Journal articles on the topic 'Power resources – Economic aspects – United States'
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1
Stošić, Sanja, and Mića Živojinović. "The geoeconomics of Kosovo and Metohija in the geopolitical pattern of the United States." Vojno delo 74, no. 3 (2022): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2203032s.
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Having in mind the number of countries that have recognized the independently proclaimed state of Kosovo, contrary to the principles of international law that does not recognize self-determination and secession, as well as those countries that have not recognized it, it can be concluded that the area of Kosovo and Metohija, as an integral part of the territory of the Republic of Serbia, has no status of an internationally recognized country. On the other hand, taking into account the natural resources in the area of the Kosovo-Metohija basin, especially mineral wealth, Kosovo and Metohija with its geoeconomic potential has not accidentally found itself in the global geopolitical pattern defined by the US. By aggression on the FRY, that is, the RS, NATO forces led by the US brought the area of Kosovo and Metohija under control in the form of a protectorate of the already instrumentalized UN. Namely, in line with Joseph Nye's theory of "hard and soft power", the Kosovo-Metohija region, or the southern Serbian province, was placed under "hard occupation", i.e. the patronage of NATO forces called KFOR. The "elasticity" of international law that characterizes political relations among the existing powers and power centres on a global scale produces a high level of mutual competition for resources, security and economic prestige, increasing the potential for escalating conflicts. Therefore, in addition to the increasingly pronounced security and crisis aspects, it is necessary to look at the geoeconomic and geopolitical place, importance and role of Kosovo and Metohija, as one of the currently greatest NATO bases in Europe and as an imperialist reflection of the US and/or a perspective expression of the RS.
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Pérez-Denicia, Eduardo, Fabián Fernández-Luqueño, and Darnes Vilariño-Ayala. "Suitability assessment for electricity generation through renewable sources: towards sustainable energy production." CT&F - Ciencia, Tecnología y Futuro 11, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.29047/01225383.260.
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Power generation through renewable sources is an effective alternative to mitigate climate change as its environmental impact is lower compared to fossil fuels. However, socio-economic problems are constant in sites where power plants are installed, especially in developing countries. In this paper, an innovative methodology was developed to assess the suitability of electricity generation through solar, wind, and biomass energy. Unlike most studies found in scientific literature, this work considers social, environmental, and economic aspects as key to determine the suitability of energy projects. First, we carried out a comprehensive analysis on social acceptance and resilience towards renewable energy and the conditions for communities to benefit from these projects; then, we analyzed the availability and capacity of renewable energy sources in Mexico, as a case study. Next, a set of indicators related to the three pillars of sustainability was developed to assess the conditions of each place with the best renewable resources in the country. The life cycle and capacity factor of each technology were also considered. Lastly, a mathematical model was developed to determine the most suitable locations and technologies for power generation. The results show a trend towards the states of northern Mexico, especially those bordering the United States, as the most viable for electricity generation. The most appropriate technology is wind energy. Finally, Oaxaca, the state with the best wind resources and current leader in wind power generation in Mexico is, by contrast, the least viable state for wind generation, as has been later confirmed by scientific evidence, as wind facilities are associated with severe socio-cultural and economic damage in host communities in this state.
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Karczewski, Maciej. "Wielka Gra” na Oceanie Indyjskim. Chiny, Indie i Stany Zjednoczone w regionalnej rywalizacji mocarstw." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 5 (October 31, 2018): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2012.5.2.
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The Indian Ocean constitutes an area which is rich in resources and vital to shipping. In this region there are some strategic sealines that enable communication of China and India with this resourceful area. Due to the fact that the Indian Ocean region is rich in oil, China and India seek dominance in this part of the world. The article explains and describes the dynamic of greatpower rivalry in various aspects. It also analyzes the role of the Unites States as stabilizing power in the new political and economic environment in Asia.
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Bovsunivska, Iryna. "Strategy for the Development of Joint Territorial Groups: Theoretical Aspects." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Public Administration 11, no. 1 (2019): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2616-9193.2019/11-1/7.
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The purpose of this article is a theoretical and methodological analysis of strategic planning of the united territorial community in conditions of decentralization of power and local self-government reform. The methodological basis is the general aspects of the economic theory and theory of public administration. Methods of research are based on general scientific and special methods of cognition. System, structural and evolutionary approaches are used to identify the essence of the categories "territorial community", "the capacity of the territorial community" and "strategy of development of the territorial community"; the methods of analysis and synthesis allowed to reveal the peculiarities of strategic planning of the development of the united territorial communities, the abstract-logical method was used for theoretical generalization and formation of conclusions. The main aspects and results of the research are applied in the educational process in the development and teaching of normative and special courses "Economics and Governance", "Decentralization and development of territorial communities", "Public-private partnership" at the V.I. Vernadsky Taurida National University for the master's students Public Administration program. The scientific novelty is as follows: 1. With the addition of systemic, structural and evolutionary approaches, it is found that the definition of the term "territorial community" should take into account historical, territorial, ecological, sociological, selfgoverning, economic and political aspects. The concept of "capacity of a territorial community" is defined as the ability to perform the functions entrusted by the legislation directly to the community and local self-government authorities to ensure its life and development. The configuration of the capacity of the territorial community was substantiated, its components (internal and external capacity) were clarified. 2. The principles and stages of strategic planning of the development of a united territorial community under conditions of decentralization of power and local self-government reform, which are important for the success of the strategic planning of territorial development are considered. It is proved that the principles should be considered in close connection with a certain stage of the strategy of the development of the united territorial communities. The algorithm of strategic planning of the development of a united territorial community based on the principles of strategic planning of sustainable development of territories is proposed. 3. It is grounded that the effectiveness of the strategy of the development of united territorial communities depends to a large extent on the way of its development. Practical experience in creating strategies in Ukraine has identified five methods for developing strategic plans for the development of territories, of which the long-term partnership method (three partnerships between government, community and business) with the participation of experts is most effective. This description of each method is given, their strengths and weaknesses are determined. 4. It is grounded that in the conditions of the reform of local self-government the issue of formation of updated (project) competencies of local self-government employees becomes relevant. At the present stage, the demand for a new style of thinking of managers is being formed, the continuation of which is an updated organizational culture of management, the traditional qualifications of today's local government officials are not enough to work in new environments where the project becomes a leading tool for change, achievement of goals, funding unit and one the main means of attracting additional resources to the united territorial communities. The main results can be used by public authorities and authorities, local government authorities, research centres and institutes, and higher educational institutions (proposals for the organization of strategic planning of the development of united territorial communities through institutions of mediation of power, business and community).
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Ma, Zhengwei, Yuanjun Pang, Dan Zhang, and Yuqi Zhang. "Measuring the air pollution cost of shale gas development in China." Energy & Environment 31, no. 6 (November 18, 2019): 1098–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958305x19882405.
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Shale gas is one of the most promising unconventional hydrocarbon resources in the 21st century. In recent years, economically recoverable reserves have achieved explosive growth, and drilling techniques have made large breakthroughs. As a clean unconventional energy, shale gas is given substantial consideration by governments. However, the cleanliness of shale gas has been questioned for causing serious air pollution during production. To further measure the air pollution cost during the exploration and transportation of shale gas, this article establishes an economic measurement model of the air pollution cost from the three aspects of human health, social cost and ecological cost by reviewing the relevant literature in the United States and China. This study lays a foundation for further calculating the cost of air pollution around shale gas fields.
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Djelantik, Sukawarsini. "KEKUATAN NASIONAL TIONGKOK DALAM SENGKETA LAUT TIONGKOK SELATAN." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 2 (August 23, 2021): 292–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i2.248.
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The South China Sea (LTS) has a strategic position and rich in natural resources. These waters are claimed by several countries such as China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam, and Taiwan. The overlapping claims have not yet reached a resolution, even though tensions have increased and potentially to become an open conflict. The United States (US) and China have economic, political and strategic interests in winning the competition in the South China Sea. This paper answers the question what is China's position in the dispute in the South China Sea? Has China as a great power succeeded in utilizing its national power to control the waters? China's position is analyzed using the concept of national power consisting of Diplomacy, Information, Military and Economics (DIME), which is commonly used to assess state power. China's strength is compared indirectly with the US, which is the main competitor in the region from a diplomatic, military and economic point of view. From the diplomatic aspect, China controls countries in Southeast Asia which are part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) infrastructure project, whose various projects are funded through the Asian Investment Infrastructure Bank (AIIB). To confirm the claim, China has carried out various constructions of artificial islands in the disputed area, which are equipped with military facilities. From an economic perspective, China's rapid growth in recent decades has made it one of the most respected world powers. These facts indicated that China is a great power that has managed to match the power and influence of the US in the region. In the case of the LTS dispute, it is likely that China will win the competition, influence and support from the disputing countries.
China; South China Sea; diplomacy, information, military, economy
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Krysovatyy, A. I., and F. P. Tkachyk. "The Evolutionary Paradigm of Fiscal Federalism: Transformation of the United States Experience into Ukrainian Decentralism." Business Inform 8, no. 523 (2021): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32983/2222-4459-2021-8-109-116.
