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1

Calvert, Leanne. "‘From a woman's point of view’: the Presbyterian archive as a source for women's and gender history in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 46, no. 170 (November 2022): 301–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2022.45.

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AbstractThis article responds to ‘An agenda for women's history in Ireland, 1500–1900’ by highlighting the explanatory potential of the Presbyterian archive in extending and reshaping our understanding of women, gender and the family in Ireland. Discussed here as the ‘Presbyterian archive’, the records of the Presbyterian church offer a tantalising insight into the intimate worlds of women and men in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Ireland. Although Presbyterians were a minority religious community in Ireland, their records provide much more than a marginalised picture. Instead, the Presbyterian archive casts fresh light on the wider Irish evidence, enriching our knowledge of the everyday lives of women and men in Ireland. The article begins by introducing the Presbyterian archive and the community responsible for its creation. Next, it considers how the Presbyterian archive both meets and advances the aims of the ‘Agenda’ and reveals what it can tell us about the lives of women and men as gendered subjects. Overall, the article underlines the importance of the Presbyterian archive as a source for Irish historians because it underscores why all history is gender history.
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2

HOLMES, ANDREW R. "Presbyterians and science in the north of Ireland before 1874." British Journal for the History of Science 41, no. 4 (July 15, 2008): 541–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087408001234.

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AbstractIn his presidential address to the Belfast meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1874, John Tyndall launched what David Livingstone has called a ‘frontal assault on teleology and Christian theism’. Using Tyndall's intervention as a starting point, this paper seeks to understand the attitudes of Presbyterians in the north of Ireland to science in the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century. The first section outlines some background, including the attitude of Presbyterians to science in the eighteenth century, the development of educational facilities in Ireland for the training of Presbyterian ministers, and the specific cultural and political circumstances in Ireland that influenced Presbyterian responses to science more generally. The next two sections examine two specific applications by Irish Presbyterians of the term ‘science’: first, the emergence of a distinctive Presbyterian theology of nature and the application of inductive scientific methodology to the study of theology, and second, the Presbyterian conviction that mind had ascendancy over matter which underpinned their commitment to the development of a science of the mind. The final two sections examine, in turn, the relationship between science and an eschatological reading of the signs of the times, and attitudes to Darwinian evolution in the fifteen years between the publication ofThe Origin of Speciesin 1859 and Tyndall's speech in 1874.
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3

Wallace, Valerie. "Presbyterian Moral Economy: The Covenanting Tradition and Popular Protest in Lowland Scotland, 1707–c.1746." Scottish Historical Review 89, no. 1 (April 2010): 54–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2010.0003.

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This paper explores the religious dimension to popular protest in the early eighteenth century, highlighting in particular the continued influence of what has been called the Covenanting tradition – the defence of Presbyterian church government, popular sovereignty and the resistance of Anglican imperialism – in southwest and west central Scotland. Religiously inspired ideas of equality and economic equity in God's world, combined with the desire to resist the encroachment of Anglican hierarchy, drove ordinary Presbyterians to rebel. There is evidence to suggest that the reaction of some protesters to socio-economic conditions was coloured by their theological worldview. The phenomenon at work in southwest Scotland might best be described as ‘Presbyterian moral economy’. The paper suggests that lowland Presbyterian culture coloured popular protest to a degree not hitherto recognised. Presbyterian moral economy was a robust and continuous – but unduly neglected – strand in the history of Scottish radicalism.
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4

Bush, Peter G. "The Presbyterian Church in Canada and the Pope: One denomination's struggle with its confessional history." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 33, no. 1 (March 2004): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980403300106.

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The Westminster Confession of Faith (1647), a subordinate standard of The Presbyterian Church in Canada, makes harsh, even offensive, statements about the Pope and the Roman Catholic Church. This paper explores how The Presbyterian Church in Canada has sought to balance the confessional nature of the church with its changing views of the Roman Catholic Church. Choosing not to amend the Westminster Confession of Faith, the church has adopted explanatory notes and declaratory acts to help Presbyterians understand the Confession in a new time.
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5

Ritchie, Daniel. "The 1859 revival and its enemies: opposition to religious revivalism within Ulster Presbyterianism." Irish Historical Studies 40, no. 157 (May 2016): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2016.1.

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AbstractThe evangelical revival of 1859 remains a pivotal event in the religious culture of Ulster Protestants owing to its legacy of widespread conversion, church renewal, and its role in shaping the pan-Protestantism of Ulster society that later opposed Irish home rule. Being part of a wider transatlantic movement of religious awakening, the 1859 revival was seen as the culmination of thirty years of evangelical renewal within Irish Presbyterianism. What has often been overlooked, however, is the fact that many aspects of the revival were deeply troubling to orthodox Presbyterians. Although most Ulster Presbyterians were largely supportive of the movement, an intellectually significant minority dissented from what they saw as its spectacular, doctrinal, liturgical, ecclesiological, and moral aberrations. Given 1859’s mythological status among Ulster evangelicals, it is normally assumed that all who opposed the revival were either religious formalists or those of heterodox doctrinal opinions. It will be argued that such an assumption is deeply misguided, and that the Presbyterian opponents of 1859 were motivated by zeal for confessional Reformed theology and Presbyterian church-order. By focusing on theologically conservative opposition to an ostensible evangelical and Calvinistic awakening, this article represents a significant contribution to the existing historiography of not only the Ulster revival but of religious revivalism more generally. It also helps us to understand the long-term evolution of Ulster Presbyterian belief and practice in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
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6

Wedgeworth, Steven. "“The Two Sons of Oil” and the Limits of American Religious Dissent." Journal of Law and Religion 27, no. 1 (January 2012): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000540.

