Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Power union'
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Palm, Johanna. "There is power in a union : Trade union organization, union membership and union activity in Sweden." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-145563.
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This thesis investigates what factors affect union organization and, to some degree, union activity in the face of declining union density in the majority of Western countries. Union structures have been changing in recent decades, not only in terms of declining membership but also because women and white-collar workers are becoming a more stable part of the membership base, whereas previously highly organized groups, such as blue-collar workers, are in decline. The point of departure for this thesis is that union density changes must be understood on several different levels. Thus, we must investigate changing union density in light of changing institutional settings, changing labour market structures and changing norms and values on the individual level. The thesis consists of three empirical studies investigating union density changes and union activity in Sweden, and an introductory chapter that develops the theoretical and empirical (historical) background. The empirical studies investigate: (1) whether and how the influence of various aspects of class and ideology on union organization have changed over time, (2) the effect of structural change on union density increase and decline, and(3) what factors influence different attitudes towards industrial action among Swedish employees. Results show that union density decline in Sweden since the mid-1990s cannot be explained by any forceful shifts in the labour market structure or individuals’ opinions and/or attitudes related to trade unions to any significant degree. Union density decline in Sweden is of a general nature. However, an increasing divergence in union density across various categories of employees, including, e.g., private-sector vs. public-sector employees, young vs. older employees, employees of foreign origin vs. employees of Swedish origin, and the atypically employed vs. employees with standardized employment, is observed. Moreover, previously strong predictors of union membership, including class identity, ideology, sector of employment and type of employment contract, are in decline, but they still influence union organization and attitudes towards industrial action.At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Submitted. Paper 3: Submitted.
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Patton, Sarah Jayne Cormack. "The European Union as a normative power." Thesis, Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28106.
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Gartside, Richard John. "Strength in numbers : the impact of trade union mergers on trade union power." Thesis, Open University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287007.
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McMullen, Mary Katherine. "Wrestling power George Herbert's struggle for spiritual union /." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2008. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.
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Lamarche, Teague. "Nonviolence and Power in The Ottawa Panhandlers' Union." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28551.
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The Ottawa Panhandlers' Union's use of nonviolent action provides a useful case to examine the relationship between nonviolence, power and truth. Dahl, La Boetie and Foucault's theories of power provide different perspectives from which to analyze the use of nonviolence by the OPU. Dahl and La Boetie's theories of power as capacity and consent respectively focus on the OPU's ability to force others to take particular actions, and choice in compliance in scenarios imposed by others. Alternately, Foucault's theory of power allows an examination of the union members' positions within power relations, and how tacit social understandings construct their knowledge of themselves and others. When the OPU's use of nonviolence is seen in this light, addressing positions within power relations, and identifying the tacit social understandings that construct them, become important elements in understanding nonviolent action.
Keywords: Nonviolence, Power, Foucault, Truth, Panhandlers
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Blank, Sharon Lesley. "Trade union power in the 1990s : a case study." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14619/.
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The Conservative governments of 1979-1997 were determined to reduce what they saw as "excessive union power". A succession of Employment and Trade Union Acts designed to undermine collective organisation and therefore trade union power were passed. The common perception tends to be that trade union power has been severely curtailed; however, some researchers suggest that very little has changed on the shopfloor. The main aim of the research was to ascertain what trade union members thought about the power of their trade unions. The focus of the study was on the local and workplace union organisations of the ABEU and UNISON. The research involved a case study approach. Data was obtained through the use of observation, interviews, questionnaires and the analysis of documentary evidence. It is concluded that trade union power is still a reality in the 199Os, though that power may be looked upon differently depending whether the focus is on unions at a national level or within the workplace. National unions may have changed but workplace organisations appear to remain much the same as they always have; some workplace organisations are effective and others do not appear to be as successful at achieving their aims. The success of workplace trade unionism is dependent upon the personalities and styles of working of the lay representatives. The legislation appears to have had little effect on independent workplace union organisations, though claims that the legislation had reduced trade union power appear to have been taken at face value, even by union members. As long as effective lay representatives are forthcoming there is no reason why unions at workplace level should not continue protecting their members' interests well into the 21st century.
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Prokhorov, Sergiy, and Marta-Maria Denshchykova. "Efficient Normative Power? EU's activity in Africa." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-2558.
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This study examines the European Union normative power in Sub-Saharan African countries. It is based upon theoretical researches on normative power and official publications about EU’s normative power in Africa. The aim of the thesis is to analyse the EU’s role in Africa as normative power. The following questions are posed: What are the reasons of exercising normative power by the EU in Africa? What are the main areas the EU acts as normative power in African continent? And what are the results of EU normative power activity in Africa? The theoretical approach assumes that the EU is no longer a normative power. But, nevertheless, it can exercise normative power. The study is conducted with a qualitative method research. The results show that the EU as a normative power pursues egoistic motives in Africa. But its normative power becomes limited by some factors: growing economic development of Africa, growing EU military power. This confirms the theory.Hope, You agree to use the thesis only for lawful purposes, and in a way that does not infringe the rights of, restrict or inhibit anyone else's use and enjoyment of the thesis. Remember you should ask authors' permission to use the thesis.
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Kenealy, Daniel Peter. "Protected and confederated : power politics and the forging of European Union." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8182.