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The modern paradigm of effective social and economic development of regions must take into consideration the dialectics of fiscal federalism in the symbiosis of its essential determinants with fiscal decentralization. The purpose of the article is to scientifically and conceptually substantiate the model of fiscal federalism of the United States of America in the field of implementation of adequate provisions into Ukrainian decentralization. The article examines the conceptual provisions of fiscal federalism, substantiates the forms of decentralization of powers among levels of government. The architectonics and evolutionary paradigm of fiscal federalism in the United States of America are covered. The risks and effects of fiscal federalism were monitored for the purposes of implementing its basic aspects into Ukrainian practice. Theories of the first and second generations of fiscal federalism are considered. It is ascertained, that the principles of fiscal federalism are used in the practice of unitary countries. Public authorities actively apply mechanisms of cooperation with municipalities in the context of delegation of tax and expenditure powers. Emphasis is placed on the tax component of the intensification of fiscal autonomy of local governments. At the same time, the experience of the United States of America has shown the importance of directing grants and transfers to social projects of municipalities. The priorities of adaptation of actual postulates of fiscal federalism into Ukrainian system of interbudgetary relations under conditions of decentralization of powers are outlined. It is emphasized that fiscal federalism should not be limited to the redistribution of financial resources between the State and local governments. It should encourage amalgamated territorial hromadas to financial autonomy and increase tax potential to improve the prosperity of citizens
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Gibadullin, Arthur, and Valentina Pulyaeva. "Obstacles to the formation of a common electricity market of the Eurasian Economic Union." E3S Web of Conferences 114 (2019): 02002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/201911402002.
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The current state of the economy and society is influenced by the global integration processes taking place in Eurasia - the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union, which should unite the markets for resources, goods and capital of the member states of the Eurasian Economic Union. One of the aspects of this process is the creation of a unified electricity market, which ensures free flow of electrical energy, free pricing and competition in the power industry. The purpose of this study is to study the degree of readiness of national energy systems for integration and to identify problems that impede the formation of the Common Electricity Market of the Eurasian Economic Union. The methods used were statistical analysis tools, a graphical method, comparisons and descriptions. The study was carried out on the basis of the use of information provided in the open access of the Eurasian Economic Union, national statistical services and energy companies. The authors have identified the main goals and objectives, as well as the requirements and expected results of the creation of the Common Electricity Market. As a result of the analysis of national power systems, a number of problems were identified that impede their convergence, including inconsistencies in the scale of production, various pricing mechanisms and electricity price regulation, differences in the energy balance of the Eurasian Economic Union member states, different levels of electricity prices, and a particular opinion Of the Republic of Belarus to the concept of market formation and the lack of unified borders of Armenia with other participating countries Union. The findings of the study indicate that by the stated date, namely July 1, 2019, the Common Electricity Market will most likely not be created for the reasons stated. To solve the identified problems, the authors propose several tools, one of the most important among them is the mechanism of regulatory and legal regulation of electricity markets at the national and supranational levels. Also, according to the authors, in the integration processes in the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union should consider the world experience of such political and economic associations.
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Krysovatyy, Andriy, Oksana Desyatnyuk, and Fedir Tkachyk. "THEORETICAL LOGOS OF FISCAL DECENTRALIZATION IN THE CONDITIONS OF PERMANENT TRANSFORMATION OF INTERBUDGETARY RELATIONS." Financial and credit activity problems of theory and practice 2, no. 43 (April 29, 2022): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.55643/fcaptp.2.43.2022.3630.
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The article examines the essential determinants of decentralization and its main elements. Considerable attention is paid to scientific and theoretical aspects of the impact of fiscal decentralization on local economic development. Priority aspects of realization of bases of fiscal decentralization in the Ukrainian administrative practice are covered. It is proved that the key idea of fiscal decentralization is manifested in the achievement of financial autonomy by local governments through the accumulation of financial resources at a certain level of government. Emphasis is placed on the concept of fiscal federalism and its role in the socio-economic development of administrative entities of unitary states.
It is argued that the construction of an effective system of inter-budgetary relations should take into account a range of measures to strengthen the own tax potential of the territorial community. It has been established that recently the tax potential of local self-government bodies has been identified by tax capacity at the expense of three taxes: personal income tax, property tax and single tax. The study showed that fiscal decentralization through the prism of tax, budget and debt instruments can provide a favorable socio-economic climate in local communities.
A structural and logical scheme of the impact of key paradigms of fiscal decentralization on the development of united territorial communities in Ukraine has been built. It is proved that fiscal decentralization in the conditions of divergence of interbudgetary relations can become a catalyst for effective fiscal stimulus policy, as delegation of budgetary powers to lower levels, while improving the efficiency of budgetary resources, will allow more fully and regionally respond to regional development and local needs.
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Haque, Md Emdadul. "The COVID-19 Pandemic and Access to Vaccination in Bangladesh: a Critical Review." Health Economics and Management Review 3, no. 3 (2022): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/hem.2022.3-09.
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This paper delineates the diverse perspectives of the vicious COVID-19 pandemic and access to vaccination in Bangladesh. It also depicts the discrepancies as to access to vaccine and vaccination campaign aside from assorted socio-economic impacts and challenges in Bangladesh with plausible way-outs. The fight for combating the demonized coronavirus is laudable amid the country’s limited resources, vulnerable healthcare system and vaccine hesitation. But the estimated cost of vaccination is under criticism because the country has received a substantial amount of vaccines as gift or free of cost donation from rich countries especially from the United States. Due to the pandemic, the socio-economic loss sustained by the country has created extra burden for the economy. No doubt, the coronavirus has taken an acid test of the global healthcare system. Even the economically advanced countries with sophisticated healthcare facilities have experienced the horrific fatality of the pandemic for a long time. But during the pandemic, the world has witnessed further polarization of the countries with major political and economic power dynamics in the name of coordinated fighting of the persisting crisis. Together with the financial constraints of low-income countries in Africa and Asia, the vaccine crisis and monopoly caused by the profit-driven attitude of most multinational pharma companies and geopolitical interests of some high income countries have galvanized the global vaccine inequity undermining the notion of distributive justice with a few exceptions. But the contagious coronavirus taught that people’s safety of a particular country is not possible without safety of other countries. Most existing papers on the COVID-19 pandemic linking Bangladesh depict its various detrimental impacts from health science and socio-economic aspects. But this paper critically reviews the chronological aspects of the COVID-19 pandemic in Bangladesh starting from influx of the virus to its all-out combating measures highlighting human casualty, advent of vaccine, vaccine inequity, access to vaccination, vaccine diplomacy, campaign, hesitation and rerated constraints along with prevailing as well as post COVID-19 socio-economic impacts.
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Li, He. "China’s economic statecraft toward East Asia." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 16, no. 2 (November 16, 2020): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2020-0010.
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Purpose Economic statecraft is a critical aspect of China’s foreign policy and has played a vital role in China’s relations with its Asian neighbors. The Chinese economic ties with Asia are significant not only because China is the second largest economy in today’s world but also because it has an important impact on regional economic co‐operation and international supply chains. Relentless growth in military buildup and more assertive foreign policy led many pundits to focus almost exclusively on political and military aspects of the Chinese grand strategy in Asia. The purpose of this study is to re‐examine this picture by studying China’s economic statecraft in the region. Design/methodology/approach This paper will address following research questions: How does the Chinese foreign economic policy serve its political aspirations in East Asia? Why has China increasingly relied on a combination of economic pressures and incentives to achieve its foreign policy objectives? How effective is China’s economic diplomacy as a strategic weapon? What are the limitations of such policy? What challenges does Beijing face in exercising its economic power in East Asia? Findings Beijing has a comprehensive, long-term grand strategy in Asia, and economic statecraft is a major component of it. Economic statecraft is a double-edged sword. It has given the People’s Republic of China more political influence but frictions and disputes between China and its trading partners are growing as well. Even with the slower growth of the Chinese economy, China will continue to be a game changer for the region. The economic diplomacy has long been part of the foreign policy toolkit used by the People’s Republic of China and will play more important role in the years to come. Research limitations/implications Thus far, China’s expanding economic ties with many countries in the world have not generated significant spillover effects. Although China is the dominant economic partner for every country in East Asia, its “soft power” remains to be weak. With the slower growth of the Chinese economy, another looming issue is whether China is going to be able to make a shift away from a trade- and export-led growth model that brought its dramatic economic success. All these could lead China’s economic statecraft less potent. Meanwhile, it should be noted that Asian economies that once relied on the USA are reaching a turning point as China comes to the fore, a trend that may challenge the existing international order. Should this momentum continue, it could alter the balance of power between Washington and Beijing in the region. Practical implications For Beijing, economic statecraft concerns both the economic dimension of foreign policy and the strategic dimension of economic policy. Although there is a growing literature on China’s soft power and military capabilities, the study of the economic dimensions of China’s foreign policy remains underdeveloped. With rising confidence and sophistication, Beijing has deployed economic resources to achieve geopolitical aims. Originality/value Needless to say, China’s economic statecraft has already triggered heated debate in the United States, Asia and elsewhere in the international community. However, the study of the Chinese economic diplomacy has received relatively little scholarly attention in the English-speaking world. This paper will fill a gap in the analysis and literature.