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In the opening decades of the nineteenth century, Samuel Brown Wylie, an Irish-Presbyterian minister of a group of Scottish and Scots-Irish Presbyterians known as the Covenanters, and William Findley, a United States Congressman and also a descendant of the Covenanters, debated the Constitution's compatibility with Christianity and the proper bounds of religious uniformity in the newly founded Republic. Their respective views were diametrically opposed, yet each managed to borrow from different aspects of earlier political traditions held in common while also laying the groundwork for contrasting political positions which would more fully develop in the decades to come. And more than a few times their views seem to criss-cross, supporting contrary trajectories from what one might expect.Their narrative, in many ways strange, challenges certain “Christian” understandings of early America and the Constitution, yet it also poses a few problems for attempts at a coherent theory of secularity, natural law, and the common good in our own day.Samuel Brown Wylie is an obscure figure in American history. As a Covenanter, Wylie was forced to immigrate to America due to his involvement in the revolutionary United-Irishmen in Ulster. After finding it impossible to unite with other Presbyterians in Pennsylvania, Wylie became the first minister in the “Reformed Presbyterian Church of the United States,” which would also be called “the Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.” According to his great-grandson, Wylie also went on to become the vice-Provost of the University of Pennsylvania.
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7

Todd, Margo. "Bishops in the kirk: William Cowper of Galloway and the puritan episcopacy of Scotland." Scottish Journal of Theology 57, no. 3 (August 2004): 300–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930604000249.

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The anti-episcopal polemic of early Scottish presbyterian historians like Row and Calderwood has misled us to presume that most contemporary presbyterians saw bishops as enemies of the gospel. Instead, both episcopal writings and the manuscript records of kirk sessions, presbyteries, and synods show presbytery within prelacy working quite well in Scotland from the Reformation until the troubled 1630s. William Cowper, minister of Perth from 1595 to 1613 and thereafter bishop of Galloway, illustrates how and why the system worked. Calvinist, visionary, preacher, and vigorous reformer of manners, Cowper as minister joined with the Perth session to impose discipline, administered communion Geneva-style, and enforced the Reformation's abolition of traditional holidays. He was by any definition a puritan, and he remained one after his acceptance of a bishopric in 1612. As bishop of Galloway he declined to enforce kneeling or observance of Christmas despite royal mandate, cooperated with presbyteries and sessions, and continued active preaching and discipline. Charges against him of greed and ambition prove unfounded. His puritan episcopacy represents and explains the success of the kirk's hybrid polity in the post-Reformation period.
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8

WATERS, GUY PRENTISS. "Church and State: The Promise of Reformed Theology for the Church Today." Unio Cum Christo 9, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc9.2.2023.art11.

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This article surveys the ways in which Reformed theology (particularly the Westminster Standards and subsequent generations of Scottish and American Presbyterians) has articulated the relationship between the church and civil government. It addresses two fruits of this line of reflection that are especially pertinent to the contemporary church. The first is that this doctrine makes provision for the divinely guaranteed religious liberty of all human beings, even in the face of a civil government’s attempts to abridge or usurp that authority. The second is that this doctrine provides clear guidance to the church concerning the ways in which the church, in its organized capacity, may and may not engage in matters that concern both the church and the state. KEYWORDS: Church, state, civil magistrate, religious liberty, Westminster Assembly, Scottish Presbyterian, American Presbyterian, PC (USA)
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9

Durfee, Donna, and Jeffrey A. Patchett. "Presbyterian Hospital." American Journal of Health-System Pharmacy 47, no. 10 (October 1, 1990): 2280–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajhp/47.10.2280.

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10

Small, Joseph D. "Ordering the Church: Ecumenism and the Three-Fold Ministry." Ecclesiology 16, no. 1 (January 21, 2020): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01601005.

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The shape of ordered ministry remains an ecumenical stumbling stone. There is a wide gap between churches ordered by the threefold ministry of bishop-priest-deacon and churches ordered by different patterns of ministry. It may be possible to narrow the gap by detecting a pervasive threefold ministry of episcope/keygma-didache/diakonos in both presbyterial and congregational ordered churches. That recognition can prompt ecumenical exchanges concerning the relationship between office and function. The case of Reformed and Presbyterian churches, among the least open to bishops, is examined, recovering the possibility of personal episcope that can open episcopal, presbyterial, and associational churches to deepening mutuality and forms of reconciliation.
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11

Smith, David Brandon. "Calling the Question: The Role of Ministries of Presence and Polity Principles in the Struggle for LGBTQIA+ Inclusion, Ordination, and Marriage in the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) and Its Predecessor Denominations." Religions 13, no. 11 (November 18, 2022): 1119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13111119.