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This thesis explores the origins and evolution of European integration through the lens of classical realism. Classical realism, as an approach to International Relations, has had little to say about one of the most fascinating and politically important developments in the post-war international system, namely the effort by Western European states to integrate economically from the 1950s onwards. Grounded in classical realism’s ontology of power and the desire by states to secure autonomy and exert influence in the international system the thesis argues that a combination of military power, economic power, and power over opinion can explain the main contours and dynamics of integration. At the core of the argument is the idea of ‘Three Europe’s’ – Protected Europe, Confederated Europe, and a Europe of States – which have coexisted in a stable equilibrium for most of the post-war era. Protected Europe is grounded in both the military power and capacity of the United States and the national interest of the United States, remarkably static from 1945 onwards, to play a hegemonic role within the European military and security sphere. It was Protected Europe that created the military security and stability necessary for Western European states to pursue economic integration. It altered the guns versus butter trade-off and permitted Western European states to invest more in their welfare states. Most importantly if resolved the security dilemma that had existed between the most powerful states on the continent, France and Germany, and created a context in which their interaction shifted to one of intensive cooperation. The product was Confederated Europe. The logic at the core of Confederal Europe was a desire by France to bind Germany, and consent by the Germans to be bound. This was done for a variety of reasons. Internally the concern was to exert as much control over Germany as possible and Germany’s long-term national interest – to secure normalisation, independence, and reunification – complemented this urge. Externally the concern was to secure autonomy in the global economic system and to project power and influence within that system. But the components of the confederation remained distinct nation states and thus a Europe of States existed in an often uneasy tension with Confederal Europe. The fault line between a supranational economic structure and a political structure still tied to the states created intermittent tensions and political earthquakes that have punctuated the history of post-war Europe. However, throughout the period the European masses formed a permissive consensus vis-à-vis integration and, given the rather limited and technical nature of the confederation, this minimised the inherent tension between Confederal Europe and the Europe of States. All three Europe’s are, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, in a state of flux. The decline in the relative power of the United States, and the rise of new challenges in the Asia-Pacific, has triggered a strategic pivot away from Europe and a weakening of the commitment to Protected Europe. How Europe will manage this shift remains unclear but a more prominent European leadership role in NATO or a rejuvenated and more focused European security and defence policy seem necessary. The historical balance between a France that wished to bind and a Germany that consented to be bound has shifted palpably. More willing to act as a ‘normalised’ power in the European system, Germany has emerged as a clearly dominant actor and this will require a shift in the diplomatic practices of a European system that has become used to France leading and Germany both following and supplying the supporting economic power. If Confederal Europe is to survive it must accept stronger German leadership. Finally the permissive consensus at the mass level is being eroded as European integration touches upon ever-more salient policy spheres. This means that the power of the idea of Europe has to be strengthened and entrenched more firmly, thus diluting the prominence of the Europe of States, or integration must retrench to bring its competences back into line with its legitimacy.
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Bennett, Robert Anthony III. "You Can’t Have Black Power without Green Power:The Black Economic Union." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1365514328.
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Battis, Matthias. "Aleksandr A. Semenov (1863-1958) : colonial power, orientalism and Soviet nation-building." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8c290939-3662-4204-b670-881028aecfae.
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This study explores the life of the prominent Russian Orientalist and colonial administrator Aleksandr Semenov (1873-1958). In the course of his long and versatile career in Central Asia - where he came to in 1901 as a low-ranking member of Turkestan's colonial administration, and where he died in 1958 as the first director of the Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of Tajikistan's Academy of Sciences - Semenov participated in the transformation of the region from a Tsarist colony into part of what Francine Hirsch has called an 'Empire of Nations'. His influence on national historiography and notions of national identity was especially marked in the case of the Soviet Union's only Persian-speaking republic, Tajikistan, with which Semenov was connected through his interest and expertise in Persianate Central Asia. This thesis even goes so far as to argue that Semenov's scholarship and his work as an advisor to the Soviet government facilitated the very establishment of Tajikistan, which Paul Bergne has described as a nation initially promoted by Russian Orientalists. Further research in Russian archives is required, however, to better substantiate this claim. Rather than focussing on the (early) Soviet period and on so-called national territorial delimitation of Central Asia, as scholars such as Hirsch and Arne Haugen have done, the present study, in the vein of scholars like Vera Tolz and Vladimir Genis, highlights the ways in which both Bolshevik nationalities policy and Soviet Oriental Studies grew out of the studying and ruling of Central Asia in the late imperial period. It does so through an examination of Semenov's career, scholarship and personal networks, and on the basis of his personal archive in Tajikistan's Academy of Sciences, which has not been researched in any systematic way since the early 1970s, and in which no scholar from outside the former Soviet Union has ever worked.
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Neumann, Cornelia. "Purchasing Power Parity in the European Union A panel unit root test /." St. Gallen, 2008. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/05604160001/$FILE/05604160001.pdf.
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Boie, Hannah. "Civilian power an analysis of Euro-Mediterrranean relations." Berlin Münster Lit, 2009. http://d-nb.info/1000131394/04.
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Macdonald, Anna Maria. "Green Normative Power? Relations between New Zealand and the European Union on Environment." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3161.
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The relationship between the European Union (EU) and New Zealand has expanded considerably since the protracted trade negotiations of the 1970s and now includes dialogue and cooperation on a range of policy issues. In recent years, environment has become an increasingly high priority matter and is increasingly referenced as playing an important part in EU-New Zealand relations. At the same time, the EU has been praised for its leadership role in climate change negotiations, and some scholars have described it as a “green” normative power with the ability to influence other actors internationally on environmental policy. Taking the EU-New Zealand relationship on environment as its case study, this thesis attempts to address a gap in the academic literature concerning relations between New Zealand and the EU on environmental issues. It compares and contrasts the concept of EU normative power with that of policy transfer, arguing that both address the spread of ideas, but finding that what might appear to be normative power and the diffusion of norms, can in fact be best explained as policy transfer and the diffusion of policy or knowledge.
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Rojas-Hutinel, Nilsa. "La séparation du pouvoir dans l'Union européenne." Thesis, Paris Est, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PEST0051.
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Les travaux sur la séparation des pouvoirs dans l'Union européenne ne manquent pas, mais rares sont les écrits qui s'interrogent sur l'identification de la nature du pouvoir dans l'Union européenne. Cette thèse s'inscrit dans cette voie. L'idée que le pouvoir dans l'Union pourrait ne pas être de même nature que celui d'un Etat souverain a guidé cette recherche. Dès lors, le schéma de séparation du pouvoir dans l'Union européenne devait se calquer sur la spécificité de l'Union et de son pouvoir.Afin de marquer cette différence, l'expression séparation des pouvoirs, propre aux fonctions étatiques, est délaissée au profit de séparation du pouvoir, laquelle rend davantage compte de la spécificité du pouvoir de l'Union tout en posant la nécessité de caractériser ce pouvoir avant de le séparer, de l'organiser.Dès lors, en tenant compte de la nature spécifique du pouvoir dans l'Union, cette thèse entend découvrir l'organisation du pouvoir permettant à l'Union d'atteindre les objectifs qu'elle s'est fixésThe works on the division of powers in the European Union do not miss, but rare are the works which wonder about the identification of the nature of the power in the European Union. This thesis responds to this logic. The idea that the power in the Union could not be the same nature as the power of a sovereign State guided this research. Therefore, the pattern of separation of powers in the European Union should be modeled on the specificity of the EU and its power.To mark this difference, the expression division of powers, appropriate to the state functions, is abandoned for the benefit of separation of the power, which makes more account of the specificity of the power of the Union while posing the need to characterize the power before to separate, to organize it
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Wesley, Tiffani. "The locus of power in the European Union: determining whether judicial power will remain at the nation state level or if the European Union will merge into a federal institution." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/6805.