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Novakovsky, L., I. Novakovska, O. Bredikhin, M. Stetsiuk, and L. Skrypnyk. "Risks and problems of forming united territorial communities in Ukraine." Agricultural Science and Practice 6, no. 2 (July 15, 2019): 66–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/agrisp6.02.066.
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Aim. To determine the specifi cities of uniting territorial communities at the national and regional levels during the process of power decentralization, to generalize the experience of its legal and organizational provisions, the practice of reforming local self-government in the EU member states, to estimate the risks of decentralization in Ukraine in general and in rural area in particular, and to establish the directions of its development at the fi - nal stage. Methods. Monographic, mathematical-statistical, cartographic, abstract-logical, comparative, analytical analysis. Results. The work conducted during the fi rst stage of decentralization reform (2014–2018), was esti- mated by the Council of Europe as the most successful reform in progress in Ukraine. As of January 01, 2015, 85.2 % of territorial communities were located in rural areas, where agriculture is the prevailing kind of the popula- tion’s activity. Thus, power decentralization and reforming local self-governance refers to rural population, fi rst and foremost. However, the study has confi rmed that the implementation of reforming remedies has been restrained, as the main provisions of decentralization have not been enshrined in the Constitution, there are no defi nite plans on developing united communities, it is impossible to overcome the removal of local councils from managing land resources beyond the boundaries of settlements, the reform is being blocked by regional and district state authori- ties. Conclusions. Current system of rural population settlements, characterized by a considerable number of small villages, the specifi city of territorial organization of power (40 % of local councils have less than 1,000 residents) and village and town budgets, subsidized for almost 50 %, are prerequisites of uniting communities as the only way of forming sustainable local self-governance. The centralization of authorities by the executive branch regarding governance over territories, low spreading of local self-governance and absence of land resources in communal ownership, fi nancial limitedness of councils prove that without principal changes in the current position, most ter- ritorial communities will still remain unsustainable in legal, organizational and fi nancial aspects. The experience of implementing decentralization tasks in regions demonstrates that the level of organizational and explanatory work and control over reforming should be enhanced considerably. The issues of regulating the division of mountainous territories and setting higher bonuses and benefi ts, improving budget limits of the communities via taxation system, enhancing the role of cities of regional signifi cance as centers of united territorial communities should be settled at the legislative level. At this stage, the risks of implementing decentralization in Ukraine are as follows: the impos- sibility of completing the plan of implementing the remedies of its second stage without amending the Constitution, unclear mechanisms of implementing the remedies of reforming local self-governance, because regional councils are too politicized, while state regional administrations perform functions, non-relevant for them, and resist; the absence of promising plans of social and economic development of territorial communities restrains the process of substantiating their capability and the terms of implementing decentralization; ignoring the requirements related to needless district councils in cases called «one district – one community»; absence of actions in terms of determining the boundaries of communities or changing the boundaries of districts; absence of work in refl ecting the process of land division by ownership forms in the State Cadaster; untimely solving the problems of human resources for executive bodies of territorial communities and delegating relevant authorities to them.
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Vence, T. D. "Potential of Recycling Ash From Resource Recovery Facilities in California." Journal of Energy Resources Technology 107, no. 1 (March 1, 1985): 152–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.3231155.
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In 1981, in response to Industry and government interest in recovering materials ordinarily destined for disposal, the California State Solid Waste Management Board commissioned a study entitled Utilization of Residue From Resource Recovery Facilities. This research project has encompassed examination of all aspects of residue utilization—technical, environmental, economic, institutional and regulatory—in an effort to accurately determine the promise and problems of developing residue utilization. The report serves as both a documentation of research and a source document for those desiring further information. Most of the research activity on residue recycling occurred during the period from the middle 1960’s to early 1970’s. The hiatus, however, appears to be ending with a current upswing of research activity in the United States. While both foreign and domestic residue recycling activities were examined, it is important to note that this report concentrates on the domestic development of residue recycling; the prohibitive cost of document translation prevented access to some foreign reports. While several promising applications have been identified for residue, the best demonstrated use is as an aggregate material in bituminous base course pavements. Residue has also been shown to perform excellently as subbase and fill material; however, use of residue in this manner raises serious environmental questions in California.
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Murodjon, Berdimuradov. "THE ROLE OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMY IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES IN THE 21ST CENTURY." European International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Management Studies 02, no. 10 (October 1, 2022): 185–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/eijmrms-02-10-35.
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1991s Central Asian nations and Japan established diplomatic relations and partnerships began to increase steadily as manifested by the level of official contacts. In 1997 the “Silk Road” Diplomacy concept was formulated for Japan’s policy toward Central Asia. At the beginning of the 21st century, we see the activation of new actors including India, Korea, and Japan in Central Asia, which were mainly welcomed in the region. Tokyo recognized the growing strategic importance of Central Asia in the context of international security and sought to play a more active role as an Asian nation in Eurasia. During two decades Central Asian nations and Japan began to increase steadily. Japan is one of the largest assistants to Central Asia in structural reforms and Japanese investments in the different aspects of the region's economy and transport communication add up to several billion. There are several areas of special interest to Japan in its relations with Central Asia, including cooperation in education, economic development of the region, political reforms, as well as energy resources. Japan’s effort in creating the “Central Asia plus Japan” dialog is part of its multilateral diplomacy. At the same time, there are some challenges and problems in Central Asia–Japan relations. However, there are potentialities for future bilateral and multilateral relations. Japan like Korea, India, and other countries has a strong positive image in Central Asia, which could be regarded as an additional factor for fostering partnerships between Central and East Asia as well as interregional relations with the vast Asian continent and beyond. This article explores the interests of the Central Asian states as members of the SCO, and their compatibility with the SCO goals. This study shows that the SCO is compatible with the Central Asian states' security and economic interests, regional cooperation, and the need for balanced relations with the great powers— China, Russia, and the United States.
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Gopal, Sucharita, Joshua Pitts, Zhongshu Li, Kevin Gallagher, James Baldwin, and William Kring. "Fueling Global Energy Finance: The Emergence of China in Global Energy Investment." Energies 11, no. 10 (October 18, 2018): 2804. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en11102804.
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Global financial investments in energy production and consumption are significant since all aspects of a country’s economic activity and development require energy resources. In this paper, we assess the investment trends in the global energy sector during, before, and after the financial crisis of 2008 using two data sources: (1) The Dealogic database providing cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M&As); and (2) The “fDi Intelligence fDi Markets” database providing Greenfield (GF) foreign direct investments (FDIs). We highlight the changing role of China and compare its M&A and GF FDI activities to those of the United States, Germany, UK, Japan, and others during this period. We analyze the investments along each segment of the energy supply chain of these countries to highlight the geographical origin and destination, sectoral distribution, and cross-border M&As and GF FDI activities. Our paper shows that while energy accounts for nearly 25% of all GF FDI, it only accounts for 4.82% of total M&A FDI activity in the period 1996–2016. China’s outbound FDI in the energy sector started its ascent around the time of the global recession and accelerated in the post-recession phase. In the energy sector, China’s outbound cross-border M&As are similar to the USA or UK, located mostly in the developed countries of the West, while their outbound GF investments are spread across many countries around the world. Also, China’s outbound energy M&As are concentrated in certain segments of the energy supply chain (extraction, and electricity generation) while their GF FDI covers other segments (electricity generation and power/pipeline transmission) of the energy supply chain.
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Mousavi, Mohammad. "Some Notes on the Caspian Energy and Ethnic Conflicts in the Caucasus." Iran and the Caucasus 14, no. 1 (2010): 159–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12743419189586.
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AbstractIn the past two decades, the transportation of Caspian oil and gas resources to the international markets has been one of the most controversial and pressing issues in regional politics. Possibly, this is due to the fact that it is more than just an economic problem, having also a visible security and geopolitical aspect. Hence, pipeline competition has fuelled both rivalry and cooperation among existing and potential transit countries. Particularly, the routes through the Caucasus are the most problematic, as the transit corridors through Russia, Azerbaijan Republic, Georgia, and further Turkey have faced with various ethnic conflicts in these countries. In the 1990s, these conflicts played a crucial role in increasing the risk of Caspian oil transit through the Caucasus and Russia. The ethnicities in this region have used the pipeline politics more as a bargaining chip vis-à-vis their central governments for a better position, and less as a pretext for separation. The international political environment, such as the September 11 attack on the U.S. soil and the following global “war on terror” led by the United States, have already undermined such ethnic bargaining power against the governments and have shifted the separatist trends to an inferior position. This paper is a brief re-examination of the situation concerning the energy transit and the ethnic conflicts in the region.
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Гайдай, Володимир. "Mechanisms for ensuring public order protection at the local level in conditions of decentralization of government: EU experience for Ukraine." Public administration aspects 9, no. 2 (April 29, 2021): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/152119.
