Relevant bibliographies by topics / Presbyterian Church of Victoria

Academic literature on the topic 'Presbyterian Church of Victoria'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 26 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Presbyterian Church of Victoria"

1

Machin, Ian, and James Lachlan MacLeod. "The Second Disruption: The Free Church in Victorian Scotland and the Origins of the Free Presbyterian Church." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 34, no. 4 (2002): 710. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054728.

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Hillis, Peter. "JAMES LACHLAN MACLEOD, The Second Disruption: The Free Church in Victorian Scotland and the Origins of the Free Presbyterian Church." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 21, no. 2 (November 1, 2001): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2001.21.2.183.

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Smith, John A. "James Lachlan MacLeod, The Second Disruption: The Free Church in Victorian Scotland and the Origins of the Free Presbyterian Church." Northern Scotland 22 (First Serie, no. 1 (May 2002): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nor.2002.0014.

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Murray, Douglas M. "Continuity and Change in the Liturgical Revival in Scotland: John Macleod and the Duns Case, 1875-1876." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 396–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014169.

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During the Liturgical Revival of the Victorian period, the worship of the Church of Scotland changed more radically than at any time since the seventeenth century. Those who favoured reform felt that the largely unstructured and didactic character of Presbyterian services no longer appealed to many sections of society. The upper classes, for example, were turning in increasing numbers to the worship of the Episcopal Church. In addition some reformers wished the liturgy of the Kirk to reflect more clearly the doctrinal basis of the Reformed tradition. The innovations which were pioneered in this period included a change in the posture of the congregation for prayer and for singing, the introduction of prayers read by the minister instead of being delivered extempore; the use of set forms such as the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, and the Doxology; the singing of hymns as well as psalms; the use of organs to accompany praise; the observance of the main festivals of the Christian year, and the greater frequency of holy communion.
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Cashdollar, Charles D. "The Second Disruption: The Free Church in Victorian Scotland and the Origins of the Free Presbyterian Church. By James Lachlan MacLeod. Scottish Historical Review Monograph 8. East Linton, Scotland: Tuckwell, 2000. x + 277 pp. £16.99 paper." Church History 72, no. 2 (June 2003): 412–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700100071.

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Machin, Ian. "James Lachlan MacLeod. The Second Disruption: the Free Church in Victorian Scotland and the Origins of the Free Presbyterian Church. (Scottish Historical Review Monographs Series No. 8.) East Linton, Scotland: Tuckwell Press Ltd. 2000. Pp. x, 277. $31.95 paper. ISBN 1-86232-097-7." Albion 34, no. 4 (2002): 710–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000069040.

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Stauffer, S. Anita. "5. Presbyterian Church (USA)." Studia Liturgica 19, no. 2 (September 1989): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003932078901900214.

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Duncan, G. A. "Back to the Future." Verbum et Ecclesia 24, no. 2 (November 17, 2003): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v24i2.331.

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The Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa was formed on 26th September 1999 as the result of the union of the black Reformed Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa and the white-dominated Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa. Various unsuccessful attempts had been made since the latter part of the nineteenth century to effect union. In the spirit of national euphoria which surrounded the first democratic elections in South Africa in1994, the Reformed Presbyterian Church initiated union discussions with the Presbyterian Church. The subsequent union was based on what are now considered to be inadequate preparations and many unresolved problems have emerged to test the witness of the new denomination, not the least of which is racism. At its 2002 General Assembly, as the result of what appeared to be a financial crisis, the Uniting Presbyterian Church appointed a Special Committee on Reformation was established to investigate the problems in the denomination and to bring proposals for dealing with these issues.
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McGrath, Alister. "Book Reviews : Presbyterian Church Government." Expository Times 106, no. 7 (April 1995): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469510600715.