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This article reflects upon how LGBTQIA+ Christians and their allies within the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) and its predecessor denominations ‘called the question’ on their right to and responsibility for membership, ordination, and marriage by simultaneously (1) practicing apologetic ‘ministries of presence’ and (2) grounding their ecclesio-juridical arguments in the church’s long-standing polity principles. It is commonly argued that advocates for full inclusion pushed the church to change historic norms, while ‘conservative’ voices called for the maintenance of time-honored principles. In an effort to problematize such reductionistic accounts, this article begins by sketching the historical trajectory of U.S. Presbyterian theology and polity, with special emphasis on the Adopting Act of 1729 and the tradition that proceeds from it. Building upon its survey of the debates that shaped the church’s history between the early eighteenth and mid-twentieth centuries, the text then shows how LGBTQIA+ Presbyterians and their allies acted within the traditional discursive patterns of their faith community when they advocated for the repeal of the exclusive policies that arose in the second half of the twentieth century. Inspired by the work of advocates and allies alike, when the PC(USA) and its predecessor denominations articulated an inclusive stance toward openly LGBTQIA+ members in 1978/1979, removed barriers to their ordination in 2011, permitted same-sex marriages within Presbyterian communities in 2015, and opened the church to receiving new theological insights from queer people via the adapted version of the ‘Apology Overture’ in 2016, the church’s collective discernment drew on historic Presbyterian principles of theology and governance to respond (often imperfectly) to contemporary challenges. The church’s multi-generational self-critique thus created a space in which queer Christians could ‘re-de-normalize’ their experiences of life and faith in ways that may open doors for post-apologetic reconstructive theological engagement in the years to come.
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12

HOLMES, ANDREW R. "PRESBYTERIAN RELIGION, HISTORIOGRAPHY, AND ULSTER SCOTS IDENTITY, c. 1800 TO 1914." Historical Journal 52, no. 3 (August 4, 2009): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990057.

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ABSTRACTThe links between Presbyterians in Scotland and the north of Ireland are obvious but have been largely ignored by historians of the nineteenth century. This article addresses this gap by showing how Ulster Presbyterians considered their relationship with their Scottish co-religionists and how they used the interplay of religious and ethnic considerations this entailed to articulate an Ulster Scots identity. For Presbyterians in Ireland, their Scottish origins and identity represented a collection of ideas that could be deployed at certain times for specific reasons – theological orthodoxy, civil and religious liberty, and certain character traits such as hard work, courage, and soberness. Ideas about the Scottish identity of Presbyterianism were reawakened for a more general audience in the first half of the nineteenth century, during the campaign for religious reform and revival within the Irish church, and were expressed through a distinctive denominational historiography inaugurated by James Seaton Reid. The formulation of a coherent narrative of Presbyterian religion and the improvement of Ulster laid the religious foundations of a distinct Ulster Scots identity and its utilization by unionist opponents of Home Rule between 1885 and 1914.
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13

Murray, Douglas M. "Anglican Recognition of Presbyterian Orders: James Cooper and the Precedent of 1610." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 455–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015564.

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One of the foremost advocates of union between the Anglican and Presbyterian Churches at the beginning of this century was James Cooper, Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the University of Glasgow from 1898 to 1922. Cooper was the best-known representative within the Church of Scotland of the Scoto-Catholic or high-church movement which was expressed in the formation of the Scottish Church Society in 1892. One of the ‘special objects’ of the Society was the ‘furtherance of Catholic unity in every way consistent with true loyalty to the Church of Scotland’. The realization of catholic unity led high churchmen to seek what Cooper termed a ‘United Church for the British Empire’ which would include the union of the Church of Scotland and the Church of England. This new unity would require a reconciliation of differences and the elimination of diversities: on the one hand an acceptance of bishops by the Scottish Presbyterians; on the other an acceptance of the validity of Presbyterian orders by Episcopalians and Anglicans.
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14

Duncan, G. A. "Back to the Future." Verbum et Ecclesia 24, no. 2 (November 17, 2003): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v24i2.331.

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The Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa was formed on 26th September 1999 as the result of the union of the black Reformed Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa and the white-dominated Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa. Various unsuccessful attempts had been made since the latter part of the nineteenth century to effect union. In the spirit of national euphoria which surrounded the first democratic elections in South Africa in1994, the Reformed Presbyterian Church initiated union discussions with the Presbyterian Church. The subsequent union was based on what are now considered to be inadequate preparations and many unresolved problems have emerged to test the witness of the new denomination, not the least of which is racism. At its 2002 General Assembly, as the result of what appeared to be a financial crisis, the Uniting Presbyterian Church appointed a Special Committee on Reformation was established to investigate the problems in the denomination and to bring proposals for dealing with these issues.
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15

BENTLEY, CHRISTOPHER. "DRYDEN'S PRESBYTERIAN WOLF." Notes and Queries 36, no. 4 (December 1, 1989): 450—b—451. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/36-4-450b.