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The aim of the article is to study the experience of the emergence and development of municipal law enforcement agencies, to analyse the current state of local police in European countries. The other aim of the article is to study the development of local police, the state of legal, economic support in Ukraine, to form suggestions for the development of municipal police in Ukraine.The initiated reform of decentralization of power in Ukraine, active development of local self-government, building civil society, creation of united territorial communities, transfer of resources, powers from the central level to local levels in the framework of decentralization and local government reform have necessitated the strengthening role of local self-government. Protection of public order should go together with strengthening of a role of local governments in the spheres of medicine and education, in rendering accessible and qualitative administrative, municipal, social services. An additional condition for the formation of local law enforcement is the connection between the development of local self-government in democracies with the development of local law enforcement.Accordingly, the urgency and need to create municipal police in Ukraine, which is a democratic state, is beyond doubt, as evidenced by the active discussion of this topic, both among officials and the public.The world experience of the emergence and current state of functioning of the municipal police in European countries with democratic political regimes has been analysed in the article. Trends in the development of municipal police in European countries have been identified. The existing world models of financial support of the municipal police have been determined.Domestic approaches to the creation of municipal police have been considered. The current state of development of projects of municipal law enforcement forces, the state of adoption of the regulatory framework for the implementation of the functioning of the municipal guard has been studied. An analysis of problematic aspects of the functioning of the National Police of Ukraine, the state of corruption in Ukraine as a way for possible abuse and use of law enforcement agencies for the interests of certain classes has been made. Based on the experience of European EU member states, recommendations on the organization and definition of sources of funding for municipal law enforcement agencies have been made.
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Jacobs, David, and Jonathan C. Dirlam. "Politics and Economic Stratification: Power Resources and Income Inequality in the United States." American Journal of Sociology 122, no. 2 (September 2016): 469–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/687744.
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Bondar, M. I., and А. A. Kulyk. "Foreign experience of real estate mass appraisal." Problems of Theory and Methodology of Accounting, Control and Analysis, no. 1(48) (April 29, 2021): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.26642/pbo-2021-48-3-12.
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The article examines foreign experience in the formation and functioning of mass assessment systems on the example of individual countries. The sample of countries, on the one hand, includes the United States and Sweden as countries where the mass appraisal system has been successfully functioning for decades, and on the other hand, Lithuania, Slovenia, Belarus and Poland, where the formation of a mass appraisal system began only in the late 20th – early 21st centuries. The article covers a comparative analysis and generalization of key aspects of mass appraisal systems of selected countries such as legislative regulation of mass appraisal, administration of the mass appraisal process in the context of the division of functions and powers between key entities, accounting and analysis of input information on the economic and physical-technical characteristics of real estate objects, the use of appraisal approaches and methods for evaluating certain types of real estate, etc. As the world experience shows, the models and procedures of mass appraisal form the basis of modern value-based systems of real estate taxation, since they allow to effectively solving the problems of simultaneously evaluating a large number of objects in conditions of limited time and financial resources. That is why the results of the mass appraisal are primarily used for tax purposes, in particular, to determine the tax base for real estate tax. In some countries, the results of mass appraisal are additionally used in banking and insurance activities, as well as for the purpose of accounting and taxation of real estate in inheritance or donation, etc. Based on the analysis of foreign experience, the article discusses the problems and prospects of introducing a mass appraisal system in Ukraine, in particular, the emphasis is on the lack of appropriate legislative resolution, low openness and transparency of the real estate market, the inconsistency of existing real estate accounting registers with the information needs of mass appraisal, etc. Further research will be directed in the following directions. Firstly, the study of accounting systems for transactions with real estate and accounting systems for the physical-technical characteristics of real estate, corresponding to the information requests of the mass appraisal. Secondly, research of methods and models, development of mass appraisal procedures in accordance with the peculiarities of the local market using as the example the residential real estate market of one of Kyiv districts.
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Hibbs, Douglas A., and Christopher Dennis. "Income Distribution in the United States." American Political Science Review 82, no. 2 (June 1988): 467–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957396.
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Political action has affected postwar income distribution in the United States mainly through policy-induced variations in macroeconomic activity and government transfer benefits in proportion to total income. We present a small dynamic model of the connections among the partisan balance of power, macroeconomic fluctuations, transfer spending trends, and income distribution outcomes. The model is based on the premise that the parties have different distributional goals, and it is designed to identify how shifts in party control of the presidency and the strength of the parties in Congress have affected the distribution of after-tax, after-transfer income by influencing cyclical economic performance and the flow of resources to transfer programs. We therefore extend the “partisan theory” of macroeconomic policy to the domain of income distribution outcomes.
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Kubo, Tomoko. "Housing challenges in shrinking and aging Japanese cities." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-195-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The topic of shrinking cities has been one of the most important urban issues in the past three decades. Couch and Cocks (2013) reviewed studies on the outcomes of recent shrinking cities: (1) rapid out-migration from post-socialist countries such as the movement from East Germany to West Germany in the 1990s; (2) economic -decline as an additional trigger for out-migration such as in old industrial areas in Northern England and the Rust Belt of the United States; and (3) rapid demographic changes such as low fertility and longevity-led ageing of the society leading to shrinking regions in the European countries and Japan. Although many studies have been conducted in East Germany, the old industrial cities, and the aging European countries (Nordvik and Gulbrabdsen 2009, Hoekstra et al. 2018, Hollander 2018), little is known about shrinkage in Japanese cities. Over recent decades, the debates on shrinking cities have been widely studied; these studies can be classified into three categories: (1) studies to understand the background reasons that caused shrinkage, (2) those to analyze the effects or outcomes of shrinkage (e.g., increase in housing vacancies or vacant lots, growth of crime rate or political challenges), and (3) those to propose policy implications or practical solution strategies to overcome shrinkage (Hollander and Nemeth 2011).</p><p>First, Hollander (2018) and other studies identified the relationship between the neighborhood life cycle (Hoover and Vernon 1959, or studies by the Chicago schools) and urban shrinkage, with regards to old industrial cities such as those in the Rust Belt of the United States and erstwhile mining towns in North England. Hoover and Vernon (1959) proposed that a neighborhood follows a five-stage cycle, comprising the stages of development, transition, downgrading, shrinkage, and renewal; this five-stage model is linked to the discriminative housing policies from the 1930s until the 1970s in the United States (Metzger 2000). In addition to these neighborhood cycles, other factors such as economic decline, outmigration and population loss, demographic changes (Nordvik and Gulbrabdsen 2009, Couch and Cocks 2013), social transition, globalization and neo-liberalization have transformed housing, welfare, and family relations in many countries (Yui et al. 2017, Ronald and Lennarts 2018). In East Germany, housing oversupply during the post-socialist shrinking periods acted as a catalyst to form a new residential segregation pattern in Leipzig (Grobmann et al. 2015). Some neighborhood conditions can lead to an increase in the number of housing abandonments or long-term housing vacancies in specific neighborhoods, as demonstrated by various studies mentioning oversupply of housing during the housing bubble periods and longitude low demand neighborhoods in the United States (Molloy 2016), the high ratio of poverty (Immergluck 2016), and the conditions of the surrounding neighborhoods (Morckel 2014). Second, the population loss caused by massive out-migration and a rise in housing abandonment or housing vacancies were the most common outcomes of urban shrinkage. Out-migration was triggered by the movement to seek better job opportunities or quality of life, urban life cycles with growth and decline (Couch and Cocks 2013), and the longitudinal decline process of population (Alves et al. 2016). Nordvik and Gulbrandsen (2009) analyzed aging-led shrinkage with a case study in Norway and found a spatial characteristic of shrinkage that occurs more often in suburbs than in city-centers, and the positive relation between the rise in the vacant property ratio and an increase in the elderly population in a region. The out-migration of the younger generation, arising from the desire to move away from parental homes in suburbs, and the deaths among the parental generation that have occurred in the last 30 to 50 years have led to a gradual increase in vacant housing in the suburb in Norway (Nordvik and Gulbrabdsen 2009). Apparently, the Japanese suburban neighborhoods have experienced the rise in housing vacancies and ageing population through the similar mechanism with that in Norway, but the reality and spatial patterns of shrinking-related problems vary reflecting the urban and housing policies, housing market characteristics, and embedded relationship between housing and family in society. According to Couch and Cocks (2013), the rise in housing vacancies in a region arises due to several factors, as follows. The first factor is that of short-term vacancies for which there is no demand in the local housing market; this issue can be resolved through public intervention in terms of reinvestment in inner-city social housing, such as in the United Kingdom in the 1980s. The second factor is that of oversupply of housing as compared to the housing demand in a region; this is caused by lower satisfaction among residents in their residential environment or inequality in public investment and access to private financial resources by local residents. Moreover, shrinking cities with a high ratio of long-term housing vacancies tend to experience an increase in crime such as burglary. This is because the rise in housing vacancies causes a decline in neighbourhood vitality required to protect social disorder; vacant housing is used to store stolen goods or sell drugs, and there is a “broken window effect” with regard to abandoned housing vacancies (Jones and Pridemore 2016).</p><p>There have recently been more meaningful discussions on how to handle the problems of shrinking cities. As Hoekstra et al. (2018) mentioned, there have been two main approaches in these discussions: one approach has focused on increasing the population in shrinking cities again, whereas, the other accepts longitudinal shrinkage patterns and aims to increase the quality of life of present and future residents (Hollander and Nemeth 2011). The former approach advocates entrepreneurial policies to attract new residents, resulting in an increase in inequality within a region, unsold housing, and a lack of affordable housing (Hoekstra et al. 2018). The latter approach employs methodologies such as selective demolition of abandoned housing to control the housing stock of a region, promoting down-sizing or right-sizing to meet the changes in the housing demands of residents, or densification of urban buildings to recreate walkable neighborhoods (Hoekstra et al. 2018). Hollander and Nemeth (2011) proposed smart decline strategies based on the concept of social justice, with an emphasis on the following aspects: accepting voices from diverse actors, utilizing different types of technology to share information about citizens to problematize uneven power structure, transparent decision-making processes with clear evaluation, and paying attention to the scale of decision making (e.g., the total planning burden is shared among regional levels, and the required interventions are conducted at local levels). Compared to the rich accumulation of literature on shrinking cities in Western countries, the Japanese situation has not been discussed sufficiently and there is an absence of strategies to resolve the issues in Japan. Research on shrinkage and housing has clarified that factors related to housing, welfare, and family relations are embedded in the social fabric, and the relationships vary by region or by country (Ronald and Lennerts 2018). Therefore, it is necessary to obtain deeper understanding of the housing challenges in shrinking and aging Japanese cities. The present study aims to review the above-mentioned three categories of shrinking city debates in Japan, to propose practical countermeasures for shrinking and aging Japanese cities. First, we review the reasons that caused the shrinkage in Japanese cities. Second, we analyze the increase in housing vacancies as an outcome of this shrinkage. Third, we examine the political countermeasures that have been adopted in Japan and evaluate their efficacy in the Japanese situation. Finally, through these analyses, we propose policy implications to deal with the problems of aging and shrinking cities in Japan. The major findings of the study are as follows: First of all, existing systems that had been established during the economic and urban growth periods of Japan are not suitable to address the new demands of the shrinking and aging era. Therefore, a great divide in terms of residential environments has occurred within a metropolitan area or between cities. Lesser access to financial resources to reinvest in old suburban neighborhoods or local cities accelerates the divide or inequality in terms of residential environments. Second, an increase in housing vacancies can decrease the quality of life of older adults in these shrinking neighborhoods. Third, these problems could be resolved by adopting a strategy of smart decline, with selective investment to control housing stock, and by accepting aging in place in shrinking neighborhoods. We discuss the challenges in implementing these possible solutions in Japanese cities.</p>
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Mykhailenko, T., and A. Sichka. "THE BORYSPIL UNITED TERRITORIAL COMMUNITY: A SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT CENTER OF BORISPOL DISTRICT." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 78-79 (2021): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2021.78-79.6.
