Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Prehistoric economics'

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2005.
Title from title screen (viewed 20 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Archaeology, Faculty of Arts. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

The Kautz Site (11DU1) is a multi-component archaeological site located in the DuPage River Valley in northeastern Illinois. It was inhabited at least six different times between the Late Archaic and Late Woodland periods ca. 6000-1000 B.P. The site was excavated over the course of three field seasons between 1958 and 1961, but the results were never made public. This thesis seeks to document the archaeology of the Kautz Site in order to better understand the site’s economic history. An environmental catchment analysis was conducted to evaluate the level of time and energy needed to acquire important resources like water, food, wood, and chert. A macroscopic analysis of the lithic assemblage provided information about the lithic economy at the site. The results of the landscape analysis suggest that the site was located in an economically efficient location, however the macroscopic analysis suggests that a source of raw materials for chipped stone tools was not easily accessible and as a result the inhabitants practiced a number of common adaptive strategies to cope with resource scarcity.

La present recerca té com a objectiu, a partir de la disciplina de la zooarqueologia, integrar les dades de les diferents anàlisis faunístiques dins les interpretacions de caràcter econòmic i politicosocial d’un seguit d’assentaments de la primera edat del ferro i època ibèrica (segles VII- I ane). L’àrea a tractar és la zona meridional i de ponent de l’actual Catalunya, dos territoris a priori diferents, atesa la trajectòria de cada un d’ells des de l’edat del bronze, en qüestions de poblament, o de contacte amb el món colonial fenici, durant la primera edat del ferro; i marcats per una profunda transformació al llarg del període ibèric, a través dels diferents sistemes d’assentaments i les relacions entre els recursos més immediats, alhora que aquests s’adapten a l‘arribada del contingent romà i apareixen noves formes de producció i emmagatzematge agrícoles que poden respondre a aquests nous temps. Pretenem, en aquest marc cronocultural descrit, traçar una evolució en clau de semblances i/o diferències entre els diferents registres zooarqueològics a través de les anàlisis fetes sobre diferents conjunts. Per una banda, s’han analitzat els materials de 5 assentaments: Sant Jaume (Alcanar, Montsià), Ferradura (Alcanar, Montsià), Calvari (el Molar, Priorat), Coll del moro (Gandesa, Terra Alta) i Missatges (Tàrrega, Urgell), amb un total de 5968 restes òssies (mamífers, aus i peixos), i 773 restes de mol·luscs i crustacis marins. Per altra banda els resultats d’aquesta primera anàlisi seran integrats amb els disponibles a través d’altres estudis zooarqueològics d’assentament de la zona o zones immediates (amb dades d’assentaments del País Valencià i el Baix Aragó) amb dades quantitatives aptes per a comparar. El treball s’estructura en: introducció, objectius, metodologia, context geogràfic i cronocultural de la zona a tractar, i estat de la qüestió al voltant del volum i la qualitat de les dades quantitatives disponibles, així com d’un seguit de reflexions sobre aspectes com ara el consum, la ramaderia, i la ritualitat al voltant dels animals domèstics, a partir de les propostes d’altres autors i de paral·lels significatius, a tall de capítols introductoris i de caràcter més teòric. A continuació s’analitzen els 5 contextos inèdits esmentats, per a relacionar, al capítol dedicat a la discussió dels resultats, aquells resultats obtinguts amb les dades zooarqueològiques publicades i disponibles. Per últim, el capítol de les conclusions recopila els objectius fixats i els resultats obtinguts per tal de traçar una valoració en conjunt.
The aim of this research is to carry out a zooarchaeological study of various sites dated to the Early Iron Age and Iberian period (7th-1st centuries BC), interpreting the results of the faunal analysis within the respective economic and sociopolitical contexts. The study area includes the southern and western zones of Catalonia. Both are a priori different zones in terms of population from the Bronze Age onwards, and of interaction with the Phoenician colonial world during the Early Iron Age. Both territories also experienced strong transformations during the Iberian Period, in terms of settlement patterns and relations to the nearby resources, at the same time that they were adapting to the arrival of Roman settlers and new ways of production and storage were emerging. In this context, the objective of this work is to analyse the changes and similarities/differences between the zooarchaeological record in a series of contexts. On one hand, materials from five archaeological sites have been analysed: Sant Jaume (Alcanar, Montsià), Ferradura (Alcanar, Montsià), Calvari (el Molar, Priorat), Coll del Moro (Gandesa, Terra Alta) and Missatges (Tàrrega, Urgell), with a total of 5968 bone remains (mammals, birds and fishes) and 773 remains of marine molluscs and crustaceans. On the other hand, the results of this analysis are integrated and compared with available quantitative data from other zooarchaeological studies on sites from the same geographical zone or nearby zones (including data from sites in the País Valencià and Baix Aragó). The work is structured as follows: introduction, objectives, methodology, geographic and historical background of the study area, and state of the art in zooarchaeological quantitative data (taking into account also the quality of these data), in addition to some remarks on consumption, animal husbandry and rituals associated with domestic animals, based on studies by different authors. After these introductory and theoretical chapters, the results of the five sites analysed in this research are presented. This is followed by a discussion of these results, integrating the existing published and available zooarchaeological data from other sites. The conclusions of this study are summarised in the final chapter.

Thesis (Ph.D. in Anthropology)--S.M.U.
Title from PDF title page (viewed Mar. 16, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-12, Section: A, page: . Adviser: David J. Meltzer. Includes bibliographical references.

Hunting by horticulturalists in the Southwest examines the impact of horticulture on hunting behavior and animal exploitation among late Archaic and Hohokam Indians in south-central Arizona. A model incorporating ecological and ethnographic data discusses the impact horticulturalists had on the environment and the ways in which that impact affected other aspects of subsistence, specifically hunting behavior. The model is then evaluated using a regional faunal data base from Archaic and Hohokam sites. Five major patterns supporting the model are observed: (1) a reliance on small and medium-sized mammals as sources of animal protein, (2) the use of rodents as food, (3) the differential reliance on cottontails (Sylvilagus) and jack rabbits (Lepus) at Hohokam farmsteads versus villages, (4) the relative decrease in the exploitation of cottontails versus jack rabbits as a Hohokam site was occupied through time, and (5) the recovery contexts of artiodactyl remains, which indicate their ritual and tool use as well as for food.