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Carroll, Jackson W., and David A. Roozen. "Congregational Identities in the Presbyterian Church." Review of Religious Research 31, no. 4 (June 1990): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3511561.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Presbyterian Church of Victoria"

1

Moore, Laurence James. "Sing to the Lord a new song: A study of changing musical practices in the Presbyterian Church of Victoria, 1861-1901." Thesis, Australian Catholic University, 2004. https://acuresearchbank.acu.edu.au/download/55825981c46c5554a830cf2776e02713b2f8f2840796b65b0adf525817c4d717/2632941/65007_downloaded_stream_232.pdf.

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The latter half of the 19th century was a time of immense change in Presbyterianism worldwide in respect of the role of music in worship. Within this period the long tradition of unaccompanied congregational psalmody gave way to the introduction of hymnody, instrumental music (initially provided by harmoniums and later by pipe organs) and choral music in the form of anthems. The Presbyterian Church of Victoria, formed in 1859 as a union of the Church of Scotland and the majority of the Free Presbyterian and the United Presbyterian churches and numerically the strongest branch of Presbyterianism in Australia, was to the forefront in embracing this tide of change. Beginning in 1861 with the proposal for the compilation of a colonial hymnbook, issues associated with musical repertoire and practice occupied a prominent place in discussions and decision making over the next 30 years. Between 1861 and 1901 hymnody was successfully introduced into church worship with the adoption of three hymnals in 1867, 1883 and 1898. Programs of music education were devised for the teaching of the new repertoire and for improving the standard of congregational singing. A hallmark tradition of Presbyterianism was overturned with the introduction of instruments into worship, initially as a support for congregational singing but in time as providers of purely instrumental music also. The profile of the choir changed dramatically. Making extensive use of primary sources, this study aims to document the process of change in Victoria between 1861 and 1901, exploring the rationales underlying decisions taken and historical factors facilitating change. Musical developments in Victoria are viewed in the context of those elsewhere, especially Scotland and of general changes in aesthetic taste.;The study concludes that the process of musical change shows the Presbyterian Church of Victoria to have been a forward-looking and well-endowed institution with the confidence to take initiatives independent of Scottish control. It is also concluded that changes in musical practice within the worship of the Presbyterian Church of Victoria reflect developments taking place in other denominations and the changing aesthetic tastes of the Victorian era.
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Moore, Laurence James, and res cand@acu edu au. "Sing to the Lord a New Song: a Study of changing musical practices in the Presbyterian Church of Victoria, 1861-1901." Australian Catholic University. School of Arts and Sciences, 2004. http://dlibrary.acu.edu.au/digitaltheses/public/adt-acuvp49.29082005.

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The latter half of the 19th century was a time of immense change in Presbyterianism worldwide in respect of the role of music in worship. Within this period the long tradition of unaccompanied congregational psalmody gave way to the introduction of hymnody, instrumental music (initially provided by harmoniums and later by pipe organs) and choral music in the form of anthems. The Presbyterian Church of Victoria, formed in 1859 as a union of the Church of Scotland and the majority of the Free Presbyterian and the United Presbyterian churches and numerically the strongest branch of Presbyterianism in Australia, was to the forefront in embracing this tide of change. Beginning in 1861with the proposal for the compilation of a colonial hymnbook, issues associated with musical repertoire and practice occupied a prominent place in discussions and decision making over the next 30 years. Between 1861 and 1901 hymnody was successfully introduced into church worship with the adoption of three hymnals in 1867, 1883 and 1898. Programs of music education were devised for the teaching of the new repertoire and for improving the standard of congregational singing. A hallmark tradition of Presbyterianism was overturned with the introduction of instruments into worship, initially as a support for congregational singing but in time as providers of purely instrumental music also. The profile of the choir changed dramatically. Making extensive use of primary sources, this study aims to document the process of change in Victoria between 1861 and 1901, exploring the rationales underlying decisions taken and historical factors facilitating change. Musical developments in Victoria are viewed in the context of those elsewhere, especially Scotland and of general changes in aesthetic taste. The study concludes that the process of musical change shows the Presbyterian Church of Victoria to have been a forwardlooking and well-endowed institution with the confidence to take initiatives independent of Scottish control. It is also concluded that changes in musical practice within the worship of the Presbyterian Church of Victoria reflect developments taking place in other denominations and the changing aesthetic tastes of the Victorian era.
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Park, Jae Neung. "Teaching Presbyterian polity in Clemson Korean Presbyterian Church." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2005. http://www.tren.com.