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BENTLEY, C. "DRYDEN'S PRESBYTERIAN WOLF." Notes and Queries 36, no. 4 (December 1, 1989): 450–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/36.4.450-b.

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17

&NA;. "Presbyterian Healthcare System." American Journal of Nursing 96 (January 1996): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000446-199601001-00117.

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&NA;. "Presbyterian Healthcare Services." American Journal of Nursing 96 (January 1996): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000446-199601001-00143.

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Stout, Andrew C. "A Presbyterian Bishop." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 26, no. 3 (August 2017): 278–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385121702600303.

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Muether, John R. "American Presbyterian Diversity." Expository Times 134, no. 5 (February 2023): 238–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246231151323.

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21

RAFFE, ALASDAIR. "PRESBYTERIANISM, SECULARIZATION, AND SCOTTISH POLITICS AFTER THE REVOLUTION OF 1688–1690." Historical Journal 53, no. 2 (April 27, 2010): 317–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000038.

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ABSTRACTThis article assesses the significance of Presbyterian ideas of church government in Scottish politics after the revolution of 1688–90. While recent historians have revised our understanding of Scottish politics in this period, they have mostly overlooked debates concerning religious authority. The article focuses on what contemporaries called the ‘intrinsic right’ of the church: its claim to independent authority in spiritual matters and ecclesiastical administration. The religious settlement of 1690 gave control of the kirk to clergy who endorsed divine right Presbyterianism, believed in the binding force of the National Covenant (1638) and the Solemn League and Covenant (1643), and sought to uphold the intrinsic right. An ambiguous legal situation, the criticisms of episcopalian clergy and politicians, and the crown's religious policies helped to make the Presbyterians' ecclesiological claims a source of instability in Scottish politics. Meetings of the general assembly and, after 1707, the appointment of national fast and thanksgiving days were particularly likely to spark controversy. More broadly, the article questions two narratives of secularization assumed by many previous scholars. It argues that Scottish politics was not differentiated from religious controversy in this period, and that historians have exaggerated the pace of liberalization in Scottish Presbyterian thought.
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22

Gillespie, Raymond. "The Presbyterian Revolution in Ulster, 1660-1690." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008652.

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In early 1642 a Scottish army under the command of Robert Munroe arrived in Ulster as part of a scheme to defeat the native Irish rebellion which had begun late in the previous year. The conquest was not to be purely a military one. As a contemporary historian of Presbyterianism, Patrick Adair, observed ‘it is certain God made that army instrumental for bringing church governments, according to His own institutions, to Ireland … and for spreading the covenants’. The form of church government was that of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, and in June 1642 the chaplains and officers established the first presbytery in Ireland at Carrickfergus. Sub-presbyteries, or meetings, were created for Antrim, Down and the Route, in north Antrim in 1654, for the Laggan in east Donegal in 1657, and for Tyrone in 1659. Within these units the Church was divided into geographical parishes each with its own minister. This establishment of a parallel structure rivalling that of the Anglican Church, but without the king at its head, is what has been termed the ‘presbyterian revolution’.It supported the Presbyterian claim to be ‘the Church of Ireland’, a claim which was to bring it into conflict with the civil and ecclesiastical authorities in the late seventeenth century. In order to further underpin this claim the reformed church began to move out of its Ulster base by the 1670s. The Laggan presbytery ordained William Cock and William Liston for work in Clonmel and Waterford in 1673 and was active in Tipperary, Longford, and Sligo by 1676. Its advice to some Dublin ministers was to form themselves into a group who were ‘subject to the meeting in the north’. The presbytery of Tyrone also supplied Dublin.
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23

McGinnis, Paul J. "Politics, Prophecy, Poetry: The Melvillian Moment, 1589–96, and its Aftermath." Scottish Historical Review 89, no. 1 (April 2010): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2010.0001.

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The 1589–96 alliance between the Scottish Presbyterians and James VI led to more than the triumph of the new church polity. It also promoted new directions in poetry, cartography, law and, perhaps most notably, eschatology – the years witnessing an integrated and coherent cultural flowering that is largely unrecognised today. Underwriting all these developments was a new confidence in the Scottish future (the neologism ‘patriot’ having just appeared in the later 1580s). The collapse of the alliance in late 1596 threw the Presbyterian movement on the defensive and increasingly redirected its intellectual energies toward more narrow horizons.
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Barlow, Richard B. "The Career of John Abernethy (1680–1740) Father of Nonsubscription in Ireland and Defender of Religious Liberty." Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 3-4 (October 1985): 399–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000012463.