Studies in zoo-archaeological Neolithic contexts is the study of early animal domestication in relation to humans transitioning into a more sedentary species. Research and documentation are vital for reconstructing the mechanisms behind the threshold event. In this thesis, teeth of Suidae have been documented, analysed and compared osteologically and interpreted cross-culturally. In addition, aDNA, isotope, coat colour and physical mammal size affecting factor studies are presented to contextualise this thesis. Primary osteological methods are Mandibular Wear Stage (MWS), Linear Enamel Hypoplasia (LEH) recordings and lower jaw third molar (M3) length measurement. These methods can detect biometric domestication markers. The analysed Suidae teeth are from the Middle Neolithic site of Ajvide, Gotland, Sweden. A collection of modern wild boar act as Control sample. These teeth are compared primarily with known domestic pig teeth sample statistics from the British Late Neolithic site of Durrington Walls, Wiltshire, United Kingdom. Results indicate that the Middle Neolithic Pitted Ware culture (PWC) on Gotland hunted during winter and kept limited numbers of captive wild boars as totemic animals (pets) possibly bound to land and ancestry. However, an exact reconstruction of the PWC pig pet keeping practices are uncertain due to human-pig relationships being highly dynamic. Intensified pig hunting, not pet keeping should be considered early domestication. Domestication carries with it detectable biometric markers, which seem to be rare in the Neolithic. The cross-cultural comparisons on traditional pig ‘low-intensity husbandry’ can attest to a human-pig relationship of hunter-gatherers keeping captive wild animals. The pig was not a staple food for the PWC and thus not intensively hunted, rather pigs were rare ritualistic commodities and likely highly praised. Perpetuating this human-pig relationship could have been maintained by PWC ‘big men’ that engaged in socio-political lavish giveaways at festivities and funerals, thus ‘hogging wealth’, but never domesticated the pig.
Studier i neolitiska zoo-arkeologiska sammanhang är undersökningar av tidig domesticering av djur i förhållande till mänsklighetens övergång till en mer stillasittande art. Forskning och dokumentation är avgörande för att rekonstruera mekanismerna bakom övergången. I denna uppsats har svintänder dokumenterats, analyserats och jämförts osteologiskt och tolkats tvärkulturellt. Studier i aDNA, isotop, pälsfärg och fysiska storleksfaktorer hos däggdjur presenteras också för att kontextualisera denna uppsats. Primära osteologiska metoder är tandslitage i underkäke (MWS), linjär emaljhypoplasi (LEH) och underkäkens tredje molar (M3) mätningar. Dessa metoder kan finna biometriska domesticeringsmarkörer. De analyserade svintänderna kommer ifrån den mellanneolitiska lokalen Ajvide, Eksta socken, Gotland. En samling moderna vildsvin agerar kontrollmaterial. Dessa tänder jämförs i första hand med kända domesticerade stenåldersvin från den Brittiska senneolitiska lokalen Durrington Walls, Wiltshire, Storbritannien. Resultaten indikerar på att den mellanneolitiska gropkeramiska kulturen (GRK), jagade på Gotland under vinterhalvåret och tog tillfånga ett begränsat antal svin som husdjur (totemdjur). Troligen togs svin tillfånga av olika ’hus’ till följd av att svinet var bundet till land och förfäder. En exakt rekonstruktion av GRKs svinhållningspraktik är dock osäkert på grund av att människo-svin relationer är dynamiska. Intensifierad svinjakt, inte tillfångatagandet av enstaka djur bör betraktas som tidig domesticering. Domesticering medför speciella biometriska markörer som är ovanligare i neolitisk tid. De tvärkulturella jämförelserna i traditionell "lågintensiv svinhållning" kan intyga på ett sådant förhållande mellan jägare-samlar grupper och vildsvin. Även om svinet inte var en basföda åt GRK, och därmed inte intensivt jagade, var svinen sällsynta ritualistiska handelsvaror och troligen högt värdesatta. Gropkeramiska "stormän" kan ha varit de drivande bakom denna praktik. Dessa ”stormän” engagerade sig i sociopolitiska aktiviteter, festligheter och begravningar, och därmed hade "hamstrat välstånd", men domesticerade aldrig svinet.

The Ceramic Neolithic (SCU) period in Cyprus is unusual because of the island-wide uniformity observable in the material culture remains. It is only in the ceramic repertoire that regional variation can be detected, and this is most clearly evident in the surface decoration on the painted pottery. Regional variation is common in prehistoric societies, where external elements can act upon social and economic structures and thereby contribute to diversity. In Cyprus, where there were no external influences, factors that contributed to diversity were internally circumscribed. The predominant forces acting upon SCU Cyprus were economic. Subsistence strategies governed the ways in which early populations conducted their daily lives and interacted with others. The undertaking of seasonally related subsistence tasks would have directed the types of interaction that occurred between village groups and regions. Looking specifically at the material culture of the SCU phase, and in particular the distribution of variation in the pottery, the socio-economic processes that contributed to regional diversity are defined. Ceramic variation in SCU Cyprus is predominantly stylistic, and style can appear in many guises. Moreover, it is stylistic variation that is the extant measurable element of social interaction. This thesis argues that economic factors directed the types of social interactive processes that occurred during the SCU phase, and that this is reflected as stylistic variation in the ceramics. Measuring variety against the backdrop of economic and subsistence models aids the identification of the types of relationships which existed.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 13, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 338-387).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Kentucky, 2002.
Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 171 p. : ill. ; maps. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 158-169).