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Xapile, Spiwo Patrick. "Unity negotiations between the Bantu Presbyterian Church and the Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa (1959-1971)." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13867.

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Bibliography: leaves 85-86.
Talk about church unity evokes differing responses, with people responding both positively and negatively. These responses stem from memories of the past, realities of the present, and expectations of the future. Many believe that history is opening a door to a new ecclesiastical era. A door of opportunity, an opportunity to address the divisions that exist within the Church of Jesus Christ. But are churches prepared to forget their divided past, strive to find new expressions of fellowship, of witness, of communion with one another as the new South Africa promises to open the political door a little wider? In the attempt to wrestle with the unity negotiations between the Bantu Presbyterian Church (renamed Reformed Presbyterian Church of South Africa in 1979) and the Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa, this paper will look at opportunities that were missed. South AfriG.an history, bitter as it has been, provided the churches with possibilities to work towards unity. But these were not grasped. The Bantu Presbyterian Church and the Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa confess the same faith with no doctrinal differences. One would have hoped that it would have been less problematic to bring them together than two denominations from different confessional backgrounds. But the history of colonisation and of African resistance to it has largely shaped attitudes against proposals for a united church. European missionaries were seen by many Africans as identical with the colonial powers, and the gospel was regarded as a weapon to disarm them. In a brief historical discussion of missionary expansion I will trace the origins of the two churches, the Bantu Presbyterian Church with a history of African control, and, in fact a near total absence of whites, and the Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa which has always been white dominated. This will highlight the historical reasons that led to conservative attitudes grounded in racial prejudice, the main stumbling block for organic unity. Anyone who is aware of the level of race relations in South Africa since 1 948 cannot avoid asking questions on how the two churches even came to dream of such a union between white and African Christians. In this thesis it will be argued that the ecumenical movement and the World Council of Churches contributed much to challenging these two churches to talk about unity. Through their participation in conferences and programmes of the ecumenical movement, problems resulting from a divided witness became more glaring. The need to address these problems became an urgent matter. The clear witness of the World Council of Churches, its uncompromising challenge to social, economic, and political structures of injustice shaped the agenda for the General Assemblies of both the Bantu Presbyterian Church and the Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa.
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Rhee, Jong-Bin. "Toward the establishment of a worship theology in the Presbyterian Church of Korea." Lynchburg, Va. : Liberty University, 2005. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.

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Rickard, John. "Re-Envisioning the presbytery, an intervention involving renewal and transformation of the Presbytery of North Alabama's communal and organizational life for its future ministry." Chicago, Ill : McCormick Theological Seminary, 1998. http://www.tren.com.

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Francis, Jeffrey Charles. "Toward measuring conflict in Presbyterian Church sessions /." Access abstract and link to full text, 1990. http://0-wwwlib.umi.com.library.utulsa.edu/dissertations/fullcit/9028697.

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Washington, Carrie. "The Roles of the Presbyterian Church, U.S.A., the Presbyterian Church in the U.S. and the United Presbyterian Church of North America in the Establishment and Support of Five Black Colleges." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331660/.