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The reform of decentralization is considered to be one of the most successful current reforms. The main strategic goal of the local self-government’s reform is to create conditions for providing its possibility to independently solve local-scale questions at the expense of its own resources. The maximum possible transfer of powers to territorial communities is the main way to achieve this goal and, accordingly, the creation of conditions for the dynamic development of districts and regions and the provision of high-quality public services and a safe living environment for citizens. The basis of the formation of the Boryspil united territorial community (Kyiv region) in the context of the modern process of decentralization was identified. The main components of the resource potential of this territorial community: natural resource, production, labour and infrastructure are analyzed. The benefits and advantageous of the transport-geographical location of the Boryspil UTC (united territorial community) are determined. The industrial potential, which affects various aspects of the socio-economic development of society, including the budget income, the level of employment and the prosperity of the population are analyzed. It is worth noting positive financial indicators such as: income to the local budget and the tax capacity index, the value of which allows transfer funds from the community budget to the state budget as a reverse subsidy to help financially insolvent communities. This indicates that the society is financially sound to support itself, solve its own problems and provide a full range of services for a quality life on its territory. The main problems and threats, which require urgent solutions for the community, are identified and distinguished. Potential possibilities of attracting and using the resources of the Boryspil UTC are considered for its further development. The advantages and possibilities of using the available Boryspil territorial community’s resources to resolve questions of local importance have been identified, and therefore, this will contribute to improving the living standards of residents. The obtained result made it possible to confirm that the Boryspil territorial community is able to be independently through the use of its own resources (financial support and infrastructure development) and provide a good level of services to its citizens (in the field of education, culture, healthcare, etc.). Conducting research was carried out in several stages: 1) at the first stage, preparation for the research was performed (problem statement); 2) at the next stage – collecting of primary information (methods of analysis, synthesis, statistical, literary, etc.); 3) at the third stage – processing of the found information (comparative, statistical, systematization, generalization methods, SWOT analysis); 4) on the last stage – the analysis of the received information (interpretation of the results, the formulation of general conclusions of the research).
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Haas, Mark L. "A Geriatric Peace? The Future of U.S. Power in a World of Aging Populations." International Security 32, no. 1 (July 2007): 112–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.1.112.
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In the coming decades, the most powerful states in the international system will face a challenge unlike any experienced in the history of great power politics: significant aging of their populations. Global aging will be a potent force for the continuation of U.S. economic and military dominance. Aging populations are likely to produce a slowdown in states' economic growth at the same time that governments will face substantial pressure to pay for massive new expenditures for elderly care. This economic dilemma will create such an austere fiscal environment that the other great powers will lack the resources necessary to overtake the United States' huge power lead. Moreover, although the U.S. population is growing older, it is doing so to a lesser extent and less quickly than all of the other major actors in the system. Consequently, the economic and fiscal costs created by social aging—as well as their derivative effects on military spending—will be significantly lower for the United States than for potential competitors. Nevertheless, the United States will experience substantial new costs created by its own aging population. As a result, it will most likely be unable to maintain the scope of its current international position and will be less able to realize key international objectives, including preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, funding nation building, and engaging in military humanitarian interventions.
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Ladd, Conrad M. "Power to the People." Mechanical Engineering 122, no. 09 (September 1, 2000): 68–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2000-sep-4.
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This article highlights that the creation of efficient electric appliances using cheap electricity has enabled us to enjoy healthier and more bountiful lives. Since electric power results from the conversion of energy resources in an electric power generating plant, those resources must be adequate and available at low cost at the plant site. Mechanical engineers developed the machinery for coal mining, for coal transportation, and for bulk coal handling. GE and Westinghouse made early contributions starting in electric generator and electric motor development. The US electric utility industry has been mandated by several states to sell all or a large portion of its generating plants. Independent power generators are building new combined-cycle units in selected market regions. Mergers and acquisitions of electric utilities are continuing to increase the size of parent company operations. Mechanical engineers have developed relatively low-cost electric power generation technology through the 20th century, enabling the United States to maintain its world economic leadership and standard of living.
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Novikova, Elena, and Mikhail Rybalko. "Economic aspects of cooperation between New Zealand and the United States as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region." SHS Web of Conferences 134 (2022): 00148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213400148.
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The article analyzes economic aspects of the interaction between New Zealand and the United States of America as international actors in the Asia-Pacific region. The substantiation of the importance of the Asia-Pacific region in the foreign policy of the two countries is given. We determined that the economic component is one of the most significant components of bilateral relations. Statistical data for the five-year period (2016-2021) are presented, demonstrating the evolution of economic relations between New Zealand and the United States. We established that the economic policy of the two countries is aimed at continuing intensive international cooperation and implementing a recovery strategy in 2021. We concluded that the "soft power" course used by Wellington would enable the country to achieve significant benefits even more in cooperation with other states and reach qualitatively new levels in the existing system of international relations in the Asia-Pacific region.
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Carlarne, Cinnamon P. "On Localism and the Persistent Power of the State." AJIL Unbound 112 (2018): 285–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2018.74.
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On June 1, 2017, President Trump declared that the United States would “cease all implementation of the non-binding Paris Accord and the draconian financial and economic burdens the agreement imposes on our country.” The United States’ de facto withdrawal from the Paris Agreement represented an important inflection point for conceptualizing the role of nonstate actors in addressing climate change. President Trump's announcement was met with an outpouring of resistance and widespread and concerted efforts to mobilize substate, nonprofit, and private actors to step into the void created by his announcement and to help keep the United States on track to pursue domestic and international commitments to address climate change despite federal recalcitrance. Within the leadership void created by the Trump Administration and amidst the increasingly extensive body of sub- and nonstate climate efforts, it is tempting to decenter the role of the state or to underestimate the persistent power of the state to shape the approach and effectiveness of nonstate actions. Failing to recognize that the state retains significant power in this field undermines efforts to understand the realities within which nonstate actors operate. This creates a set of heightened expectations for these actors that defies the reality of the political, economic, and social resources available to them and masks the challenges inherent in relying upon a fragmented, shifting, and differently accountable set of actors to effect pervasive change.
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Cherevichko, Tatyana V., and Vitaly G. Tsyplin. "Political Aspects of American Assistance to Ukraine on the Eve of the 2002 Parliamentary Elections." Izvestia of Saratov University. New Series. Series: Sociology. Politology 20, no. 4 (November 25, 2020): 489–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1818-9601-2020-20-4-489-494.