Social theorists have long argued that literacy is one of the principal causes and hallmark features of complex society. However, the relationship between literacy and social complexity remains poorly understood because the relevant data have not been assembled in a way that would allow competing hypotheses to be adjudicated. The project set out in this thesis provides a novel account of the multiple origins of literate behaviour around the globe, the principal mechanisms of its cultural transmission, and its relationship with the cultural evolution of large-group human cooperation and complex forms of socio-political organisation. A multi-method large-scale cross-cultural approach provided the data necessary to achieve these objectives. Evidence from the societies within which literate behaviour first emerged, and from a representative sample of ethnographically-attested societies worldwide (n=74), indicates that literate behaviour emerged through the routinization of rituals and pre-literate sign systems, eventually spreading more widely through classical religions. Cross-cultural evidence also suggests that literacy assumed a wide variety of forms and socio-political functions, particularly in large, complex groups, extending evolved psychological mechanisms for cooperation, which include reciprocity, reputation formation and maintenance systems, social norms and norm enforcement systems, and group identification. Finally, the results of a cross-cultural historical survey of first-generation states (n=10) reveal that simple models assuming single cause-and-effect relationships between literacy and complex forms of socio-political organisation must be rejected. Instead, literacy and first-generation state-level polities appear to have interacted in a complex positive feedback loop. This thesis contributes to the wider goal of transforming social and cultural anthropology into a cumulative and rapid-discovery science.

Après une simplification significative des méthodes de débitage durant l'Azilien, rompant progressivement avec les normes magdaléniennes, le retour au cours du Dryas récent à des productions lamino-lamellaires élaborées marque un tournant abrupt dans la tradition lithique. Bien qu'un certain flou pèse sur la chronologie des événements, les recherches menées depuis quelques années autour des industries de la transition Pléistocène-Holocène permettent de bien cerner les transformations survenues dans les modalités et les objectifs des productions lithiques. En revanche, malgré le fait que les interrogations des chercheurs soient largement orientées vers des reconstitutions d'ordre palethnographiques, les finalités fonctionnelles des outils, leur modalité d'emploi et les chaînes opératoires dans lesquelles ils sont impliqués restent des thèmes de recherche très peu abordés. C'est afin de pallier ce manque que nous avons exploré ces questions à travers l'analyse tracéologique des industries lithiques de deux sites du nord-ouest de la France issus d'opérations récentes (Le Buhot à Calleville, Eure ; La Fosse à Villiers-Charlemagne, Mayenne). L'apport de ce travail est appréciable à différentes échelles spatio-temporelles. Sur le temps court, les résultats obtenus révèlent des contrastes saisissants entre les occupations, tant au regard des activités menées par l'intermédiaire des outils que de l'économie des produits des débitages, et enrichissent le modèle de complémentarité des sites déjà proposé. Sur le temps long, le croisement des données fonctionnelles acquises ces trente dernières années entre l'Azilien et le premier Mésolithique et les autres données du registre archéologique permet de discuter des inflexions dans les systèmes techniques et les économies préhistoriques
After a significant simplification of the flint reduction methods during the Azilian period, which broke gradually with Magdalenian standards, the return to sophisticated laminar productions during younger Dryas marks a strong split in the lithic tradition. Beyond a state of uncertainty towards chronological boundaries, the research which have been conducted for thirty years gives a good understanding about changes in flint production methods and aims. Even though most research focuses on palethnographic reconstitutions, the functional purposes of the flint industry and the chaînes opératoires in which flint tools are implicated remain insufficiently studied. And yet, these questions are of prime importance to meet the expectation of the palethnographic reconstitutions that archaeologists covet. To overcome this deficiency, the functional analysis of two north-western France sites (le Buhot site at Calleville, Eure ; la Fosse site at Villiers-Charlemagne, Mayenne) attributed to the Pleistocene-Holocene transition were undertaken. The contribution of this doctoral research can be appreciated at different spatio-temporal scales. In the short-term, the results raise striking contrasts between sites, as much in regard to the activities performed as to the debitage products economy, and improve the current model of settlement patterns. In the long-term, the interplay of techno-functional results and other archaeological data gives food for thought about changes in the technical systems and prehistoric economies

Les âges du Bronze final et du premier Fer constituent, pour la Champagne, une phase d'expansion des installations humaines. C'est également au Bronze final que se généralise, à l'échelle européenne, l'adoption de nouvelles plantes cultivées, les millets, l'épeautre, l'ers, la féverole et la caméline. L'étude carpologique de 21 sites localisés dans la Plaine de Troyes, le Pays remois et la Bassée, livre des informations sur l'agriculture qui accompagne cette expansion, et sur la façon dont elle intègre les changements observés à l'échelle européenne. Dès le début du Bronze final, une agriculture diversifiée est en place. Elle inclue les nouvelles plantes, qui prennent une part importante aux productions régionales basées sur l'orge vêtue, le millet commun, et les blés vêtus, dont l'épeautre et le "new" glume wheat, blé jusqu'alors inconnu en France. La lentille, l'ers et la caméline jouent un rôle notable, complémentaire à celui des céréales. L'agriculture est stable pendant les 9 siècles étudiés. Les parcelles sont cultivées de manière permanente et plutôt intensive, sans baisse de la fertilité des sols. Une expansion des espaces pâturés est probable au cours du premier âge du Fer, peut-être sous forme de jachères. Les systèmes de culture semblent capables de répondre aux besoins de subsistance et de se perpétuer. Des pratiques sociales de repas collectifs sont attestées. Les différences qui existent entre les productions végétales, selon les secteurs géographiques, peuvent être liées aux contraintes du milieu, ou à certaines affinités culturelles.