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The problem of this study was the roles of the general assembly agencies of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A., the Presbyterian Church in the U.S., and the United Presbyterian Church of North America in the development of Barber- Scotia College, Knoxville College, Johnson C. Smith University, Stillman College, and Mary Holmes College. The historical records of these three churches for the period from 1866 to 1983 were examined to analyze the factors surrounding the establishment of the five colleges, the differences and similarities in the administrative practices of the general assembly agencies charged with operating the colleges, the relationships of the colleges to the churches in the transition from dependent mission schools to independent colleges, and to identify way in which the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) may improve its support of Black higher education. The Presbyterian Churches established the mission schools to meet the religious, educational, and economical needs of the emancipated Black slaves. Though the three 2 churches had differences over the issues of slavery and doctrine, the administrative systems developed for the operations of the schools were very similar. All treated the missions schools as remedial temporary measures necessitated by the refusal of Southern and border states to provide adequately for the public education of Black people, and to satisfy the demand for educated Black clergy to attract Black members. From the period of 1866 to 1922, the churches laid the foundations for their educational and religious ministries to Black people by establishing over two-hundred schools. From 1923 to 1949, great reductions were made in the number of mission schools. During the period of 1950 to 1983, the Presbyterian Churches struggled with strategies to make the five remaining former mission schools independent of their administrative and financial support.
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Park, Young Jun. "In the Presbyterian worship a case study on Presbyterian Church of Korea (TongHap) /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1998. http://www.tren.com.

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Lee, Sung Gyu. "A church growth model in Korean-American Presbyterian churches with special reference to the Messiah Presbyterian Church of Washington /." Lynchburg, Va. : Liberty University, 2009. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu.

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Books on the topic "Presbyterian Church of Victoria"

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Presbyterians in colonial Victoria. Australia: Australian Scholarly Pub, 2008.

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The Free Church in Victorian Canada, 1844-1861. Waterloo, Ontario, Canada: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1989.

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Paton, Frank H. L. (Frank Hume Lyall), Campbell Elizabeth M. author, and Yang Myŏng-dŭk translator compiler, eds. Hoju changnogyo Han'guk sŏn'gyo sŏlgyejadŭl: The architects of Australian Presbyterian mission in Korea. Sŏul-si: Tongyŏn, 2020.

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Foxworth, Eleanor Winn. Williamsburg Presbyterian Church. Kingstree, S.C. (411 N. Academy St., Kingstree, 29556): The Church, 1996.

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Ulsterville Presbyterian Church Belfast. Belfast (135 Lisburn Road): Ulsterville Presbyterian Church, 1992.

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Dah, Jonas N. Presbyterian Church in Cameroon. [Kumba, Cameroon: s.n., 1995.

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Mizoram, Presbyterian Church of. Presbyterian Church of Mizoram (Presbyterian Church of India), Pastor directory, 2011. Aizawl: Mizoram Presbyterian Church Synod, 2011.

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Heaney, Norman McC. Great George's Street Presbyterian Church 1842, Macrory Memorial Presbyterian Church 1895. Belfast: Shanway Press, 1986.

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Our Presbyterian heritage. Accra-North: Pedigree Publications, 2006.

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Ben, Lane W., and Wright Paul S, eds. The Presbyterian elder. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Presbyterian Church of Victoria"

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Chalmers, John. "The Presbyterian tradition." In Church Laws and Ecumenism, 170–87. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003084273-10.

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Carvalho, Marcone Bezerra. "Presbyterian Church in Latin America." In Encyclopedia of Latin American Religions, 1–6. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-08956-0_589-1.

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Carvalho, Marcone Bezerra. "Presbyterian Church in Latin America." In Encyclopedia of Latin American Religions, 1310–15. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-27078-4_589.

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Hallward, Maia Carter. "The Presbyterian Church USA: Institutions, Justice, and History." In Transnational Activism and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 141–76. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137349866_6.

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Black, William. "100. Cumberland Presbyterian Church: Confession of Faith, 1883." In Reformierte Bekenntnisschriften, 283–304. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666554599.283.

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Griffiths, John. "'Missionary Meeting' Synod of the United Presbyterian Church." In Empire and Popular Culture, 449–51. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351024747-60.

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DeHoff, Susan L. "Research: Presbyterian Church (USA) Views on Mystical Religious Experience (MRE)." In Psychosis or Mystical Religious Experience?, 137–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68261-7_5.