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The article is devoted to the political analysis of the tools used by the United States to withdraw Ukraine from the sphere of economic influence of Russia. Based on the analysis of the materials of individual projects and scientific publications, the authors come to conclusion that by 2002 the expected change of generations of political scientists and economists did not take place in the USA. The tone within the Ukrainian issue continued to be set by the veterans of the Cold War and the financial structures behind them. The fragmentation of the activities of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) on the eve of the Ukrainian parliamentary elections made it possible to characterize the network principle of the distribution of financial resources allocated for the implementation of pre-planned framework political programs. It is noted that the American economic component was reliably hidden in the mechanisms of the formation of Ukrainian pre-election political blocs.
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Michener, Jamila, and Margaret Teresa Brower. "What's Policy Got to Do with It? Race, Gender & Economic Inequality in the United States." Daedalus 149, no. 1 (January 2020): 100–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01776.
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In the United States, economic inequality is both racialized and gendered, with Black and Latina women consistently at the bottom of the economic hierarchy. Relative to men (across racial groups) and White women, Black and Latina women often have less-desirable jobs, lower earnings, and higher poverty rates. In this essay, we draw attention to the role of the state in structuring such inequality. Specifically, we examine how public policy is related to racial inequities in economic positions among women. Applying an intersectional lens to the contemporary landscape of economic inequality, we probe the associations between public policies and economic outcomes. We find that policies have unequal consequences across subgroups of women, providing prima facie evidence that state-level decisions about how and where to invest resources have differential implications based on women's race and ethnicity. We encourage scholars to use aspects of our approach as springboards for better specifying and identifying the processes that account for heterogeneous policy effects across racial subgroups of women.
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Sidorova, E. "Overcoming COVID-19 Impact in the EU: Supranational Financial Aspect." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 1 (2021): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-24-32.
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The COVID 19 pandemic has led to an acute socio-economic crisis in the world, including in Europe. Anti-crisis measures at the supranational level are considered. The pandemic, which, after the Brexit decision, became another test for European integration, led to the development of a number of anti-crisis measures by the European Commission. On May 27, 2020, the European Commission presented a draft of measures to combat the pandemic, where the main role assigned to the EU Common Budget. The crisis has demonstrated that more funds and powers at the supranational level need to respond to emergencies. The Europeans were forced to take an unprecedented step – a possible “temporary increase in the Own resources ceiling,” which is legally limited and very slowly changing. The results of the meeting of the European Council in July 2020, dedicated to the Commission project were analyzed. A comparison made between the final indicators adopted at the Council, with the figures of the current Multiannual Financial Framework and the project of the European Commission for 2018–2020. Sources of financing for the European Economic Recovery Plan presented. The modern system of own resources does not contribute to the implementation of all the most important EU strategies and initiatives in the field of sustainable economic growth and development. New own resources will not only complement traditional ones, but also demonstrate priorities in the field of environmental policy and fair taxation. The Commission new project enhances the role of the Common Budget in integration and links it closely with the implementation of the long-term strategic priorities of the EU’s economic development. The conclusion is about the multi-vector impact of COVID 19. This force majeure circumstance, if the member states effectively unite their efforts to prepare the foundations for economic recovery, may become an impetus for further deepening European integration.
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Kelton, Maryanne, Michael Sullivan, Zac Rogers, Emily Bienvenue, and Sian Troath. "Virtual sovereignty? Private internet capital, digital platforms and infrastructural power in the United States." International Affairs 98, no. 6 (November 2, 2022): 1977–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac226.
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Abstract Infrastructural power in the United States, which is the capacity to extract and deploy social resources and initiate and harness technological innovation, is increasingly generated by private internet capital and exercised by digital platforms. In this article we argue that while these private actors do not possess legitimacy, this is a form of ‘virtual sovereignty’ which complicates the capacity of the US state to exercise infrastructural power. Though internet software was designed largely by US corporations, commercial users operate increasingly in deterritorialized global spaces, where citizen consent and the interests of the US state are not business priorities. Moreover, much of the internet's hardware is financed by private internet capital within global wealth chains and digital spaces populated by US and non-US corporations. We argue that digital platforms acquire infrastructural power through the accumulation and commercialization of big data, from which they curate individual thinking and behaviour. We point to the targeting of US liberal democratic resilience by hostile, domestic and foreign actors weaponizing social media, and the potential ramifications of the exercise of virtual sovereignty for the return of great power rivalry in international relations. The article concludes that private internet capital's command of vast socio-economic resources reinforces the digital platforms' leadership in technological innovation and challenges the sovereign state's monopoly over national security.
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Khan, Ramla. "RESOURCE AMASSEMENT AS A TOOL OF MAXIMIZING SEA POWER IN THE INDIAN OCEAN." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 8, no. 1 (June 29, 2019): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.8.1.62-74.2019.
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The paper discusses the fundamentals behind the Indian Ocean as the new pivotal of the twenty-first century cauldron, bearing high-yielding economic driving potential analyzed from the sparsely deliberated Classical Realist vistas of Morgenthau that form an intertwine between accumulation of resources and maximization of power. The aim of paper is to provide new dimensions to the IOR rivalry between the power-players whose preponderance remains vital to the control of the sea resources. The present geopolitical settings embedded in the virtues of multifaceted interdependence would not allow for war to be denominated as an appropriate strategy to win the concentrated control of sea wealth. Indian Ocean residues abundant possessions vibrant for the sustenance of human society, economic upheavals and for the purpose of modernizing military capabilities. The Blue Economy approach is subject of discussion in the study offers a way-out, stipulating joint development of resources as the rational approach which would foster cooperation, stability of the Sea-Lines of Communications and smooth running of the economic engines. The proposed approach would provide benefits extending to major littoral and regional states including India, China and Pakistan but also to the foreign stakeholders in the form of United States and Europe. Key words: Sea Power, Power Maximization, Resource Politics, Blue Economy
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Antwi-Boateng, Osman, and Mohammed Binhuwaidin. "Beyond rentierism: the United Arab Emirates’ exceptionalism in a turbulent region." Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 522–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1399640.
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The Arab-Muslim world is often described negatively as undemocratic, intolerant and economically backward. Rare positive commentary about the region is usually reserved for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states based on the belief that their status as rentier states coupled with immense energy resources has enabled them to escape the failures of the larger region. However, this research posits a United Arab Emirates (UAE) exceptionalism attributed to its internalization of key political, economic and social norms, and the promotion of such norms as a norm entrepreneur. The attractiveness of the UAE's accomplishments in the region has made it worthy of emulation and, thus, a soft power.
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Suh, Moon-Gi. "Korean Immigrants and Business Development in the United States: Toward a Synthetic Perspective." International Area Review 10, no. 2 (September 2007): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590701000204.
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This study attempts to explore the reasons why a particular minority community such as Korean immigrants has been able to successfully adapt to the U. S. economy, compared to other ethnic groups. It focuses on community characteristics in the ability to collectively mobilize resources for building businesses and self-employment. Contradictory reports in the literature, however, concerning the superior or inferior development of the self-employment business is related to the emphasis of the different aspects of minority groups. It is argued here that such ramification of explanations is unnecessary and that a more synthetic theoretical argument can be forwarded to explain the success of minority business of Korean immigrants. The baseline toward a theoretical framework is to account for the complex interrelation between economic and non-economic factors that underpin the historical context in which immigrant businesses survive and adapt. The study suggests that the issue of immigrant-owned business in the United States can be best understood in terms of the synergy view by which different theories and models of minority business are integrated and embodied in family relations.
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Rushforth, Richard R., and Benjamin L. Ruddell. "A spatially detailed blue water footprint of the United States economy." Hydrology and Earth System Sciences 22, no. 5 (May 22, 2018): 3007–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hess-22-3007-2018.
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Abstract. This paper quantifies and maps a spatially detailed and economically complete blue water footprint for the United States, utilizing the National Water Economy Database version 1.1 (NWED). NWED utilizes multiple mesoscale (county-level) federal data resources from the United States Geological Survey (USGS), the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), the US Energy Information Administration (EIA), the US Department of Transportation (USDOT), the US Department of Energy (USDOE), and the US Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) to quantify water use, economic trade, and commodity flows to construct this water footprint. Results corroborate previous studies in both the magnitude of the US water footprint (F) and in the observed pattern of virtual water flows. Four virtual water accounting scenarios were developed with minimum (Min), median (Med), and maximum (Max) consumptive use scenarios and a withdrawal-based scenario. The median water footprint (FCUMed) of the US is 181 966 Mm3 (FWithdrawal: 400 844 Mm3; FCUMax: 222 144 Mm3; FCUMin: 61 117 Mm3) and the median per capita water footprint (FCUMed′) of the US is 589 m3 per capita (FWithdrawal′: 1298 m3 per capita; FCUMax′: 720 m3 per capita; FCUMin′: 198 m3 per capita). The US hydroeconomic network is centered on cities. Approximately 58 % of US water consumption is for direct and indirect use by cities. Further, the water footprint of agriculture and livestock is 93 % of the total US blue water footprint, and is dominated by irrigated agriculture in the western US. The water footprint of the industrial, domestic, and power economic sectors is centered on population centers, while the water footprint of the mining sector is highly dependent on the location of mineral resources. Owing to uncertainty in consumptive use coefficients alone, the mesoscale blue water footprint uncertainty ranges from 63 to over 99 % depending on location. Harmonized region-specific, economic-sector-specific consumption coefficients are necessary to reduce water footprint uncertainties and to better understand the human economy's water use impact on the hydrosphere.