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The British theological world was stirred at the beginning of the eighteenth century by what the learned and staunchly orthodox Presbyterian historian James Seaton Reid has called “latitudinarian notions on the inferiority of dogmatic belief and the nature of religious liberty.” In the 1690s John Locke had published his Reasonableness of Christianity and Letters on Toleration, followed by John Toland's Christianity Not Mysterious. In 1710 “Honest Will” Whitson, Sir Isaac Newton's successor as Professor of Mathematics at Cambridge, was expelled from the University for embracing Arian views. His departure was accompanied by rumors—long since substantiated—about his great predecessor's heterodox theology. Traditional theologians were shocked next by the appearance of Dr. Samuel Clark's Scripture Doctrine of the Trinity which resulted in the author's arraignment before Convocation of the Church of England in 1714. The very same year John Simson, Professor of Divinity in the University of Glasgow, was first tried before the General Assembly of the Scottish Presbyterian Church for teaching Arian and Pelagian errors. In 1729, after three more trials, Simson was suspended from his professorship for denying the numerical oneness of the Trinity. Fierce doctrinal contentions also began to occupy English Presbyterians, Congregationalists, and Baptists, erupting during the famous Salters’ Hall meeting early in 1719.
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Kościelak, Sławomir. "Anglicans, Presbyterians, Quakers and other British Religious Groups in Gdansk in the 17th-18th Centuries." Saeculum Christianum 27, no. 2 (January 20, 2021): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2020.27.2.7.

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This article presents the religious aspects of the community of emigrants from the British Isles, mainly Scots, in Gdańsk. They tried to provide for their religious needs already in the Middle Ages, as evidenced by the existence of chapels and altars in some of the churches in Gdansk. After the success of the Reformation, mainly Scottish Presbyterians settled in Gdansk. Clergymen from their home country were brought in for their ministry. Both the Presbyterian clergy and the wealthy Scottish merchant elite of this denomination ruled the sacred building acquired in 1707, called the English Church. However, only few of the Presbyterians living in Gdansk identified with this building - according to legal arrangements, having the character of an “ethnic” temple - together with the Anglicans. Most Scots - by entering into family relationships - slowly melted into the community of the city on the Motława, using other Calvinist facilities. In addition to Presbyterians and very few Anglicans and Catholics there, English radicals, Chialists and Quakers, also tried to settle in Gdansk, but the city's unfavourable legislation and deterrent actions effectively prevented this transfer.
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Crawford, Florence G., and Sten H. Vermund. "Diagnostic Laboratories Presbyterian Hospital." Pediatric Infectious Disease Journal 7, no. 11 (November 1988): 807–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006454-198811000-00014.

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Kirkegaard, R. Lawrence. "Second Presbyterian, Bloomington, IL." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 119, no. 5 (May 2006): 3399. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4786709.

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Stauffer, S. Anita. "5. Presbyterian Church (USA)." Studia Liturgica 19, no. 2 (September 1989): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003932078901900214.

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Houston, Matthew. "Presbyterianism, unionism, and the Second World War in Northern Ireland: the career of James Little, 1939–46." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 164 (November 2019): 252–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.53.

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AbstractThis article examines the career of the Irish Presbyterian minister and member of the Westminster parliament, James Little, as a case study of Presbyterian clerical responses to the Second World War in Northern Ireland. Establishing a more detailed narrative of contemporary interpretations of the conflict improves our understanding of the functions of religious institutions during the period. It demonstrates that Presbyterian church leaders were largely enthusiastic supporters of the war, employing theological language while promoting the agenda of unionist politics. By juxtaposing clerical politico-religious support for the war with their commitment to conservative moral standards, the article assesses the strength with which these views were held, thereby adding to our knowledge of Presbyterianism in the 1940s. The article also situates the Northern Ireland Presbyterian view of the war within the context of the United Kingdom.
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30

Loughlin, Clare. "The Church of Scotland and the ‘increase of popery’, c.1690–1714." Scottish Church History 48, no. 2 (October 2019): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sch.2019.0011.

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This article explores representations of ‘popery’ compiled by the Presbyterian Church of Scotland between 1690 and 1714. The ‘increase of popery’ was a ubiquitous phrase in this period. Synods and presbyteries regularly complained of Catholic encroachments in their parishes, and sent extensive reports of the activities of ‘papists’ to the general assembly and its commission. In turn, these national church courts collated these local petitions into longer representations of the ‘state of popery’ in Scotland. Representations have not been examined systematically by scholars. Indeed, representations have often been dismissed as cynical ploys rather than sincere expressions of anxiety at Catholic survival. Yet the very significance of these documents lies in their polemical nature. This article argues that the emphasis on political disaffection in national representations was informed by the Church's fraught relationship with central government, and with rival Protestant groups. Desperate efforts to showcase the necessity of Presbyterian government underpinned national representations of ‘popery’; as such, anti-Catholic sentiments were informed increasingly by the weaknesses of Scottish Presbyterianism as much as by actual Catholic activity. By contextualising representations of ‘popery’ and approaching them as part of a genre, the clerical petition, this article provides new perspectives on the nature of Scottish anti-Catholic polemic.
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Chung, Youngkwon. "Ecclesiology, Piety, and Presbyterian and Independent Polemics During the Early Years of the English Revolution." Church History 84, no. 2 (May 15, 2015): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000074.