Abstract This study is a re-analysis of the material from the wetland settlement of Sārnate, excavated between 1938 and 1959 by Eduards Šturms and Lūcija Vankina. The site, dated to the Neolithic of the East Baltic, is located on a former lakeshore in the littoral belt of the Kurzeme Peninsula, western Latvia. First, the many separate dwelling assemblages of material were arranged into three major groups on the basis of their pottery: dwellings with Comb Ware (undated), dwellings with Early Sārnate Ware (c. 4365–3780 kal ekr.) and dwellings with Late Sārnate Ware (c. 3630–2850 kal ekr.). The Comb Ware from Sārnate represents a heterogeneous and poorly-preserved corpus. Early and Late Sārnate Ware are seen as belonging to a tradition of shell-tempered, low-fired vessels that served mainly as cooking pots. Ceramic bowls, represented in Late Sārnate Ware, are interpreted as fat-burning lamps. The dwellings with Early and Late Sārnate Ware have produced a range of net fishing gear, as well as components of eel clamps and fish-screens. The houses of the Early and Late Sārnate Ware groups were quite substantial post-built structures, but not true pile dwellings. The hearths consisted of a bed of sand, with a substructure of timber and bark. Experimental work suggests that food was cooked by standing the pointed base of the pot in the sand of the hearth and building up the fire around it. Spatial analysis of the structural remains and artefact distributions in the best-preserved dwellings with Late Sārnate Ware, aligned with their long axes perpendicular to the former shoreline, revealed the concentration at one end of the hearth of tools and refuse connected with activities relating mainly to food processing, i.e. a ‘kitchen area’. For the Early and Late Sārnate phases, we can reconstruct the basic settlement-subsistence pattern, characterised by utilisation of a diverse range of subsistence resources, mainly those of the eutrophic lagoonal lakes, and a semi-sedentary or sedentary pattern of life, with a permanent occupation at Sārnate. A similar mode of subsistence and settlement was probably practiced at other lagoonal lakes along the East Baltic coast
Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan uudelleen Eduard Sturmsin ja Lucija Vankinan vuosina 1938–1959 kaivaman Sarnaten suoasuinpaikan materiaali. Itä-Baltian neolitikumiin ajoittuva asuinpaikka sijaitsee muinaisen järven rannalla Kurzemen niemen rantavyöhykkeellä Latvian länsiosassa. Useista erillisistä asumuksista kerätty materiaali järjestettiin kolmeen pääryhmään niissä esiintyvän keramiikan perusteella: asumukset joissa esiintyi kampakeramiikkaa (ajoittamatonta), asumukset joissa oli varhaista Sarnaten keramiikkaa (n. 4365 –3780 kal ekr.) ja asumukset joissa oli myöhäistä Sarnaten keramiikkaa (n. 3630 –2850 kal ekr.). Sarnaten kampakeramiikka on heterogeenistä ja huonosti säilynyttä. Varhaisen ja myöhäisen Sarnaten keramiikan arvioidaan kuuluvan simpukankuorisekoitteisten, matalapolttoisten astioiden traditioon. Näitä astioita käytettiin etupäässä keittoastioina. Myöhäisen Sarnate-keramiikan keramiikkakulhot on tulkittu rasvaa polttaviksi lampuiksi. Varhaisen ja myöhäisen Sarnate-keramiikan asuinpaikoilta on löydetty kalastusverkkoja sekä ankeriaankalastusvälineen ja liistekatiskan osia. Varhaisen ja myöhäisen Sarnate-keramiikan piiriin kuuluvat talot olivat melko kookkaita paaluille pystytettyjä rakennelmia, mutta eivät varsinaisia paaluasumuksia. Liedet muodostuivat hiekkakerroksesta, jossa oli puusta ja kaarnasta tehty rakennelma. Kokeiden perusteella arvellaan, että ruoka valmistettiin asettamalla astian terävä pohja lieden hiekka-alustalle ja polttamalla tulta astian ympärillä. Parhaiten säilyneiden myöhäistä Sarnate-keramiikkaa edustavien, pitkä akseli kohtisuorassa muinaiseen rantaviivaan nähden olevien asumusten rakenteiden ja esineiden spatiaalinen analyysi paljasti etupäässä ruuan valmistamiseen liittyviin toimintoihin yhdistettävien työkalujen ja jätteiden keskittyvän lieden toiseen päähän, toisin sanoen ”keittiöön ”. Varhaiselle ja myöhäiselle Sarnate-vaiheelle voidaan rekonstruoida asutus- ja elinkeinomalli, jolle on ominaista erilaisten, pääasiassa eutrofisten laguunien, toimeentuloresurssien hyväksikäyttö sekä puolipysyvä tai pysyvä elintapa Sarnaten ollessa jatkuvasti asutettu. Samankaltaisia elinkeinoja ja asutusta harjoitettiin todennäköisesti muillakin laguuneilla Itä-Baltian rannikolla
Kopsavilkums Darbā no jauna izanalizēts materiāls, kas iegūts starp 1938. un 1959. gadu Eduarda Šturma un Lūcijas Vankinas vadītajos izrakumos Sārnates mitrzemes apmetnē. Apmetne attiecināma uz Austrumbaltijas neolīta laiku. Tā atrodas Rietumlatvijā, Kurzemes pussalas piejūras joslā, senezera krastā. Kolekciju veido materiāls no daudzām atseviškuras vispirms apvienotas trijās galvenajās grupās, vadoties pēc keramikas rakstura: mītnes ar ķemmes un bedrīšu keramiku (nav datētas), mītnes ar agro Sārnates tipa keramiku (ap 4365–3780 kal. g. pr. Kr.) un mītnes ar vēlo Sārnates tipa keramiku (ap 3630–2850 kal. g. pr. Kr.). Sārnates apmetnē iegūtā ķemmes un bedrīšu keramika ir neviendabīga, turklāt slikti saglabājusies. Savukārt agrā un vēlā Sārnates tipa keramika pieskaitāma keramikas tradīcijai, kuras raksturīgās iezīmes ir māla masas liesināšana ar gliemežvākiem un apdedzināšana zemā temperatūrā. Māla trauki izmantoti galvenokārt vārīšanai. Māla bļodiņas, kas pārstāvētas vēlajā Sārnates tipa keramikā, uzskatāmas par tauku lampiņām. Mītnēs ar agro un vēlo Sārnates tipa keramiku iegūti dažāda veida zvejas tīklu piederumi, kā arī zušu žebērkļu un zvejas aizsprostu sastāvdaļas. Agrās un vēlās Sārnates tipa keramikas darinātāji cēluši samērā fundamentālas konstrukcijas stabu celtnes. Nav pamata tās uzskatīt par pāļu būvēm. Mītnēm raksturīgi smilšu pavardi, kuru pamatā ir koku un mizu konstrukcija. Pēc arheoloģisko eksperimentu rezultātiem secināts, ka vārāmo trauku nedaudz iedziļināja pavarda smiltīs un uguni kūra ap to. Pievēršot uzmanību mītnēm ar vislabāk saglabājušos materiālu, kas orientētas ar garenasi perpendikulāri senajai krasta līnijai, analizēta konstruktīvo palieku un senlietu planigrāfija. Šīm mītnēm vienā pavarda galā konstatēta galvenokārt ar pārtikas gatavošanu saistītu rīku un atkritumu koncentrācija (t.s. virtuves zona). No mītnēm ar agro un vēlo Sārnates keramiku iegūtais materiāls ļauj pamatvilcienos rekonstruēt iedzīvotāju saimniecību. Izmantota daudzveidīga pārtikas resursu bāze, bet īpaši nozīmīgi bijuši resursi, kas iegūstami no eitrofajiem lagūnu ezeriem. Sārnates apmetne bijusi apdzīvota cauru gadu, tās iedzīvotāji piekopuši daļēju vai pilnīgu vietsēdību. Līdzīgs dzīvesveids, domājams, bijis lagūnu ezeru krastos mītošām kopienām arī citviet Austrumbaltijas piekrastes joslā