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Arzamanova, Tatiana. "SOME ASPECTS OF GERMAN STRATEGIC PLANNING IN INDO-PACIFIC REGION FACING THE RETURN OF GREAT POWER RIVALRY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2022): 258–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.04.11.
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At least in the medium term, the matrix of international relations will be determined not only by the emerging global «geopolitical rift», such as tensions between the United States and China, but also by the return of competition between the great powers. At the same time, the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR) inevitably becomes the main arena for the global confrontation between the United States and China for the opportunity to influence the reformatting of the world order. For the ITR, the growing tension in the South China Sea, the issue of non-proliferation of nuclear and other types of WMD are becoming increasingly important, while the competition of interests of the most important players (USA - China, China - India) in this region generates new security risks and challenges. As a major export trading power, Germany is not going to be limited to the role of an additional player in the region, the economic and geopolitical importance of which is steadily growing, especially given that conflicts in the ITR can threaten the most important trade and transport arteries linking Europe with Asia and Africa. Berlin’s goal is to expand Germany’s presence in the Indo-Pacific, relying on intra-regional cooperation, because the consolidation of the «bipolar structures» of the United States and China in the region is one of the main risks for other major players, as the confrontation between Washington and Beijing could take the form of a proxy war, destroying global supply chains. The strategic planning of the FRG in the ITR, in contrast to the similar strategy of the United States, does not have a pronounced anti-Chinese orientation, although it is aimed, in fact, at «containment» of China. Moreover, a more balanced policy of Germany and its European allies (primarily France) in the region, based on the search for a balance of interests, could contribute to a softer structuring of zones of influence in the ITR with an emphasis on a multilateral approach.
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Cohen, Benjamin J. "International debt and linkage strategies: some foreign-policy implications for the United States." International Organization 39, no. 4 (1985): 699–727. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027077.
Full textAbstract:
The global debt problem influences the foreign-policy capabilities of the United States through its impact on the government's “linkage strategies” in foreign affairs. In some circumstances policy makers are forced to make connections between different policy instruments or issues that might not otherwise have been felt necessary; in others, opportunities for connections are created that might not otherwise have been felt possible. The Polish debt crisis of 1981–82, the Latin American debt crisis of 1982–83, and the IMF quota increase in 1983 are suggestive in this regard. Linkage strategies bred by the debt issue are more apt to be successful when the interest shared by the United States with other countries in avoiding default is reinforced by other shared economic or political interests. They will also be more successful to the extent that the government can supplement its own power resources by relating bank decisions to foreign-policy considerations. Power in such situations, however, is a wasting asset, even when employed indirectly through the intermediation of the IMF.
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Zuo, Zhili, Jinhua Cheng, Haixiang Guo, and Yonglin Li. "Comparative Study on Relative Fossil Energy Carrying Capacity in China and the United States." Energies 14, no. 10 (May 20, 2021): 2972. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14102972.
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Based on resource carrying capacity, this study used the revised theory of relative resource carrying capacity (RRCC) and introduced an innovative concept of relative fossil energy carrying capacity (RFECC), which evaluates the degree of fossil energy sustainability based on the relationship between economy, population, and environment. This study took China and the United States as the study objects, took the whole country as the reference area, and calculated the RFECC of population, economic, and environmental resources from 2000 to 2018. Therefore, based on the comparative analysis, the following conclusions were drawn: (i) there is a big difference in the RFECC between China and the United States, which is manifested in the inverted U-shaped trend in China and the U-shaped trend in the United States; (ii) the relative fossil energy carrying states in China and the United States are different, mainly reflected in the economy and environment; (iii) the gap in RFECC between China and the United States has gradually widened; in general, China’s economic RFECC is better than that of the United States, while environmental RFECC and population RFECC in the United States is better than that of China; and (iv) coal and oil should be used as a breakthrough point for the sustainable fossil energy and sustainable development for China and the United States, respectively.
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Abgadzhava, D. A., and A. S. Vlaskina. "ЦЕНТРАЛЬНАЯ АЗИЯ — АРЕНА СТОЛКНОВЕНИЯ ГЕОПОЛИТИЧЕСКИХ И ГЕОЭКОНОМИЧЕСКИХ ИНТЕРЕСОВ РОССИИ, США И КИТАЯ." Konfliktologia 14, no. 2 (July 28, 2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2019-14-2-41-51.
Full textAbstract:
This article will present the result of an analysis of the geopolitical and geo-economic interests of China, Russia and the United States in the Central Asian region. Central Asia is a field of world power collision because of this region is characterized by an advantageous geostrategic position, communication and energy opportunities, and a significant stock of natural resources. The strategy implemented by China is aimed to cooperate in the development and transportation of hydrocarbon raw materials, the development of the region’s energy potential, the development of hydro resources, the development of transport communications, and industrial facilities. China takes first position of investments and loans in the economy of the republics. There is a cooperation in the fight against terrorism, extremism, drug crime. The United States is pursuing its own national interests in Central Asia in the military-strategic sphere, as well as by investing in the development of the oil and gas industry. The weakening of Russia and China influence in the region also belongs to the national interests of the United States. The realization of Russian’s geopolitical interests is connected with ensuring national security by protecting state borders, combating terrorism and religious extremism, drug crime. Geo-economic interests are associated with the development and transportation of natural resources (hydrocarbon raw materials), cooperation in the energy and transport and transit sectors. In addition, in this article will be analyze a number of geopolitical models that characterize Russian policy in Central Asia.
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Shukurov, Shukhrat Z. "The power politics of the US and its partners in introducing Western democracy into Afghan society." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 28, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2022-28-1-70-76.
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The subject of the study is the power policy of the United States and its allies in the fight against international terrorist organisations in Afghanistan, aimed at building a new Afghan society based on the principles of Western democracy. The research focuses on the processes of democratisation, which were implemented in three stages in 2001-2014. The article also describes important events related to democratization – the creation of a political system in Afghanistan loyal to the United States and its allies; the holding of the first presidential and parliamentary elections; the formation of political opposition from different strata of Afghan society; the holding of the second presidential and parliamentary elections in the said country; the development of the political process against the background of the withdrawal of the main foreign contingent in 2014. The author analyses the miscalculations and serious failures of the administration of the United States and NATO related to the formation of a new government of Afghanistan, the organisation of presidential and parliamentary elections, economic recovery, training for Afghan law enforcement agencies and security. The assessment of the actions of the United States related to the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan during the period most dramatic for the population of the country is given. This article is an analysis of the processes of democratisation of Afghan society, revealing individual aspects of each stage carried out within the framework of the military operation of the United States and its allies in Afghanistan. The main conclusion of the study is that the United States and its partners have failed to achieve their goals of building an Afghan society based on Western democratic values.
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Bensel, Richard. "Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 68–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000432.
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War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.
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Bensel, Richard. "Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 68–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001735.
Full textAbstract:
War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.
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Haq, Abrar Ul, and Mubeen Adnan. "Peripheral Cold War: A Perspective Study of India and Pakistan Relations." Global International Relations Review V, no. III (September 30, 2022): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-iii).03.
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India and Pakistan have long history of animosity which is evident in their bilateral relations. Defining the politics of security is an attempt to first develop the comprehensive definition of security in India Pakistan case and engender certain knowledge that how the threats are surfacing in other aspects of state affairs. The political, economic and social sectors have associated with security while strategic relations of India and United States to counter China are also very important aspects of Pakistan security proposition. This research paper seeks to have a latest oversight to observe how these changing relations might incriminate the strategic environment of South Asia and specifically in Pakistan India relations and how the strategic importance of these periphery’s lead them to cooperate with strong states to get the military and economic benefits. The conflict and strategic relations with the powerful states to maintain the balance of power, forms the peripheral cold war.
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Lim, Dongwan, and Youngsu Jong. "A Comparative Study of the Institutionalization of the Accrual Accounting System in the United Kingdom and the United States." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 21, no. 2 (February 28, 2007): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps21205.
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In the 1970s, many countries were in financial crisis as a result of the burden of maintaining the welfare state and repeated oil shocks. To solve these kinds of economic and financial problems, many countires have attempted to reform the public sector by implementing an accrual basis accounting system. But ehre are significant differences among countries in the foundation and evolution of the institution because of differences in institutional structure. In the case of the United Kingdom, institutional structure had been operated seems like there were not veto points. Once a decision had been made in the executive arena, Parliament was unlikely to change it, as the executive government rest on stable parliamentary majorities. However, the institutional structure of the United States works differently from that of the United Kingdom. A lot of decisions made by executive branch could be vetoed by Congress, or vice versa, because they don not share the same resources of power.
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Zhao, Minghao. "Is a New Cold War Inevitable? Chinese Perspectives on US–China Strategic Competition." Chinese Journal of International Politics 12, no. 3 (2019): 371–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz010.
