert groups (liberals, realists, conservatives, and neoconservatives). It is concluded that the vast majority of the expert community considers it necessary to transform relations with the allies in the context of the ongoing bipartisan strategy of “pivot to Asia”, which implies an increase in European countries‟ defense spending with the EU being responsible for the security on the continent. All leading political expert groups agree that Trump‟s policy is generally consistent with this strategy, but its effectiveness is evaluated differently. It is assumed that the presidential victory of J. Biden will mean accelerating the implementation of the strategy of “pivot to Asia” and an autonomizaton of the defense potential of Europe.
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Kesler, Christel, and Amber Churchwell. "The Obama Effect on Perceived Mobility." Societies 10, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc10020046.
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Using American General Social Survey data from 1994 to 2018, this paper examines how Americans of different racial backgrounds perceive their past intergenerational mobility and their, and their children’s, prospects for future mobility, before, during, and after Barack Obama’s presidency. We find that White Americans are generally less positive than Black and Latinx Americans about mobility, especially their children’s mobility prospects. However, racial gaps in optimism widened considerably during the Obama presidency, due to a significant decline in White respondents’ perceived mobility. A more detailed analysis of White respondents’ views by levels of racial resentment and political partisanship shows that the Obama-era dip among White respondents is concentrated among those who are racially resentful and among Republican voters, two groups that substantially overlap. For these two groups, perceived future prospects for their and their children’s mobility increased again during the Trump administration. Black and Latinx respondents’ perceptions of mobility are stable across all earlier presidential administrations, but decline somewhat with the Trump presidency.