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Larry Backer opines that 'Most of the academic work regarding the "lessons" offered by American federalism for the European Union ("EU") and other supra-national systems has predominantly focused on an understanding of post-Civil War American federalism. It remains, on that account, extremely superficial.' Backer notes that there are important lessons to learn from Calhoun's marginalized understanding of federalism that provide emerging supra-national unions like the European Union with a powerful conceptual foundation for the construction of non-national federal systems of government. The research question seeks to test this debate, first by following the theoretical arguments that took place within the United States on the issue surrounding states' rights versus federalism, and second through the various court cases that have occurred within the European national courts and the European Court of Justice. In essence, the research question seeks to determine where the locus of power currently resides, or will tend to reside, between to the European Union and its member nations.
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Palacios, Indira Huber Evelyne. "Decentralized collective bargaining a study of labor union power in Chile, 1990-2004 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,603.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Wernicke, Matthias. "The implications of product market competitiveness for wages, product quality and union power." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289014.
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Gannon, Edward. "Strategies for monitoring and training strength and power in elite rugby union players." Thesis, University of Bath, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.655725.
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Rugby union requires high levels of strength and power in order to support the physical requirements of the game. The competitive structure of rugby union in the English premiership places limitations on the time available for players’ physical development. The aim of this thesis was to analyse the scope and magnitude of strength and power adaptation potential, whilst identifying effective training strategies to support physical development in professional rugby union players. Chapter 3 monitored lower limb strength and power during the different phases of a professional season. This study demonstrated moderate beneficial increases in all physical capacities over a full season whilst pre and mid-season training cycles represent the greatest opportunity for strength and power enhancement. Chapter 4 assessed the efficacy of complex training performed during a mid-season performance phase and found meaningful increases in selected measures of power whilst maximum strength was maintained. Chapter 5 assessed the impact of pre-conditioning exercise mode selection (cycling or weightlifting) when designing complex training interventions and reported highly individualised response patterns in measures of lower and upper body performance. Chapter 5 also demonstrated no clear support for the short-term effects of elevated free-testosterone on local and systemic muscle performance. Chapter 6 investigated the effects that manipulating work interval duration has on fast muscle activity and power during high intensity interval training (HIT). This study reported greater accumulative power responses and fast muscle activation in selected muscles when shorter work interval durations were prescribed. In summary, scope for physical development exists in professional rugby union players. Complex training may be an efficient in-season training method for power development. Hormonal response patterns represent unpredictable markers of acute and chronic improvements in local and systemic muscle performance. Finally, the endurance potential of fast muscle groups may benefit from HIT protocols designed with shorter work interval durations.
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Lehrer, Stephanie Mae. "Bedouin and Former Soviet Union Immigrant University Students in Israel: Language, Identity and Power." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193794.
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This qualitative research study, conducted at Ben Gurion University of the Negev (BGU) in Beersheva, Israel, examined the interrelationships between language, identity and power in the context of a modern, multicultural society. The study focused on the impact of language use and status on the cultural, political and social identities of female students belonging to the Bedouin and the former Soviet Union (FSU) immigrant communities. As members of an ethnic subgroup of the Arab minority, and as females subordinated within their own traditionally patriarchal society, women of the indigenous Bedouin tribes of the Negev region have been dubbed a 'doubly marginalized' minority. In 1989, following decades of religious persecution, Jews were allowed to leave the FSU en masse; nearly one million have immigrated to Israel. This massive immigration of Russian speakers, as well as programs promoting study for Arabic-speaking Bedouin women, have led to greater diversity and increased multilingualism at BGU. The university offers a unique microcosm in which to study the language use, attitudes and consequent impact on the identities of these two distinctive minority groups.This study explored the attitudes of six female Bedouin and FSU immigrant students of BGU residing in the Negev region of Israel toward their first, second and foreign languages. Using data collected from in-depth interviews, I linked informant attitudes to underlying issues of gender, social status, identity, power and empowerment. Language took on new meanings and status as these students utilized Hebrew and English for purposes of communication and knowledge acquisition at the university level. Moreover, the new linguistic scenarios faced by Bedouin and FSU immigrant informants raised complex social issues and tensions, and influenced their perceptions about language and identity.Themes that emerged concerning language use and status, and self-perceptions of identity led to conclusions involving issues related to gender, social status, community, nationality, ethnicity, globalism, and power relations, as well as to future prospects made possible by higher education. It was demonstrated that, like the process of language acquisition, perceptions of identity and culture are dynamic in nature and are continually being reinvented.
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Filipescu, Corina Domnina. "A postcolonial critique of the production of unequal power relations by the European Union." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7108/.
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This thesis argues that the limited application of postcolonial perspectives in European Union (EU) enlargement studies, and especially in studying power relations, has led to a failure to properly identify and examine the extent to which the EU produces unequal power relations. Current studies of enlargement are largely based on mainstream positivist theories and thus overlook the importance of a post-positivist, critical and interpretivist research framework in understanding the EU and power relations. In contrast, by adopting postcolonialist perspectives and applying them to the case of the Romanian enlargement, the thesis presents a critical discourse analysis of the EU enlargement monitoring reports and interviews with officials of the EU and Romanian negotiating teams in order to demonstrate the extent to which the EU produces unequal power relations through instances of subalternity, orientalism and mimicry that have so far been identified and discussed by postcolonial scholars. Each of these three perspectives has so far been obscured to a large extent from the enlargement literature, as a result of the limited application of postcolonial approaches in EU studies. This thesis aims therefore to address this gap and advance the postcolonial research on the EU and unequal power relations.
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Norris, David A. "Neorealism and the European Union Balance of Power in the Post-Cold War Era." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1015857663.
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Ostronoff, Leonardo Jose. "Poder, gênero e identidades: um novo momento no sindicalismo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-21052008-122548/.