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Religious controversy swept across England during the revolutionary decades of the 1640s and 1650s. Historians have studied the attendant ecclesiological debates meticulously. The piety as practiced by the puritans has also been carefully examined. Yet generally, these two subjects of ecclesiology and piety have been kept as separate compartments of analysis. The plethora of tracts that rolled off the press during the initial years of the 1640s, nevertheless, shows that many contemporary polemicists were keen to tie the two themes together. The Presbyterian and Independent polemicists were no exception. As this article seeks to demonstrate, a common feature of their publications was the belief that their preferred ecclesiastical polity best served the purpose of promoting individual piety and creating a godly society. Thus the Presbyterian and Independent conflict waged not only over issues of ecclesiology proper such as categories of church offices and of governing councils or composition of church membership to which historians have directed their attention hitherto, but also over questions of how ecclesiology affected piety. Such conflict was a reflection of the commitment of Presbyterians and Independents to their respective vision of reformation for the country. More broadly, this article shows a facet of religious controversy that ultimately led to the disintegration of the godly community and weakened the base of support for the Commonwealth and the Protectorate.
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32

Holmes, Andrew. "The Scottish Reformations and the Origin of Religious and Civil Liberty in Britain and Ireland: Presbyterian Interpretations, c.1800-60." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 90, no. 1 (March 2014): 135–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.90.1.7.

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This article examines Presbyterian interpretations in Scotland and Ireland of the Scottish Reformations of 1560 and 1638–43. It begins with a discussion of the work of two important Presbyterian historians of the early nineteenth century, the Scotsman, Thomas McCrie, and the Irishman, James Seaton Reid. In their various publications, both laid the template for the nineteenth-century Presbyterian understanding of the Scottish Reformations by emphasizing the historical links between the Scottish and Irish churches in the early-modern period and their common theology and commitment to civil and religious liberty against the ecclesiastical and political tyranny of the Stuarts. The article also examines the commemorations of the National Covenant in 1838, the Solemn League and Covenant in 1843, and the Scottish Reformation in 1860. By doing so, it uncovers important religious and ideological linkages across the North Channel, including Presbyterian evangelicalism, missionary activity, church–state relationships, religious reform and revival, and anti-Catholicism.
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33

Jensen, David H. "More Presbyterian Questions, More Presbyterian Answers: Exploring Christian Faith - By Donald K. McKim." Religious Studies Review 38, no. 1 (March 2012): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2011.01574_11.x.

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34

Tiedemann, Joseph S. "Presbyterianism and the American Revolution in the Middle Colonies." Church History 74, no. 2 (June 2005): 306–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070011025x.

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After the Revolution, Thomas Jones, an embittered loyalist exile, identified the culprits he deemed responsible for the rebellion in New York: the Whig “triumvirate” of Presbyterians—William Livingston, William Smith, and John Morin Scott. Jones averred that in theIndependent Reflector(1752–53) andWatch Tower(1754–55), which they authored, “the established Church was abused, Monarchy derided, Episcopacy reprobated, and republicanism held up, as the best existing form of government.” The three wrote “with a rancor, a malevolence, and an acrimony, not to be equaled but by the descendants of those presbyterian and repulblican fanatics, whose ancestors had in the preceding century brought their Sovereign to the block, subverted the best constitution in the world, and upon its ruins erected presbyterianism, republicanism, and hypocrisy.”
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35

Moga, Dinu. "Arianism in English Nonconformity, 1700-1750." Perichoresis 17, s1 (January 1, 2019): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2019-0002.

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Abstract During the time of English Nonconformity, Arianism was not only embraced, but openly acknowledged by most of the Presbyterian ministers. That generation of ministers, who contended so zealously for the orthodox faith, had finished their labours, and received from their Lord a dismissal into eternal rest. Those champions among the laity who, at the beginning of the controversy, stood up so firmly for the truth, had entered as well into the joy of their Lord. Though their children continued Dissenters, too many of them did not possess the same sentiments or spirit. Among those who succeeded these ministers were too many who embraced the Arian creed. To this unhappy change contributed the example and conversation as well of many from the younger Presbyterian ministers. In consequence Arianism spread far and wide in the Presbyterian congregations, both among the ministers and the people. This unhappy controversy proved the grave of the Presbyterian congregations, and of those of the General Baptists. The effects of Arianism, though at first scarcely visible, gradually produced desolation and death.
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36

L., J. F. "THE VIEW FROM COLUMBIA-PRESBYTERIAN MEDICAL CENTER: Is This Really the Future?" Pediatrics 95, no. 3 (March 1, 1995): 344. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.95.3.344.