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Golding, Rosemary. "J. Spencer Curwen, ‘The Temple Church’, ‘The Jewish Synagogue Service’ and ‘Presbyterian Church, Regent Square’." In Music in Nineteenth-Century Britain, 141–52. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003003892-13.

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Ledger-Lomas, Michael. "Disunited Kingdom." In Queen Victoria, 169–204. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198753551.003.0007.

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This chapter assesses Victoria’s efforts to cope with the religious diversity of the United Kingdom. Although Victoria’s admiration for the Church of Scotland, which was centred on the Highlands and a small circle of eloquent preachers, made her a biased participant in disputes over its established status, impressions of Victoria’s Presbyterian sympathies sank deep in Scotland and around the Empire. Victoria had hoped to commend herself to the Irish as she had to the Scots, by paying respect to their different kind of national faith, but the chapter shows that her estrangement from Irish Roman Catholics mounted with her reluctance to cross the Irish Sea. Though increasingly appreciative of Roman Catholicism as she encountered it during travel or in the lives of friends and relatives, and friendly towards popes, who she hoped might bring the Irish hierarchy to heel, Victoria could not translate these affinities into a constructive relationship with Catholic Ireland.
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Matheson, Peter. "The Scottish Theological Diaspora." In The History of Scottish Theology, Volume III, 203–13. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759355.003.0015.

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The Scottish diaspora in Australasia exhibits many of the characteristics of colonialism and post-colonialism. Initially the Presbyterian churches reflected their largely Free Church origins, with its Calvinism, memories of the Disruption, and evangelical churchmanship. In the Victorian period it again mirrored the Scottish Church’s opening up to mission, biblical criticism, and evolution. Two World Wars both strengthened the links to Scottish theology and encouraged a transition to ecumenism, especially in the Uniting Church of Australia, and to indigenization, with growing attention to Asian and to aboriginal and Maori theology. American influences became increasingly evident in pastoral theology. However, the personal and institutional links to all four Scottish theological faculties, Aberdeen, St Andrews, Edinburgh, and Glasgow remained and remain creative and strong.
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Conference papers on the topic "Presbyterian Church of Victoria"

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Ralte, Lalchhanhima. "P5.17 Attitudes of church leaders on hiv prevention among the presbyterian church leaders of aizawl, mizoram, india." In STI and HIV World Congress Abstracts, July 9–12 2017, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/sextrans-2017-053264.633.

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Harper, Glenn. "Becoming Ultra-Civic: The Completion of Queen’s Square, Sydney 1962-1978." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4009pijuv.

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Declaring in the late 1950s that Sydney City was in much need of a car free civic square, Professor Denis Winston, Australia’s first chair in town and country planning at the University of Sydney, was echoing a commonly held view on how to reconfigure the city for a modern-day citizen. Queen’s Square, at the intersection of Macquarie Street and Hyde Park, first conceived in 1810 by Governor Lachlan Macquarie, remained incomplete until 1978 when it was developed as a pedestrian only plaza by the NSW Government Architect under a different set of urban intentions. By relocating the traffic bound statue of Queen Victoria (1888) onto the plaza and demolishing the old Supreme Court complex (1827), so that nearby St James’ Church (1824) could becoming freestanding alongside a new multi-storey Commonwealth Supreme Court building (1975), by the Sydney-based practise of McConnel Smith and Johnson, the civic and social ambition of this pedestrian space was assured. Now somewhat overlooked in the history of Sydney’s modern civic spaces, the adjustment in the design of this square during the 1960s translated the reformed urban design agenda communicated in CIAM 8, the heart of the city (1952), a post-war treatise developed and promoted by the international architect and polemicist, Josep Lluis Sert. This paper examines the completion of Queen’s Square in 1978. Along with the symbolic role of the project, that is, to provide a plaza as a social instrument in humanising the modern-day city, this project also acknowledged the city’s colonial settlement monuments beside a new law court complex; and in a curious twist in fate, involving curtailing the extent of the proposed plaza so that the colonial Supreme Court was retained, the completion of Queen’s Square became ultra – civic.
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