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Os sindicatos passam por uma situação difícil nos últimos anos: o número de filiados diminuiu e o poder político também. Alguns autores acreditam que isso significaria fim do sindicalismo, porém, esta dissertação demonstra que não se trata disso. As causas da crise são a adaptação deste movimento frente a um novo momento social, em que as políticas de identidade entram em cena. Destas, a de gênero é que mais tem se destacado, sendo uma importante pauta do sindicalismo atualmente. Porém, as mulheres não têm conseguido alcançe igual ao dos homens ao poder, tendo dificuldades de romper a cultura machista do universo sindical e ocupar cargos de direção. Existem avanços na construção da igualdade entre gêneros, mas ainda existe muito a ser feito. O sindicalismo tem investido nessas novas áreas e tem respondido bem ao novo momento social, mostrando que apesar das contradições nas questões de identidade e principalmente na questão de mulheres, existem novos focos do movimento, portanto, não se concentra somente no padrão trabalhista e do emprego, mas avança para a dimensão da vida do trabalhador em seus mais variados espaços e identidades: família, lazer, trabalho, saúde, militância, etc. Desta maneira, não há fim do sindicalismo, nem crise corresponde a declíneo. Significa uma adaptação a um novo momento que tem exigido novas respostas, sendo uma delas a questão das mulheres. O sindicalismo muda como o capitalismo também se altera, se adapta, e seu futuro não é o fim, mas existir de uma outra forma, tratando de questões para além da fábrica.The unions have passed through a difficult situation in the last years, associates number have declined and politics power too. Some researches believe that means the end of union\'s movement, but this text shows that it is not this way. The reasons of the crisis are the adaptation of this movement to a new social moment. Gender is the most relevant question in this area and has been one important theme of unions today. But women have not reached the same level of power as men, have difficulties to break a mach\'s culture of unions universe and occupy leading positions. There are improvements in the equality construction between genders, but there is a lot to be done. The workers unions have invested in new areas and have answered with success to the new social moment, showing there are new areas of movement that are not the working or jobs standards, but growing to the dimension of workers´ life in all spaces and identities: family, leisure, work, health, politics, and others. In this sense, it is not the end of workers movement, neither crises corresponding to decline. It means adaption to a new moment that requires new solutions, being the women´s question one of them. The trade unions change how capitalism changes itself, and its future is not the end, but exists in another way, discussing questions beyond the factories.
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Haffner, Stephanie C. "Has the Franco-German Power Balance in the European Union Tipped in Favor of Germany?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/194.
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The power balance between France and Germany in the European Union has been one of great discussion and debate. Countless journalists and scholars have argued that Germany’s power has risen gradually against the seemingly perpetually stronger France over the past sixty years, and is now finally set to surpass France; but how true are these claims? How can power within the EU truly be measured? Through an analysis of Franco-German collaboration through unionization, a critique of the contemporary discourse on the relationship, and an examination of changing contributions to the EU budget, my paper argues that the Franco-German power balance has never been truly equal, as Germany has continually been the largest source of economic power in the European Union since its creation.
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Pýcha, Jan. "Soft power v praxi EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124819.
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Soft power belongs to younger concepts in international relations theory and is mostly mentioned in correlation with specific states. But in today's world it is possible to study it in connection with other membersof international system. This master thesis deals with an analysis of the soft power of the European Union (EU) as a whole, which is one of the significant and visible players in the world. Except theoretical definition of the notion the thesis introduces analysis of the essential sources and tools of the EU's soft power. The last part of the thesis is dedicated to observationof current position of the European Union in international relations with respectto soft power. The aim of the thesis is to identify key sources and tools of the EU's soft power, evaluate it and to think about whether the EU as a community of countries can be compared to some particular countries from the view of reputation measured by soft power.
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Cruickshank, Neil Albert. "Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe /." St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.
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Gu, Hong Fei. "Analysis of creating a new type of great power relations between China and the European Union." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335207.
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Lagerström, de Jong Gabriel. "“Normative Military Power Europe”: a contradiction in terms? : En fallstudie av EU:s militära insats i Somalia i förhållande till Normative Power Europe." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5248.
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This thesis paper is based on Ian Manners Normative Power Europe-theory with a focus on EU’s military operation in Somalia. By examining documents from EU institutions in the form of reports concerning EU NAVFOR – Operation ATALANTA – EUTM Somalia – EUCAP NESTOR. This study shows that the Normative Power Europe-theory can get expressed and that the EU continues its normative statements in Somalia. This result is an interesting contribution to the theory of Normative Power Europe witch have gotten a lot of critic about how a military operation should effect and diminish the theory.
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Pearson, Ian. "Power and participation in a general union : patterns of organisation and democracy in three GMB regions." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1987. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3635/.
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This study is about the organisation and government of the General Municipal and Boilermakers' from 1970 to 1985. Its focus is, as far as is known, unique in that it concentrates primarily on government at the regional level, examining the GMB's Birmingham, Liverpool and Northern regions. Rather than focusing explicitly on the policy issues related to recent legislation, it analyses the wider issues of power and participation relevant to the debate on union democracy. The thesis adopts an eclectic approach to union democracy, synthesising previous approaches within the framework of the vertical and horizontal dispersion of decision making developed by Undy et al, which is given a prescriptive dimension. The regional focus, and secondary focuses on intervening variables within the framework, are principally examined through conducting structured interviews with members and officers at all levels of the union. The research work is divided into four chapters, which follow chapters reviewing the literature and presenting the research focus, and giving an historical overview of the union up until the research period commences. The first examines the national level changes since 1970 and membership participation in the national political system. The other three chapters have a specific regional focus analysing regional variations in membership growth and participation at the local level; the locus of regional power and variations in participation in regional government; and membership participation in collective bargaining. The research contributes to knowledge of trade union government at the regional level; an almost completely explored and, it is argued, an important area which requires further research. It demonstrates the significant extent of regional variations within a single union and shows how these have led to markedly different levels of membership participation in decision making structures in the three regions. It shows that the commonly held view that GMB regional secretaries are barons of their own area is misplaced, noting constraints which prevent oligarchic domination of regions. It also highlights the pervasive, but long since neglected, influence of union constitutional provisions as a factor affecting union democracy. Finally, it suggests that the eclectic framework could be usefully adopted by future contributions to union democracy research.
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Griffin, Liza. "Good governance, scale & power in the European Union : a case study of North Sea Fisheries." Thesis, Open University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.446287.