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Emerging as hospitals' most promising source of new patients are clinics like Columbia-Presbyterian Eastside, which, in health care jargon, are called "centers," lest potential patients confuse these gleaming outposts with conventional clinics that cater to the poor and uninsured. To attract middle-class patients wary of leaving their protected blocks, the city's huge hospitals are branching out to ethnic enclaves, upscale New York neighborhoods, affluent suburban communities, and even distant American expatriate communities in Eastern Europe. Four months ago, Columbia-Presbyterian created a satellite in Moscow and more centers are planned for Warsaw, Prague, St. Petersburg, Budapest, and possibly Beijing. "Our feeling is that there will be no hospitals in the future," said Dr. William T. Speck, president of Columbia-Presbyterian. "And probably, in the next 10 or 20 years most of the activity will take place in a center or maybe even in homes." At Columbia-Presbyterian, the top executives are already mulling over what to do with the huge Washington Heights hospital as it empties out to the satellites. "Hospitals are going to get smaller and smaller and maybe the hospitals might turn into something else," Dr. Speck said. "Perhaps a gymnasium or a flower shop."
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37

Sagnadina, Aigerim, and Karlygash Borbasova. "Presbyterian currents: history and modernity." Eurasian Journal of Religious Studies 17, no. 1 (2019): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/ejrs-2019-1-199.

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38

Beckley, Robert E., Milton J. Coalter, John M. Mulder, and Louis B. Weeks. "The Presbyterian Predicament: Six Perspectives." Review of Religious Research 33, no. 3 (March 1992): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511092.

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39

Weston, William J., Milton J. Coalter, John M. Mulder, and Louis B. Weeks. "The Presbyterian Predicament: Six Perspectives." Sociology of Religion 54, no. 2 (1993): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3712142.

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40

McGrath, Alister. "Book Reviews : Presbyterian Church Government." Expository Times 106, no. 7 (April 1995): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469510600715.

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41

Hinton, James H. "Governance Resilience: The Presbyterian Journey." Frontiers of Health Services Management 31, no. 4 (2015): 18–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01974520-201504000-00003.

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42

Duncan, Graham A. "Presbyterian spirituality in southern Africa." Scottish Journal of Theology 56, no. 4 (October 23, 2003): 387–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930603211200.

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Presbyterian spirituality in southern Africa has often been treated as non-existent, yet it is a vibrant reality which is at one and the same time catholic, evangelical and contextual. Founded in Christ alone, it holds the authority of scripture as normative and as the source of the unity of God's people, as can be seen in the way it derives from the marks of the church – the Word preached, the sacraments celebrated and discipline rightly exercised. It is relational and involves communing with God, others, oneself and the environment. While conscious of the early church tradition out of which it arises, it is continuous with that tradition and is open to the spiritual insights of other traditions. It demonstrates both catholic and evangelical emphases and is adaptable within the context of African spirituality. As a result, it has a broad church ethos marked by fluidity, tolerance and appreciation of those sources that enrich it.
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43

Pardes, Herbert. "New York–Presbyterian and GE." New England Journal of Medicine 352, no. 5 (February 3, 2005): 515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1056/nejm200502033520520.

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44

McIntyre, Neil. "Presbyterian Conventicles in Restoration Scotland." Scottish Church History 45, no. 1 (June 2016): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/sch.2016.0006.

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45

Simmons, Henry C. "Presbyterian School of Christian Education." Journal of Religion & Aging 6, no. 1-2 (May 31, 1989): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j491v06n01_12.

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46

DU TOIT, ALEXANDER. "God Before Mammon? William Robertson, Episcopacy and the Church of England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, no. 4 (October 2003): 671–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046903008017.

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William Robertson, Scottish historian, Presbyterian minister and leader of the Moderate church party, has been credited with a position regarding episcopacy that differed markedly from the sectarian suspicion shown by earlier Scottish Presbyterians. This article examines Robertson's attitude to episcopacy in the light of an early episode in his career, when he apparently had a chance to enter the Church of England (which offered greater rewards in terms of money and status than the Scottish Kirk), but did not take the opportunity. This examination, taking into account the views of episcopacy and the Church of England expressed in Robertson's histories and elsewhere, suggests that his personal position was in fact closer to the traditional hostility of older Scottish Presbyterianism than to the tolerant and even Latitudinarian views normally associated with the Enlightenment.
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47

Snow, Don, and Chen Nuanling. "Missionaries and written Chaoshanese." Global Chinese 1, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/glochi-2015-1001.