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Abstract In recent years, Chinese scholars and policy elites have discussed the ever intensifying strategic competition between the United States and China and its multifaceted implications for Chinese foreign policy. Some even worry about the possibility of a new Cold War between the United States and China. This article aims to offer an analysis of Chinese perspectives on US–China strategic competition. In the view of most Chinese observers, US–China strategic competition is inevitable because China is closing the national power gap between itself and the United States, while the latter resolutely upholds its global primacy. Other factors, including ideological disagreements, may fuel the major power competition that has extended to most aspects of US–China relations. Chinese observers believe that economic and technological rivalry between the United States and China has heightened and that the Western Pacific is the focal point of US–China strategic competition. Meanwhile, certain Chinese scholars attach greater importance to US–China competition over international prestige and leadership. However, Chinese analysts are not overly pessimistic about the prospects for US–China relations and have raised policy recommendations geared to managing US–China strategic competition and restoring a new equilibrium between the two major powers.
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Bryndin, Evgeniy. "Digital Cyclical Ecological Regional Self-Sufficient Economy." Journal of Applied Science, Engineering, Technology, and Education 2, no. 2 (June 14, 2020): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35877/454ri.asci22101.
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The economy is sphere of public work and the set of relations that form in the system of production, distribution, exchange and consumption. The paper examines the digital, cyclical, environmental and regional aspects of a cyclical digital environmental regional economy. The digital direction of the economy uses digital twins and robots as assistants to improve its quality, productivity and efficiency. The cyclical economy uses savings and profits to boost its competition and development. The environmental direction of the economy maintains the viability of the environment. The regional economy increases diversification and capacity of local production and preserves the environment in its territory regardless of the type of economic activity. Cyclical aspects of the economy of self-sufficiency mainly concern the financial round-up, and the closed reproduction cycle. Business models of cyclic reproduction realize its economic self-sufficiency. At present, Russia, China, the United States and EU integration education have achieved the optimal level of national economic self-sufficiency. Russia, the United States, and the EU have the necessary financial and human resources. At the same time, China, with excessive human resources, is pursuing a policy of expansion into developing and underdeveloped countries. The main reason for countries to abandon autarky policies in favor of globalization of research activities is the decline in profit levels. The reason for this situation lies in the availability of cheap labour and favourable economic conditions, and production in countries is therefore cheaper. The reason for globalization and the international division of labour lies in maximizing profits, and autarks in maximizing national production, i.e. self-sufficiency. The unity of the Autarky State must be ensured by the existence of economic, historical, cultural ties, as well as by national equilibrium.
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Alnouimat, Abdalla Moh'd Dyab. "The Influence of the Location and Wealth of Central Asian Countries on their Relationship with Countries of the World (Russia, China, The United States of America) (1992-2013)." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, no. 5 (September 15, 2022): 458–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i5.2764.
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Energy is power. From a political, economic and environmental point of view, energy’s security is one of the most important issues facing all countries of the world. In recent years, the competition between the United States, Russia and China for energy sources has become noticeably intense, with rapid growth in energy’s costs and geopolitical considerations including energy’s security. In this context, energy’s security becomes a global concern due to the rapid increase in demand for natural fuels. Indeed, Central Asia is one of the regions where the geopolitical influence and competition between the United States, Russia and China is most affected due to its rich energy resources and strategic location. Therefore, Central Asia was of particular interest to the United States, Russia and China. Moreover, Central Asia and the Caucasus are two of the best options for great powers such as Russia, China, and the United States. This conflict is not expected to end in the near future, but this may be one of the most important battlefields for the production of a new world order, which is required now more than ever.
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THOMPSON, DREW. "The Rise of Xi Jinping and China’s New Era: Implications for the United States and Taiwan." Issues & Studies 56, no. 01 (March 2020): 2040004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400044.
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Xi Jinping’s rise to power has heralded a new foreign policy that is more assertive and uncompromising toward China’s neighbors, the United States, and the rest of the world. This change presents challenges for the United States and Taiwan in particular which must be addressed with a sense of urgency due to Xi Jinping’s ambitious objectives and his firm grip on the levers of power which increase the likelihood that the Communist Party and government of China will seek to achieve them without delay. This paper reviews changes to Chinese foreign policy in the Xi Jinping era and argues how the modernization of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) over time has increased the threat to Taiwan, with concurrent risks for the United States. Taiwan and the US can address the challenge presented by China by strengthening their relationship to adapt to the new era under Xi Jinping’s leadership. According to CIA (2018), China’s economy now stands at approximately US$12 trillion, second only to the United States (CIA [2018]. World fact book). Unlike in 1978, China’s economy today is dependent on access to globally sourced raw materials, and access to overseas consumer markets for its industrial and consumer goods. This dependency on overseas markets has increased China’s global presence and interests, driving the need to protect them. The Chinese Government’s now ample resources have been allocated to both hard and soft power means toward this purpose. The PLA has greatly benefitted from economic development and the expansion of the Chinese economy, transforming from a backward institution focused on private-sector moneymaking into the sharpest tool of China’s power and influence. Since Xi Jinping came to power in 2012, China’s foreign policy and strategy have undergone a dramatic shift away from Deng Xiaoping’s focus on increasing domestic productivity and avoiding potentially costly overseas entanglements. The confluence of accumulated national wealth, diplomatic, economic, and military power, and the will to use those levers of power, has dramatic implications for the United States and China’s neighbors. A more assertive China, confident in its wealth, power, and international status, is increasingly unafraid of overt competition with its neighbors and the United States, unwilling to back down or compromise in the face of disputes. This dynamic has resulted in a new paradigm in the Indo-Pacific region that is unlike previous challenges of the past 40 years. The shift in China’s foreign policy and the PLA’s modernization threaten to challenge the credibility of US security assurances and alliances in the region, making the cultivation and strengthening of the US–Taiwan relationship, and the network of US bilateral alliances in the region an urgent imperative.
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Gall, Alana, Kate Anderson, Kirsten Howard, Abbey Diaz, Alexandra King, Esther Willing, Michele Connolly, Daniel Lindsay, and Gail Garvey. "Wellbeing of Indigenous Peoples in Canada, Aotearoa (New Zealand) and the United States: A Systematic Review." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 11 (May 28, 2021): 5832. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18115832.
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Despite the health improvements afforded to non-Indigenous peoples in Canada, Aotearoa (New Zealand) and the United States, the Indigenous peoples in these countries continue to endure disproportionately high rates of mortality and morbidity. Indigenous peoples’ concepts and understanding of health and wellbeing are holistic; however, due to their diverse social, political, cultural, environmental and economic contexts within and across countries, wellbeing is not experienced uniformly across all Indigenous populations. We aim to identify aspects of wellbeing important to the Indigenous people in Canada, Aotearoa and the United States. We searched CINAHL, Embase, PsycINFO and PubMed databases for papers that included key Indigenous and wellbeing search terms from database inception to April 2020. Papers that included a focus on Indigenous adults residing in Canada, Aotearoa and the United States, and that included empirical qualitative data that described at least one aspect of wellbeing were eligible. Data were analysed using the stages of thematic development recommended by Thomas and Harden for thematic synthesis of qualitative research. Our search resulted in 2669 papers being screened for eligibility. Following full-text screening, 100 papers were deemed eligible for inclusion (Aotearoa (New Zealand) n = 16, Canada n = 43, United States n = 41). Themes varied across countries; however, identity, connection, balance and self-determination were common aspects of wellbeing. Having this broader understanding of wellbeing across these cultures can inform decisions made about public health actions and resources.
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Beckley, Michael. "The Power of Nations: Measuring What Matters." International Security 43, no. 2 (November 2018): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00328.
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Power is the most important variable in world politics, but scholars and policy analysts systematically mismeasure it. Most studies evaluate countries’ power using broad indicators of economic and military resources, such as gross domestic product and military spending, that tally their wealth and military assets without deducting the costs they pay to police, protect, and serve their people. As a result, standard indicators exaggerate the wealth and military power of poor, populous countries, such as China and India. A sounder approach accounts for these costs by measuring power in net rather than gross terms. This approach predicts war and dispute outcomes involving great powers over the past 200 years more accurately than those that use gross indicators of power. In addition, it improves the in-sample goodness-of-fit in the majority of studies published in leading journals over the past five years. Applying this improved framework to the current balance of power suggests that the United States’ economic and military lead over other countries is much larger than typically assumed, and that the trends are mostly in America's favor.
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Chernega, V. N. "“Geopolitical Disorder” in the World and Russia." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-1.
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The article considers the state of the modern international system, in connection with which are disputed the affirmations concerning its multipolarity or the already emerging bipolarity, embodied by the United States and China. Neither the first nor the second definition is based on the concept of “pole”, as it was formed during the years of opposition between the United States and the Soviet Union. The current situation can rather be described as a “geopolitical disorder”. Traditional and emerging powers are fighting for a higher place in the new hierarchy, forging new alliances, often opportunistic, that predetermines the volatility and instability of the system. For States that are inferior in total national power to the United States or China, particularly for Russia, this creates new opportunities, especially in the framework of multilateral diplomacy. At the same time Russia, due to its economic weakness and the threat of a general technological backwardness, risks losing its status of power or, at least, being seriously squeezed by competitors. Hence the need for it to moderate its ambitions as a power and concentrate on implementing reforms aimed at modernizing the economy. The predicted decrease for some time in the resources of the state, due to this, will also require to adapt its foreign policy priorities and to focus on vital national interests.