Placed deposits have received increasing attention over the past 30 years, particularly in prehistoric British archaeology. Although disagreement still exists over the definition, identification, and interpretation of placed deposits, significant advances have been made in theoretical and methodological approaches to placed deposits, as researchers have gradually moved away from relatively crude ‘ritual’ interpretations toward more nuanced considerations of how placed deposits may have related to daily lives, social networks, and settlement structure, as well as worldview. With the exception of comments on specific deposits and a recent preliminary survey, however, Anglo-Saxon placed deposits have remained largely unstudied. This thesis represents the first systematic attempt to identify, characterize, analyse and interpret placed deposits in early to middle Anglo-Saxon settlements (5th–9th centuries). It begins by disentangling the various definitions of ‘placed’, ‘structured’, and ‘special’ deposits and their associated assumptions. Using formation process theory as a basis, it develops a definition of placed deposits as material that has been specially selected, treated, and/or arranged, in contrast with material from similar or surrounding contexts. This definition was applied to develop contextually specific criteria for identifying placed deposits in Anglo-Saxon settlements. Examination of 141 settlements identified a total of 151 placed deposits from 67 settlements. These placed deposits were characterized and analysed for patterns in terms of material composition, context type, location within the settlement, and timing of deposition relative to the use-life of their contexts. Broader geographical and chronological trends have also been considered. In discussing these patterns, anthropological theories of action, agency, practice, and ritualization have been employed in order to begin to understand the roles placed deposits may have had in structuring space and time and expressing social identities in Anglo-Saxon settlements, and to consider how placed deposition may have articulated with Anglo-Saxon worldview and belief systems.