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AbstractFrom the 1870s into the 1920s, Baptist and Presbyterian missionaries in the Chaoshan region devoted a substantial amount of time and effort to creating a body of Christian texts in written forms of Chaoshanese, and also educating Chinese Christians in this written language. However, the strategies used by these two Protestant groups differed sharply, with the Baptists taking a culturally conservative approach and the Presbyterians adopting a much more radical one. This paper reconstructs the story of written Chaoshanese as used by Protestant missionaries, examining what these “written Chaoshanese” varieties consisted of, and the degree to which they differed from other written forms of Chinese. It also considers what insights this case study may contribute to our understanding of the factors that drive or retard the growth of written vernaculars.
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48

Silva, Ivanilson Bezerra. "A Escola Americana de Curitiba (1891-1930): uma filial da Escola Americana de São Paulo / The American School of Curitiba (1891-1930): a branch of the American School of São Paulo." Revista de História e Historiografia da Educação 2, no. 6 (May 8, 2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rhhe.v2i6.60061.

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O presente artigo tem como objetivo mostrar que a Escola Americana de Curitiba dirigida pelas missionárias Mary Dascomb e Elmira Kuhl fazia parte da rede de escolas organizadas pelo educador Horace Lane. As fontes analisadas sugerem que tais missionárias estavam subordinadas às orientações pedagógicas e supervisão da Escola Americana de São Paulo. Esta tornou-se a base para a compreensão de outras escolas americanas implantadas no Brasil durante a atuação de Horace Lane como diretor e supervisor da obra educacional da Igreja Presbiteriana norte-americana. Postulamos que Horace Lane formou uma rede de escolas, principalmente, em cidades que contavam com o apoio de maçons, republicanos, presbiterianos e de pessoas ligadas a sua rede de sociabilidade. No caso de Curitiba, a escola foi organizada por causa do núcleo presbiteriano organizado no ano de 1884 e por causa da relação do educador com as referidas missionárias. Como parte da rede de escolas, a Escola Americana de Curitiba, de confissão de fé presbiteriana, concorria com as escolas de outras denominações religiosas que compunham o campo educacional paranaense.* * *This article aims to show that the American School of Curitiba led by the missionaries Mary Dascomb and Elmira Kuhl was part of the network of schools organized by the educator Horace Lane. The sources analyzed suggest that these missionaries were subordinated to the pedagogical guidelines and supervision of the American School of São Paulo. This became the basis for the understanding of other American schools implanted in Brazil during the performance of Horace Lane as director and supervisor of the educational work of the North American Presbyterian Church. We postulate that Horace Lane formed a network of schools, mainly in cities that had the support of Masons, Republicans, Presbyterians and of people connected to its network of sociability. In the case of Curitiba, the school was organized because of the Presbyterian nucleus organized in the year 1884 and because of the educator's relationship with the said missionaries. As part of the school network, the American School of Curitiba, with a Presbyterian faith confession, competed with schools of other religious denominations that made up the educational field of Paraná.
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Constable, Philip. "Scottish Missionaries, ‘Protestant Hinduism’ and the Scottish Sense of Empire in Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-century India." Scottish Historical Review 86, no. 2 (October 2007): 278–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2007.86.2.278.

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This article examines the Scottish missionary contribution to a Scottish sense of empire in India in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Initially, the article reviews general historiographical interpretations which have in recent years been developed to explain the Scottish relationship with British imperial development in India. Subsequently the article analyses in detail the religious contributions of Scottish Presbyterian missionaries of the Church of Scotland and the Free Church Missions to a Scottish sense of empire with a focus on their interaction with Hindu socioreligious thought in nineteenth-century western India. Previous missionary historiography has tended to focus substantially on the emergence of Scottish evangelical missionary activity in India in the early nineteenth century and most notably on Alexander Duff (1806–78). Relatively little has been written on Scottish Presbyterian missions in India in the later nineteenth century, and even less on the significance of their missionary thought to a Scottish sense of Indian empire. Through an analysis of Scottish Presbyterian missionary critiques in both vernacular Marathi and English, this article outlines the orientalist engagement of Scottish Presbyterian missionary thought with late nineteenth-century popular Hinduism. In conclusion this article demonstrates how this intellectual engagement contributed to and helped define a Scottish missionary sense of empire in India.
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50

Mallon, Ryan. "Scottish Presbyterianism and the National Education Debates, 1850–62." Studies in Church History 55 (June 2019): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.5.

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This article examines the mid-nineteenth-century Scottish education debates in the context of intra-Presbyterian relations in the aftermath of the 1843 ‘Disruption’ of the Church of Scotland. The debates of this period have been characterized as an attempt to wrest control of Scottish education from the Church of Scotland, with most opponents of the existing scheme critical of the established kirk's monopoly over the supervision of parish schools. However, the debate was not simply between those within and outside the religious establishment. Those advocating change, particularly within non-established Presbyterian denominations, were not unified in their proposals for a solution to Scotland's education problem. Disputes between Scotland's largest non-established churches, the Free Church and the United Presbyterian Church, and within the Free Church itself over the type of national education scheme that should replace the parish schools severely hampered their ability to express common opposition to the existing system. These divisions also placed increasing strain on the developing cooperation in Scottish Dissent on ecclesiastical, political and social matters after the Disruption. This article places the issue of education in this period within this distinctly Dissenting context of cooperation, and examines the extent of the impact these debates had on Dissenting Presbyterian relations.
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