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Akcadag, Emine. "Le potentiel de Smart Power de l'UE : comment penser la puissance européenne ?" Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAG027/document.
Full textAbstract:
Depuis les années 1970, bien avant l’entrée en vigueur du traité de Maastricht, le statut de l’UE dans les relations internationales et donc sa puissance est une source des débats conceptuels. Bien que la construction européenne soit souvent vue comme un processus de renoncement à la puissance, l’idée d’une Europe puissance qui se substitute à l’impuissance des Etats membres après la Seconde Guerre mondiale est toujours présente parmi les représentants de divers approches des relations internationales: puissance civile, puissance normative, puissance militaire, puissance douce, etc. Il faut remarquer que la recherche pour les nouveaux concepts supposés décrire toujours mieux la nature énigmatique de la puissance européenne continue. L’objectif de ce travail est de contribuer à ce débat en utilisant le concept de smart power, combinaison raisonné de hard et de soft power, pour décrire le rapport de l’UE à la puissance. Le concept de smart power parait pertinent pour expliquer le modèle de la puissance de l’Union, même si, en pratique, l’UE a des difficultés à exercer le smart power en raison du manque de volonté parmi ces pays membresSince the 1970s, even before the Maastricht Treaty comes into force, the status of the EU in international relations and therefore its power is a source of conceptual debates. Although European integration is often seen as a process of renunciation of power, the idea of a European power which replaces the powerlessness of member states after the Second World War is always present among the representatives of various approaches to international relations: civilian power, normative power, soft power, military power, etc. It should be noted that the search for new concepts to describe better the enigmatic nature of European power is in progress.The aim of this work is to contribute to this debate by using the concept of smart power, effective combination of hard power and soft power, in order to describe the nature of the power of the EU. The concept of smart power seems relevant to explain the model of the EU’s power, although, in practice, the EU has difficulties in exercising smart power because of the lack of will among the member countries
31
Wright, Alistair S. "The establishment of Bolshevik power on the Russian periphery : Soviet Karelia, 1918-1919." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2012. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3105/.
Full textAbstract:
Using an array of original materials from Russian regional and central archives this detailed study of Soviet Karelia from 1918-1919 is the first to appear in English after the fall of the Soviet Union. It adds to the still limited number of regional studies of the civil war period and using the Karelian districts as a case study discusses how the Bolsheviks consolidated power on the periphery, what factors hindered this process and what were the sources of resistance. Karelia is unique for a combination of reasons. First, it is a grain deficit region and so was always in need of help with the supply of grain from the Volga and other parts of central Russia. Second, the political influence of the Left Socialist Revolutionary party (Left SRs) continued for a considerable time after the events of July 1918. The thesis explores how power was transferred in the region following the October revolution and how the planned political objectives of the Bolsheviks were stalled by the lack of political control in the districts not least of all, for most of 1918, because of the influence of the Left SRs. However, despite political, economic, social and military crises the Bolsheviks gained more experience in power as the civil war progressed and a semblance of order emerged from the chaos. They gained enough control over the food supply shortages for the population to subsist and increased their control in key Soviet institutions, such as the provincial security police (the Cheka) and the Red Army, which ultimately ensured the survival of the Bolshevik regime and victory in the civil war.
32
Mikkonen, Simo. "Music and power in the Soviet 1930s : a history of composers' bureaucracy /." Lewiston, N.Y. [u.a.] : Mellen, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017397006&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Lyons, Anthony J. "International relations theory and the end of the Cold War : a retrospective step forwards." Thesis, University of Essex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340591.
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34
Tinas, Murat. "The European Union As A Normative Power And The European Neighbourhood Policy: Cases Of Morocco And Egypt." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12611026/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to examine the European Union (EU) as a normative power in the context of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) through case studies of Morocco and Egypt. The uniqueness of the EU as a distinct actor in international politics has led many observers to claim that the EU is a normative power. The ENP, which emerged in 2004, has been one of the main instruments of the EU within this framework. This thesis studies the claim as to whether the EU is, in fact, a normative power in the context of the ENP with two cases studies. The selection of Morocco and Egypt originates from the existing similarities which render an opportunity to have a comparative study. The thesis will analyze this puzzle through an analysis of both primary documents published by the EU and the secondary literature. Through a close scrutiny of Morocco and Egypt, the normative power of the EU in its near abroad will be explored through the analysis of democratization process in these countries in terms of democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Based on theoretical analysis and two case studies, this thesis argues that the EU faces several challenges in its claim to be a normative power within the context of the ENP.
35
Nilson, Andre. "Capital and Power in Europe: The politics of corporate finance and corporate governance in the European Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491082.
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McBride, Joanne. "The persistence of power? : trade union workplace organisation and industrial relations in the Tyneside maritime construction industry." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2005. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/2223/.
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This thesis examines trade union workplace organisation, industrial relations and the nature of power in the employment relationship in the Tyneside Maritime Construction Industry (TMCI). It explores this in a context where trade union organisation could be expected to be severely challenged, but has proved to be remarkably resilient. The analysis was constructed from the literature and empirically grounded in the data. Firstly, it draws upon the union renewal debate and examines three themes identified as being the central features of workplace unionism; the effectiveness of shop steward organisation, levels of activity in membership participation and the significance of workplace democracy. The findings support other contributions to a thesis of workplace union resilience and add a further development to the debates by presenting evidence that suggests 'resilient renewal'. Secondly, the main intellectual approach adopted were models based upon mobilisation and social movement theories. Using these approaches in a micro level analysis of industrial relations helped to break down the employment relationship and draw out some significant issues. The key issues drawn out from this analysis suggest three significant features of the TMCI employment relationship. Firstly, that the workplace union organisation is resilient, secondly, that its influence in the employment relationship is powerful, and thirdly, that it is the collective identity that exists in the industry that gives them that power.
37
Olsson, Carl Olof. "A new world order? : A methodological approach to the soft and hard power of the European Union." Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Statsvetenskap, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-6810.