Pour l’extrême ouest eurasiatique, le problème demeure de savoir selon quelles modalités anthropologiques Neandertal et l’Homme d’Anatomie Moderne (HAM) se sont succédés, lors d’une sous-époque artificiellement qualifiée de « Transition ». Une solution pourrait selon nous venir d’une approche globale du système techno-économique nomade, là où l’approche technologique des industries lithiques, mise en oeuvre de façon privilégiée jusqu’à aujourd’hui, a montré ses limites. Notre thèse applique cette échelle systémique aux industries lithiques châtelperroniennes,depuis le nord de la France jusque dans la corniche vasco-cantabrique. Le Châtelperronien est pa railleurs une culture emblématique du problème évoqué. Nous avons placé la tracéologie lithiqueainsi que l’expérimentation au coeur de notre méthodologie analytique, afin de cerner à la fois les stratégies industrielles et les activités outillées des communautés châtelperroniennes. Tandis que nous nous sommes basé sur des modèles théoriques explicites pour appréhender plus généralement leur système de fonctionnement économique relativement à leur mode de nomadisme. Nous avons également utilisé la tracéologie afin d’éclaircir la problématique taphonomique spécifique au Châtelperronien.Nos observations sur l’état de surface des collections nous pousse finalement à suggérer que la dichotomie entre «sites à indices de passage » et « sites à dépôt archéologique » ne serait pas le résultat taphonomique d’évènements climatiques induisant une érosion à géométrie variable(i.e. intersites et/ou intrasites), comme nos prédécesseurs concevaient habituellement cette problématique spécifique. Au contraire, elles témoigneraient bien d’un mode d’occupation très contrasté du territoire. L’analyse fonctionnelle des industries, de son côté, abonde également dans ce sens en révélant que les stratégies industrielles reflètent une double partition, à la fois humaine et économique.En effet, d’une part, le « support de Châtelperron » équipe notamment des individus missionnés sur des sites logistiques tels que des haltes de chasse, afin qu’ils fabriquent et utilisent tour à tour des armatures de sagaie ou des couteaux de boucherie. D’autre part, d’autres haltes logistiques sont conçues comme la conjonction entre le renouvellement de l’industrie lithique et la réalisation d’activités spécialisées à caractère vivrier (boucherie) et artisanal (peausserie, et très probablement industrie osseuse). Quant aux campements résidentiels, manifestement très rares et alors sous abris rocheux, ils accueillent l’ensemble du groupe et sont le lieu où sont mis en oeuvre l’ensemble des industries lithique et osseuse, ainsi que la parure, reflétant le panel probablement complet des activités de ces communautés.En somme, il ressort une spécialisation des outils au Châtelperronien, et plus généralement une spécialisation cynégétique du système technique lithique, couplées à un mode logistique de nomadisme sur de vastes territoires. Ceci pourrait refléter une segmentation du groupe par spécialistes, et notamment une partition sociologique dans laquelle la figure du chasseur occupe une place majeure.Enfin, la confrontation de notre modèle châtelperronien spécifique avec les principales cultures de la Transition sur notre aire géographique fait ressortir une définition restrictive du Paléolithique supérieur. En effet, la spécialisation cynégétique du système technique lithique et, corrélativement,celle du statut de chasseur parmi les membres du groupe, représentent selon nous deux traits singularisant les communautés du Paléolithique supérieur
At the far west of Eurasia, questions persist regarding what factors led anatomically modernhuman groups to succeed Neanderthals during the so called “Middle to Upper PaleolithicTransition.” Technological approaches to lithic analysis, which have until recently been the principal mean used to investigate these questions, have now shown their limitations. Instead, we suggest amore global approach, which examines both techno-economic and settlement systems.Here, we apply this mode of analysis to the Châtelperronian industry, which is found from northernFrance to the Vasco-Cantabrian region of northern Spain and is emblematic of the above-mentionedproblems. Methodologically, we approach this lithic industry by way of use wear analysis andexperimental archaeology. Our aim is to understand both overarching industry strategies and theways in which specific tools were used. We use theoretical models to investigate the relationshipbetween Châtelperronian functional economy and their mode of nomadism, and use traceology to clarify taphonomic problems specific to the Châtelperronian.We observed, using different levels of magnification, that the natural texture of most lithic artifacts appears to be surprisingly well preserved. This leads us to the conclusion that contrary to previous understandings, the perceived dichotomy between “sites à indices de passage” (i.e. coarse grained assemblages) and “sites à dépôt archéologique” (i.e. fine grained assemblages), cannot be the resultof climatic events resulting in different degrees of intersite and/or intrasite erosion. Instead, we suggest that this be the result of different pattern of movement of Châtelperronian groups. Additionally,the results of our use wear analysis suggest that Châtelperronian industrial strategies were the resultof a division in both human and economic terms.We hypothesize that individuals carried lithic blanks to logistical sites (e.g. hunting camps), manufactured so called “Châtelperronian points”, and used these tools as both projectile points and knives for butchery. This type of specialized activity hints at segmentation within a given group. Different type of logistical sites can be associated with different combinations of activities performed at them including the rejuvenation of lithic tools (i.e. flint knapping), the production of food (i.e.butchery), and other craft activities (i.e. hide working and the production of bone and antler tools).In contrast, residential sites were likely home to entire groups. These are rare in the archaeological record, and are always associated with rock shelters. These sites contain lithic and bone tools, as well as personal ornaments, which were manufactured on site. These residential sites can be considered good representations of the Châtelperronian industry as a whole, and likely reflect nearly the entire range of daily activities performed.In sum, Châtelperronian tools were specialized elements of a lithic industry focused on hunting within a system of logistical mobility spanning vast territories. This could reflect a social division of Châtelperronian groups into specialists, with the role of the hunter occupying a primary position. Finally, a comparison of our model of the Châtelperronian to that of other “transitional” cultures of western Eurasia leads us to propose a more restrictive definition of the Upper Paleolithic. We posit that hunting specialization, both in terms of lithic technology and the status of the hunter relativeto other members of the group, represent the only traits which set apart Upper Paleolithic societies
En el caso del extremo occidental de Eurasia, la cuestión reside en establecer los factores antropológicos que llevaron a la sucesión Neanderthal-“Humanos Anatómicamente Modernos”durante la transición entre el Paleolítico Medio y el Superior. Estimamos que una vía de acercamiento puede derivar de un análisis más global del sistema tecnoeconómico nómada, alejándose deuna perspectiva tecnológica sobre la industria lítica demasiado restringida.Nuestra perspectiva se ha aplicado al estudio de una cultura característica del periodo, el Chatelperroniense,introduciendo un énfasis particular en el análisis funcional de los utillajes líticos y en elestudio de los patrones territoriales de los asentamientos. Para abordar los patrones territoriales,hemos recurrido a modelos teóricos explícitos que los relacionan con sistemas económicos específicos.En el caso del análisis funcional, hemos situado la observación de las huellas de uso y unimportante referencial experimental como núcleo de la metodología desarrollada. En este caso el objetivo es doble ya que se trata de reconocer las estrategias técnicas aplicadas a los propios utillajesde piedra y de reconocer también estas estrategias en los procesos técnicos en los que estos utillajeshan participado. El estudio traceológico ha servido asimismo para abordar cuestiones tafonómicasrelativas a la conservación de los yacimientos estudiados gracias a la lectura de las alteraciones sufridas por las superficies de los utillajes de piedra. Estas evidencias sugieren una conservación inesperadamente buena de los contextos arqueológicos. Ello viene a demostrar que las diferencias entre tipos de yacimientos que se habían observado –que se atribuían a alteraciones tafonómicas diferenciales- son en realidad el resultado de comportamientos y modos de ocupación diferentes ybien contrastados en cada uno de ellos.Por otra parte, los resultados generales del análisis funcional redundan en esta percepción, la deuna partición doble –humana y económica- en el seno de las estrategias técnicas. Nuestros resultadossugieren que existe una primera estrategia que implica una circulación en el territorio depuntas-cuchillos de chatelperron, probablemente transportados por individuos que se desplazana ocupaciones especializadas, como los campamentos de caza; estos instrumentos se utilizarían como cuchillos de carnicería y también como parte de elementos de proyectil. Algunas de estas ocupaciones especializadas reunirían un conjunto algo más complejo de funciones incluyendo larenovación del utillaje lítico agotado y algunos trabajos especializados relacionados con la subsistencia–carnicería- o actividades de elaboración de algunos productos (en piel y materias óseas). Los campamentos residenciales son muy escasos, casi siempre en abrigos y cuevas, y en ellos se llevarían a cabo el conjunto de tareas necesarias para estas comunidades y, en este sentido, puedenconsiderarse representativas de los comportamientos generales durante el periodo.En conjunto, se aprecia una especialización del utillaje durante el Chatelperroniense, muy orientada hacia las actividades cazadores en el marco de un sistema territorial que implica una gran movilidad logística. Ello podría reflejar una segmentación social interna de las comunidades con la apariciónde especialistas entre los que jugaría un papel importante la figura del cazador.Como conclusión, la comparación del modelo que emerge acerca de los comportamientos chatelperronienses con los propios de otras culturas de este periodo de transición en torno al 40.000nos lleva a proponer una definición más restrictiva para caracterizar al conjunto del Paleolítico Superior.En este sentido, planteamos que la especialización cazadora, tanto en lo que afecta al sistema técnico lítico como al estatus del cazador respecto a los otros miembros del grupo, representa el rasgo diferencial esencial que define a las comunidades humanas del Paleolítico superior