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The European Union have since the signing of the Rome treaty in 1957, come to be a new superpower in the world, spreading the word of soft power through the economic and democratic cooperation in the pan-European continent. The theory of soft and hard power and the theory of diffusion of innovations illuminate how the European Union has been able to increase their influence and gain power in the world, as it has become the largest economy in the world. Through this soft power focus, the European Union has been able to grow and to act as a model for success as it attracts other parts of the world by the positive messages of cooperation and economic integration. This should be seen in a time when the US has increasingly acted unilateral in their foreign policy and experienced increasing legitimacy problems on the global scale. The understanding of the development of the European Union to its contemporary magnitude through the theory of soft and hard power and the diffusion of innovations, what I call cooptive enlargement, brings new light of how to understand its development and influence in the world. This theory could further be used to analyze and understand why and how other parts of the world create trade areas and Unions in their quest for future peace, democracy and economic development. The European Union has through this cooptive enlargement come to lay the foundation to a new world order, enabling all parts of the world to collide into a prosperous future of cooperation.
38
Janicki, Maciek. ""Incorrigible enemies of Soviet power" : Polish citizens in the Soviet Union, 1939-1942, in the light of Soviet documents and Polish witness' testimonies." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=101883.
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Between February 1940 and June 1941, in four major deportations Soviet authorities moved Polish citizens to work-colonies in the Soviet interior and detained others in various prisons and camps. Based on war-time information, works on the deportations published in the West during the decades of communist rule in Eastern Europe and since reported figures of over 1.5 million deportees, of whom as many as half reportedly died in the USSR. These works held a prevailing view that Soviet intentions towards the deported Poles were genocidal. Recent work with Soviet archival materials has led Polish and Russian historians to revise the number of deportees to 320,000. This substantial reduction has received a mitigated response in the work of Western commentators. A review of published archival materials and of accounts left by witnesses demonstrates that both sets of sources are indispensable to an analysis of the deportations. It also shows that Soviet policies directed against the deportees were not genocidal in their intent and adds a dimension, that of the perpetrators, to the limited conceptualization afforded to the subject thus far. The study shows that under the control of the NKVD the deportations were economic and political components of internal Soviet policy in 1939-1942 and suggests that the Soviet infrastructure was incapable of supplying the resources necessary to fulfill plans set by Moscow. Moreover, the Soviet documentation offers a glimpse into the perpetrators' planning and execution of massive population displacement, thus taking the deportations outside of the realm of conjecture and placing them more firmly within the grasp of historical understanding.
39
Glusniewska, Magdalena. "What has the European Union done to approach terrorism - Responses to a growing security challenge." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75026.
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One of the mayor security problems nowadays is the international terrorism and it has become a threat to the European people as well. The number of the attacks is increasing, European citizens are traveling to Middle East to join foreign terrorist groups and online propaganda is being more and more popular. The main goal that terrorists have is to get worldwide attention and harm as many people as possible. To answer the research questions of this study: What are the measures that the EU has taken to fight terrorism? And To what extend can EU’s counter-terrorism approaches be explained by hard-soft power theory? a qualitative one case study method has been used. The results of this study show that EU has taken many significant measures in the fight against terrorism, such as implementation of common strategies and regulations but also in giving mandate to Europol that is now the leader partner in the European counter-terrorism approach. There have been many improvements in the last years, but there are still gaps that need to be filled, especially in the collaboration between the Member States. The study has also concluded that EU is mostly using Soft Power as a tool for the international politics.
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Roche, William Kevin. "Social integration, union policies and strategic power : the development of militancy among electricity generating station workers in the Republic of Ireland 1950-1982." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327996.
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Dube, Rumbidzai. "Fighting unconstitutional changes of government or merely politicking? A critical analysis of the African Union response." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16775.
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The transfer of power to African leaders, at the end of the colonial era gave birth to
authoritarian regimes. African Nationalist leaders liberated the continent from the chains of
colonialism and bound it in the stone walls of authoritarianism and dictatorship. This is
because Africa inherited institutions that were meant to be oppressive of the colonised
peoples. These institutions had no room for political pluralism, public participation, free
speech, a free press, and free movement among other fundamental rights and freedoms that
allow for democratic governance to flourish. Without undergoing major transformations,
African governments remained a product of their colonial heritage naturally becoming
totalitarian, oppressive and undemocratic.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Girmachew Aneme of the Faculty of Law, University of Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Keerawella, Gamini Bandara. "The growth of superpower naval rivalry in the Indian Ocean and Sri Lankan response." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28843.
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The Indian Ocean has experienced a process of profound change in its political and strategic map since World War II. This began with the British withdrawal from East of Suez, and was followed by the entry of the superpowers into the Indian Ocean, the growth of superpower naval rivalry, and the proliferation of security problems of the states in the region. The essence of these developments is the transformation of the Indian Ocean from the stability of one-power domination to the instability of superpower rivalry. The thesis examines the process of this transformation and the Sri Lankan response from a historical perspective.
The transformation of the power structure in the Indian Ocean was essentially an outcome of the changes in power configurations in world politics. The growth of superpower rivalry in the Indian Ocean must be understood in relation to the evolution of political, economic, and strategic interests of the superpowers, advances in weapons systems and naval technology, and political developments in the region.
The superpower naval rivalry has three interrelated elements, viz, naval deployments, weapons deals, and jockeying for bases/logistic support in the region. It evolves in three phases: from 1968 to the 1973 oil crisis; from the oil crisis to 1978; and since 1978.
There are definite linkages between superpower naval rivalry and the conflict patterns in the region. The states in the region count on the superpowers for their security because of the inherent weaknessess of the ruling elites in the region, the limits of their security options, and economic dependence. The invariable outcome is a chain reaction resulting in military pacts, puppet governments, political supression, and proxy war, which forms the texture of the international politics of the Indian Ocean region.
Sri Lankan responses to superpower naval rivalry can be explained in relation to the geo-political framework of her strategic thinking, and her internal political and economic processes. In the period 1948-56, Sri Lanka identified herself with the British defence structure in the Indian Ocean. With the changes introduced by the M.E.P. regime, non-alignment became the foreign policy approach of Sri Lanka after 1956. In accordance with the growth of superpower naval presence, Sri Lanka became more sensitive to Indian Ocean strategic issues in the 1960s. After 1970, Sri Lankan policy towards the Indian Ocean took a more coherent form and was designed to balance two
considerations - first, at the sub-regional level, how to deal with India; and at the Indian Ocean level, how to check superpower naval rivalry and the increasing militarization of the Indian Ocean. This was reflected in Sri Lanka's proposal for an Indian Ocean Peace Zone (IOPZ). After 1977, under the changed internal and international situation, Sri Lanka soft-pedalled her earlier more articulated position regarding superpower naval riavlry in the Indian Ocean.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
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Kawecki, Mathew. "The Ladle and the Knife: Power Projection and Force Deployment under Reagan." Chapman University Digital Commons, 2019. https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses/9.