Cette étude analyse ce que fut la vie des sociétés insulaires égéennes au moment de l'hégémonie romaine et tente d'interpréter le rôle historique des Cyclades au sein de l'Empire romain (Ier s. av. J.-C.-IIIe s. ap. J.-C.). L'examen des transformations politiques, économiques et sociales des cités insulaires permet entre autres de déterminer si les nouvelles conditions instaurées en Égée par le pouvoir impérial romain ont créé une rupture dans leur fonctionnement - notamment par rapport à la basse époque hellénistique - ou si les données insulaires sont restées les mêmes, s'inscrivant dans une continuité reconnaissable par l'historien et dans la " longue durée". Le déclin des îles dont parlent toutes les sources littéraires, tout comme la " renaissance" présumée du Ile s. ap. J.-C., sont ici analysés et nuancés.L'un des enjeux est d'évaluer si l'insularité a été un facteur déterminant dans l'histoire des Cyclades impériales et a créé des modèles sociaux et économiques différents; ou au contraire, si l'Archipel a été totalement intégré, au même titre que les autres régions et provinces, dans le vaste Empire romain, dont on s'attache généralement à souligner la volonté unificatrice. Cette thèse d'histoire spatialement localisée montre toute la pertinence et toute la richesse d'une étude régionale pour le monde grec antique. Le matériel épigraphique et archéologique permet d'appréhender dans sa globalité une société méditerranéenne, pendant plus de trois siècles, et de modéliser un fonctionnement régional (ou micro-régional) à l'intérieur d'un vaste empire, dans un contexte historique et politique précis.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d'envisager la piraterie ancienne dans la longue durée, à la lumière des recherches menées par N. Purcell et P. Horden sur la Méditerranée antique. Elle s’appuie en premier lieu sur une étude des mots grecs et latins liés à la piraterie et de ses représentations dans les sources écrites anciennes. Ce travail est complété par une relecture de l’historiographie moderne qu’il est aussi nécessaire d’analyser dans son contexte historique afin d’écarter toutes les images afférant à notre notion. Alors qu'elle a été jusqu'à présent abordée dans un cadre événementiel, on entend mettre l'accent sur les structures du raid antique, en s'inscrivant dans le long terme. Ainsi, les pirates n'apparaissent plus seulement comme la face négative du commerce maritime, mais comme des agents d'échanges et de production de richesse. L’étude approfondie de deux régions de la Méditerranée (Cilicie, mer des Baléares) permet enfin de mettre en évidence les structures micro-locales et les dynamiques économiques, sociales, territoriales, géopolitiques qui ont permis et entretenu l’activité de prédation. Au terme de cette étude, nous proposons d’analyser la piraterie dans toute sa diversité grâce à une typologie nouvelle : le pirate imaginé, le pirate commerçant et le pirate opportuniste
The purpose of this doctoral work is to consider ancient piracy over a long period of time, in the new light of the research recently carried out by N. Purcell and P. Horden on the ancient Mediterranean. This dissertation begins with a study of the Greek and Latin words related to piracy, and of the representation of the latter in ancient written sources. This work is completed by a new reading of the modern historiography, which needs to be examined in the light of its own historical context in order to dismiss the images commonly related to the notion of piracy. While piracy has so far been studied from a factual angle, this dissertation aims at focusing on the structures of ancient raid through a long-term perspective. This shift in perspective enables to consider pirates not simply as a negative side of maritime trade, but more deeply as agents of trade and as agents in the production of wealth. Through the in-depth study of two regions of the Mediterranean (Cilicia and the Balearic Sea), I wish to highlight the micro-local structures and the economic, social, territorial and geopolitical trends that enabled and sustained piracy. By the end of this study I wish to analyze piracy in all its diversity thanks to a new classification: the imagined pirate, the trading pirate and the opportunistic pirate

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'envisager la piraterie ancienne dans la longue durée, à la lumière des recherches menées par N. Purcell et P. Horden sur la Méditerranée antique. Elle s'appuie en premier lieu sur une étude des mots grecs et latins liés à la piraterie et de ses représentations dans les sources écrites anciennes. Ce travail est complété par une relecture de l'historiographie moderne qu'il est aussi nécessaire d'analyser dans son contexte historique afin d'écarter toutes les images afférant à notre notion. Alors qu'elle a été jusqu'à présent abordée dans un cadre événementiel, on entend mettre l'accent sur les structures du raid antique, en s'inscrivant dans le long terme. Ainsi, les pirates n'apparaissent plus seulement comme la face négative du commerce maritime, mais comme des agents d'échanges et de production de richesse. L'étude approfondie de deux régions de la Méditerranée (Cilicie, mer des Baléares) permet enfin de mettre en évidence les structures micro-locales et les dynamiques économiques, sociales, territoriales, géopolitiques qui ont permis et entretenu l'activité de prédation. Au terme de cette étude, nous proposons d'analyser la piraterie dans toute sa diversité grâce à une typologie nouvelle : le pirate imaginé, le pirate commerçant et le pirate opportuniste.