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This thesis examines the nature and impact of the Reagan administration’s self-described projection of “peace through strength.” It argues that Reagan’s defense spending surge, “Star Wars” (SDI) missile shield policy, and 1983 invasion of Grenada gave the president confidence and political cover that allowed him to withdraw U.S. Marines from Beirut in early 1984. Analysts and commentators focus on his muscular power projection like defense spending, SDI, and the invasion of Grenada, but in practice Reagan exercised a high level of restraint in troop deployment. These projections of power and the avoidance of protracted war in Lebanon gave Reagan further confidence and cover to pursue arms control negotiations with the Soviet Union, against the protestations of anti-Soviet hardliners.
Although Reagan supporters have credited the administration with either frightening or bankrupting the Soviets into disarmament, these policies—particularly his military restraint in Lebanon—did more to bring Reagan himself to the negotiation table. These power projection measures contributed to a “peace through strength” narrative embraced by much of Reagan’s domestic audience, allowing him to fend off accusations of Munich-style appeasement. While the defense spending surge helped give Reagan the confidence to ink an arms control agreement, the buildup created nonlinear consequences that will outlive arms control treaties.
44
Yan, Ya Xue. "Interests & interdependency in Sino-EU renewable energy cooperation." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595814.
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Alkan, Yavuz Selim. "The Effectiveness Of The European Union As A Normative Power: Human Rights Conditionality In The Case Of Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12610073/index.pdf.
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In this thesis it is attempted to shed some light upon the limits and effectiveness of the role of the European Union (EU) as a normative power has played in the transformation of Turkish politics especially in the case of human rights issues. First of all, this study reviews the original and current debates over the civilian and normative power Europe ideas, searches to find common elements underlying those accounts and assesses to what extent they offer an adequate categorization of the EU&rsquos international significance. One of the main arguments of this thesis is that the EU is generally considered as the catalyst or the anchor of the reform process in the candidate countries to become members. With this in mind, an account of the development of the EU&rsquo
s human rights conditionality vis-à
-vis the third countries and the typology of the EU&rsquo
s human rights conditionality within the framework of enlargement are also examined. The massive wave of transformation with regard to human rights issues undertaken in Turkey during its pre-accession relations with the Union is a case point in this thesis. Within the scope of the study, it is attempted to analyze the impact of the EU&rsquo
s human rights conditionality upon the related state of affairs in Turkey with a view to exploring to what extent and under what conditions it could be regarded as the independent variable of the domestic reform process in the country.
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Fabricius, David Leslie. "Comparision of aquatic- and land-based plyometric training on power, speed and agility in adolescent rugby union players." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17811.
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Thesis (MEd)--Stellenbosch University, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of the study was to compare the effectiveness of an aquatic- and landbased plyometric programme upon selected, sport-specific performance variables in adolescent male, rugby union players. A group of 52 rugby players (age: 16.3 ± 0.8 years, height: 176 ± 6.9 cm and body mass: 76.1 ± 11.9 kg) were randomly assigned to one of three groups: aquatic group (n=18), land group (n=17), and a control group (n=17). Prior to and after the sevenweeks of training, the power, agility and speed of participants were assessed by means of Fitrodyne repeated countermovement jumps, the Sergeant vertical jump, the Illinois agility test, a standing broad jump, and a 10- and 40- metre sprint. All three groups maintained their summer extra-curricular sport commitments during the intervention period. When the three groups were analysed, no significant differences were found between the groups with regard to all tested performance variables. With regard to withingroup changes, the aquatic group improved significantly (p<0.05) in the Illinois agility test, performed to the right. The land group showed significant (p<0.05) improvements in peak concentric power during Fitrodyne repeated countermovement jumps. All groups reflected highly significant (p<0.01) improvements in the Sergeant vertical jump. None of the groups displayed any improvements in sprint speed. The control was the only group to improve significantly in the standing broad jump (p<0.05). Land-based plyometric training might be a functionally superior training modality for athletes, although aquatic plyometrics could also offer an effective training modality for performance enhancement in power-based sports such as rugby union football. Aquatic-based plyometrics should not completely replace land-based plyometrics, as it might not adequately develop the specific neuromuscular patterns or functional needs of explosive sports.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie was om die effektiwiteit van ‘n water- en landgebaseerde pliometriese program met mekaar te vergelyk in terme van geselekteerde, sportspesifieke uitvoeringsveranderlikes in manlike adolessente rugbyspelers. ‘n Groep van 52 rugbyspelers (ouderdom: 16.3 ± 0.8 jaar, lengte: 176 ± 6.9 cm en liggaamsmassa: 76.1 ± 11.9 kg) is lukraak in een van drie groepe ingedeel: watergroep (n=18), landgroep (n=17), en ‘n kontrolegroep (n=17). Voor en na die sewe-weke oefenprogram, is spelers se plofkrag, ratsheid en spoed getoets deur middel van Fitrodyne herhaalde spronge, Sergeant vertikale sprong, Illinois ratsheidstoets, staande verspring, en ‘n 10- en 40-m spoedtoets. Al drie groepe het vir die duur van die intervensieperiode met hulle somersport aangegaan. Na analise van die drie groepe se data, is daar geen statisties betekenisvolle verskille tussen die groepe ten opsigte van die prestasieveranderlikes gevind nie. Die waterpliometriese groep se prestasie in die Illinois ratsheidstoets na regs het statisties beduidend (p<0.05) verbeter. Die landgroep het betekenisvolle (p<0.05) verbetering in die piek konsentriese plofkrag met die Fitrodyne herhaalde spronge getoon. Aldrie groepe het betekenisvolle (p<0.01) verbetering getoon in die Sergeant vertikale sprong. Geen groep se spoed het verbeter nie. Slegs die kontrolegroep se staande verspring het statisties betekenisvol verbeter. Land-gebaseerde pliometriese oefening kan moontlik, vanuit ‘n funksionele oogpunt, ‘n beter oefenmodaliteit vir atlete wees. Watergebaseerde pliometriese oefening kan egter ook ‘n oefenmodaliteit vir sport wat plofkrag vereis, soos rugby, wees. Watergebaseerde pliometriese oefening behoort nie land-gebaseerde pliometriese oefening te vervang nie, omdat dit moontlik nie aan die spesifieke neuromuskulêre patrone en funksionele behoeftes van eksplosiewe sport voldoen nie.
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Maharaj, Suraksha. "A framework for building confidence in nuclear power for the labour union environment of South Africa / S. Maharaj." Thesis, North-West University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/4875.
Full textAbstract:
The intention of this research was to uncover the reasons for the perceived lack of
confidence in nuclear power by the labour unions, and hence to propose a framework for
building the unions’ confidence in nuclear energy.
A literature review of the views of labour unions, globally, on nuclear power was
conducted. This provided the insight to design the experiment for this study. The
literature review revealed that there were five major reasons causing labour unions to
oppose nuclear power: environmental impact, safety, cost, political influence and job
creation. The research was then categorized on the basis of these reasons.
The labour unions selected for this research were Solidarity, Confederation of South
African Trade Unions (COSATU) and National Union of Mineworkers (NUM).
Questions were prepared on each of the five categories and in–depth interviews were
telephonically conducted. The responses to these interviews were analyzed to establish
the best way forward for building greater labour union confidence in the nuclear industry
in South Africa.
The results of the interviews showed that Solidarity was in favour of nuclear power,
while COSATU and NUM were against it for the following reasons:
1. They believed that the industry would not create a significant number of jobs, and
may even lead to job losses.
2. They had the perception that the nuclear industry was dominated by white people
and that the expansion of the industry would ultimately result in the creation of
White jobs at the expense of Black jobs.
3. They were of the opinion that the nuclear industry harbored certain secrets which
resulted in their distrust of it.
These findings were then used to develop recommendations for building the confidence
of the unions in nuclear power.Thesis (M.Sc. Engineering Sciences (Nuclear Engineering))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2011.
48
Pilsner, Léa Alice Aloïsia. "The European Union as a green normative power? : the case of the EU's sustainable energy cooperation with China." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15953/.
Full textAbstract:
Given energy’s powerful role in achieving sustainable development (SD), the relevance of turning to sustainable energy (SE) – understood as renewable energy and energy efficiency – has been recognised as an essential instrument in the global SD agenda. In its Treaties, the European Union (EU) made a profound commitment to the SD principle, and to environmental sustainability, by enshrining it as an objective of the Union and vowing to promote it both domestically and abroad. With Manners’ introduction in 2002 of the ‘Normative Power Europe’ (NPE) conceptualisation of the EU, this commitment can be linked to the EU’s very identity (Manners 2002). The EU is to be a norm promoter in the world to which it can be held accountable. The objective of this thesis is to determine if the EU can legitimately be called a green normative power to the extent that it abides by its commitment to promote SD in the world. In order to test this proposition this research applies Manners’ NPE approach to the case study of the EU’s SE cooperation with China. With its fast paced rise as an economic powerhouse and main fossil fuel consumer, China currently poses one of the single greatest challenges to the achievement of effective SD for the planet. China is also one of the main countries with which the EU developed its SE cooperation. This work presents three main contributions. First, the thesis' main originality derives from the use of Manners’ tripartite analytical framework (Manners 2009b) in the context of EU-China relations in SE. This provides for a comprehensive assessment of the EU’s normative status, not only addressing the EU’s commitment to SD but also to promoting it in a normative way (Manners 2002) by looking at the whole policy process. In doing so, this research seeks firstly to enrich the currently very limited NPE literature on the EU’s status as green normative power by extending it to the field of SE. Secondly, the thesis also aims to add an originally researched case study on China to the NPE field of study. Finally, the thesis also contributes to expanding the application of Manners’ analytical framework by operationalizing it to the study of the SD norm as a concept.
49
Lozanovska, Jana. "EU:s normativa närvarande i Makedonien : - en kvalitativ studie." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-7879.
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This thesis treats the normative power of the European Union and its affect on Macedonia. The main purpose has been to look closer with the use of the application of Ian Manners theory of normative power on the Macedonian case. The focus will be to answer the following questions: Does the European Union act as a normative power in relation to Macedonia, if so, how are these values diffused? Has there been any effect of the spreading of these values? Based on six interviews and the available material of European Union strategies for the Macedonian membership I have attempted to understand to what extent the European Union’s normative power has had an influence in Macedonia. The result of my analysis is confirmation of the European Union as a normative power in Macedonia and the understanding of the methods of application.
50
Whalley, Sam Arne. "Kosovo’s Environmental Development & the EU’s Role as a ‘Normative Power’ in the International System." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22847.
Full textAbstract:
Ever since Kosovo’s declaration of independence in 2008, the EU has striven for a supportive relationship with the burgeoning new state; a relationship which can be seen to have been built upon the institution’s constitutive normative principles. This relationship has consequently resulted in a national emphasis upon environmental development throughout Kosovo. However, how beneficial has the EU’s promotion of these normative principles over Kosovo actually been for Kosovo’s environmental development? And subsequently, what are the potential consequences of the EU being perceived as an influential ‘normative power’ for other actors in the international system? This thesis has addressed these questions through conducting a series of semi-structured expert interviews, as to generate contemporarily relevant and applicable data which reflects the benefits of the EU’s operation in Kosovo and illustrates contemporary EU power exertion. Ian Manners’ theoretical conceptualisation of EU power, ‘Normative power Europe’, provides the theoretical framework for the conducting of this research. This paper argues that the EU’s exertion of normative power over Kosovo has, overall, been beneficial for Kosovo’s environmental development through wide-spread developments to key areas of Kosovo’s environmental sphere; however, there have also been certain shortcomings and failures of the EU in in this regard as certain key-areas of Kosovo’s environmental sphere, regardless of the long-term presence of the EU in Kosovo, remain largely underdeveloped. This conclusion can be employed in order to draw reflections on the potential consequences of the perception of the EU as an influential ‘normative power’ for other actors in the international system; other international actors could move away from more traditional conceptual approaches to power/ influence exertion in the international system, and developing states could also grow to be more receptive to normative power exertion processes. Therefore, the presented conclusions are not only relevant to the case of Kosovo, but could also be employed in a more practical manner in exploring the role and consequences of the EU’s contemporary power exertion in the international system as a whole.