This thesis considers the association between western Melanesian ethnographic economic specialisation and prehistoric systems of production and distribution. Contrasting theories for the development of historical specialisation are reviewed and the criticism made that these are chronologically limited to the late Holocene. The statement is made that to fully appreciate temporal change we must expand our view to encompass the preceramic period. Obsidian is one of the few archaeologically visible materials which was distributed in both preceramic and ceramic times. This material is chosen as a “measuring device” to map variation in production and distribution patterns in the Admiralty Islands, Papua New Guinea. A review of ethnographic and anthropological literature revealed that the Admiralty Islands were characterised by a high level of village or lineagebased economic specialisation. Obsidian was one of the materials produced and distributed within this system. A study was carried out on obsidian use at Pamwak Rocksheiter on Manus Island, and at a number of mid to late Holocene localities on Manus and Mouk. Characterisation analysis revealed that offshore obsidian, probably from the Pam Islands, began to be utilised in the terminal Pleistocene. Trends of increasing accessibility through time and a move to incorporate increasing quantities of Lou obsidian were revealed. A significant discovery is the possibility of a major increase in the use of Lou obsidian coincident with the appearance of Lapita. Retouched obsidian blades and microblades were found to be present in only post- Lapita contexts. Chronological change in blade production strategies was revealed on Lou. This involved the development of highly standardised triangular forms by approximately 1600-1300 BP, followed by a simplification of technology as reflected in the appearance of minimally modified tanged forms. This occurred within the last 1000 years and is interpreted as showing increased demand for weapon points. This demonstrates a move toward the form of spearpoint production recorded by nineteenth century ethnographers. The conclusion drawn is that none of the models yet advanced for the devlopment of economic specialisation in Melanesia is adequate for interpreting change in production and distribution in the Admiralty Islands. The roots of economic specialisation may lie further back in time than catered for by existing models.

This dissertation considered trade and trade finance in Mesopotamia over a period of 2000 years commencing with Sumeria and ending with Achaemenid Persia, taking in Ur III and Assyria. A range of financial instruments was selected together with important business transactions, for instance, agricultural finance, specifically the brewing industry and the working capital requirements of merchants and money lenders. The role of women in private enterprise was examined, including their role in retail finance. The great estates of temple and palace had a substantial impact on finance and trade throughout the periods. Their interaction with merchants and money lenders was important to the study. I used reductionism to facilitate analysis of complex products highlighting the essentials of finance namely, borrowing, lending and return. The study concludes that, during the era under consideration, the evolution and enhancement of the financial instruments and products developed in self-generated, incremental and progressive steps.
Biblical & Ancient Studies
M.A. (Ancient Near East Studies)

This thesis explores possible evidence of intensified production in the prehistory of Manus Province (Admiralty Islands), Papua New Guinea. This research aim draws on broader archaeological assumptions that changes in past subsistence are traceable through durable modifications of the landscape and often signal attempts to intensify production. To address this issue two examples of walled complexes, both constructed for subsistence production, are compared. On the small volcanic island of Baluan, walled garden enclosures cover the landscape while in the other, inhabitants of Andra constructed a nearly continuous barrier of walled fish traps along the reef edge. Three approaches were used to address these issues. The first is descriptive in that it documents through ethnographic interviews and field observations the physical structure, function and customary use of both walled complexes. Particular attention is given factors influencing yields, labor requirements and the consequences of capital investments, all considered significant in measuring intensified production. For Baluan, agricultural procedures and cycles are reconstructed as are the island's once pronounced and diverse assemblages of fruit and nut trees. For Andra, the walled trap complexes were one of 28 fishing methods known to be used by a specialized fishing community to exploit highly differentiated reef environments and their diverse fish populations. While the function of the walled traps are examined in detail, all 28 methods are also described. The second approach attempts to isolate and deduce phases of chronological and spatial development in these complexes, focusing primarily on their establishment, expansion and the possible intensification of their structural capacities. On Baluan analyses examine a sample of 736 walled enclosures while, for Andra, the sample included 221 walled fish traps visible on aerial photographs and 47 mapped examples. The third approach emphasizes the environmental and social context of these developments as they can provide the impetus for production increases or present limitation to these efforts. Several common elements emerged from comparisons between these two, almost contrasting, walled complexes. Customary use and the structural histories of the complexes suggest that competition over the allocation of resources was of greater significance in their development than attempts to increase production. Underscored is the value, in similar circumstances, of considering the organizational aspects of production in explaining these developments instead of focusing solely or primarily on issues of production increases or labor requirements. In both cases, pressures on production were expressed most strongly at the level of the household, a trend reflected in the replication of individual forms that constitute the complexes. Although neither complex appears to strongly and directly express the process of intensification, evidence suggests that both were components in a larger trend in which production as a whole was intensifying and becoming more concentrated. These results serve as reminders that the most archaeologically visible components of subsistence may not represent production prominence or precisely mark significant phases of intensification.

This study examines the inter- and intra-site assemblage variability of lithics excavated from six late prehistoric sites in leeward West Moloka’i, Hawaii. Both religious and domestic sites are represented including fishing shrines (ko’a) and a high-status house site. A comprehensive technological approach was employed integrating usewear, typology and individual flake attribute analysis to identify production and consumption behaviours. Expedient tool manufacture and use was identified at most sites including the use of amorphous cores for flake tool production. Of particular significance was the identification of late stage, small-scale adze manufacture within an attached shrine enclosure of a high status house site. The proximity of the debitage to the religious feature is evidence of ritual production. Small-scale adze production in such settings may have enabled individuals and/or households to gain status and wealth through ritual performance and the production of prestige goods. This has implications for the study of the organisation of adze production and craft specialisation and suggests that ritual production is not necessarily an indicator of chiefly control.