Journal articles on the topic 'Poverty and ethnic conflict'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Poverty and ethnic conflict.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Poverty and ethnic conflict.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Sujarwoto, Sujarwoto. "Geography and Communal Conflict in Indonesia." Indonesian Journal of Geography 49, no. 1 (July 28, 2017): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ijg.26889.
Full textAbstract:
The determinants of communal conflicts in Indonesia have been widely documented. However, most of them ignore geographical aspects of communal conflicts. This paper examines geographical determinants of communal conflicts in Indonesia. Data comes from the 2008 Village Potential Census (Podes) and official statistics which consist of communal conflict information across all Indonesia’s districts (N districts = 465). Results from spatial dependent model show that communal conflict to be spatially dependent through latent determinants, meaning that communal conflict clusters because of clustering of latent determinants within district. Rather than religious and ethnic heterogeneity, communal conflict is positively associated with poverty, economic inequality, elite capture, and weak capacity of districts to manage fiscal resources.
2
Juma, James Omondi, Prof Crispinous Iteyo, and Dr Ruth Simiyu. "THE The Nexus between Socio-Economic Environment and Recurrence of Inter-Ethnic Conflicts In Nyakach and Sigowet Sub-Counties of Western Kenya." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 5, no. 4 (April 21, 2018): 4595–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v5i4.09.
Full textAbstract:
The recurrence of inter-ethnic conflicts is mainly attributed the socio-economic constraints and deprivations that make disgruntled communities turn against one another in the efforts to get the kind of services they believe that they deserve. This is a common phenomenon globally and also in Kenya. There are a number of social and economic issues surrounding inter-ethnic conflicts in Nyakach and Sigowet Sub-counties of Western Kenya that have made communities get involved in the conflicts regularly. The study investigated the nexus between the socio-economic environment and the recurrence of inter-ethnic conflicts in Nyakach and Sigowet Sub-counties of Western Kenya. The paper aim at examining the relationship between the socio-economic environment and the recurrent inter-ethnic conflicts in area of study. The results therefore show the connection between following socio-economic factors and conflicts the socio-economic activities, distribution of economic resources and opportunities, Politicization of ethnicity and political exclusion, socio-cultural perceptions and Stereotypes, and the socio-economic drivers of conflicts including poverty, youth unemployment, ethnic mistrust and land and boundary issues.
Key words: Recurrence of conflict, Socio-economic environment, Inter-ethnic conflicts
3
Richards, Paul. "Against ethnicity." Focaal 2009, no. 54 (June 1, 2009): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.540101.
Full textAbstract:
Ethnicity—once the preserve of anthropologists and folklorists studying disappearing tribal and peasant cultures—has become an important element in the models and explanations of a broader community of social scientists seeking to comprehend post-Cold War social disorder. But is ethnicity equivalent to variables such as resource competition or poverty? Ethnicity can be viewed as an epiphenomenon. The argument has major consequences for the way ethnic conflicts are analyzed and resolved. The article considers neo-Durkheimian conceptual tools for uncovering mechanisms generative of ethnic epiphenomena, and explores a neo-Durkheimian approach to conflict resolution. Specifically, Mary Douglas's ideas on ring composition are extended to include the ethnomusicological project of the Hungarian composer Béla Bartók, and then applied to epiphenomena emerging from the protracted civil conflict in the West African country of Sierra Leone.
4
Isabirye, Stephen B., and Kooros M. Mahmoudi. "Rwanda, Burundi, and Their “Ethnic” Conflicts." Ethnic Studies Review 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2000.23.1.62.
Full textAbstract:
This paper demonstrably dispels the assumption that ethnic conflict in Rwanda and Burundi is a chronic endemic phenomenon. It emphasizes the consolidation of the caste system during the colonial era, intra regional disparities within the two communities, high population densities, very weak economic bases, poverty, and international interference as some of the cardinal dynamics behind the current deadly contentions within the two states. An analysis behind the genocidal tendencies in the two countries is well illustrated, with special emphasis on the Rwandese tragedy of 1994 as well as its parallels and divergences with the Nazi Holocaust.
5
Eshete, Hailegnaw, Norman Heast, Krysia Lindan, and Jeffery Mandel. "Ethnic conflicts, poverty, and AIDS in Ethiopia." Lancet 341, no. 8854 (May 1993): 1219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-6736(93)91052-n.
Full text
6
Homewood, Katherine, Ernestina Coast, and Michael Thompson. "In-Migrants and Exclusion in East African Rangelands: Access, Tenure and Conflict." Africa 74, no. 4 (November 2004): 567–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2004.74.4.567.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractEast African rangelands have a long history of population mobility linked to competition over key resources, negotiated access, and outright conflict. Both in the literature and in local discourse, in‐migration is presented as leading to increased competition, driving poverty and social exclusion on the one hand, and conflict and violence on the other. Current analyses in developing countries identify economic differences, ethnic fault lines, ecological stresses and a breakdown in state provision of human and constitutional rights as factors in driving conflict. The present paper explores this interaction of in‐migration and conflict with respect to Kenyan and Tanzanian pastoralist areas and populations. Using quantitative and qualitative methods, patterns of resource access and control in Kenya and Tanzania Maasailand are explored in terms of the ways land and livestock are associated with migration status, ethnicity and wealth or political class. Contrasts and similarities between the two national contexts are used to develop a better understanding of the ways these factors operate under different systems of tenure and access. The conclusion briefly considers implications of these patterns, their potential for exacerbating poverty, and policies for minimising social exclusion and conflict in East African rangelands.
7
Dhakal, Sedunath. "An Assessment of the Causes of the Madhesh Movement 2015." KMC Research Journal 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/kmcrj.v2i2.29947.
Full textAbstract:
Conflict in a place is not caused by only a single factor. Many socio-economic, political and cultural factors are responsible to create a violent conflict. Nepal faced socio-political and regional conflict during the past decades, particularly after a decadelong Maoist insurgency had come to an end with peaceful resolution. The people’s movement 2062-63 overthrew the century-long monarchy system of governance, but there occurred different ethnic and regional movements for the identity and recognition. The Madhesh Movement of 2007 and 2015 were very remarkable for the socio-political changes in Nepal. There are many reasons behind Madhesh Movement 2015. This paper has analyzed the four major factors that caused the Madhesh Movement 2015, which are: (i) Poverty, Discrimination and Exploitation (ii) Exclusionary Nature of the State (iii) Influence of Ethnic Movements of Nepal in the Madhesh Movement 2015, and (iv)The Madhesh Movement for Identity. Although the movement occurred throughout Madhesh, four major conflict zones viz. Biratnagar, Janakpur, Birgunj, and Tikapur were taken as the research site. Owing to the same fact, this research paper is based on the response of the people from the conflict zones, experts’ opinions about the conflict, and the selected newspaper opinion articles during the major conflict period.
8
Omede, Jacob. "Ethnic And Political Conflicts In The Eastern Senatorial District Of Kogi State, Nigeria: Some Suggested Therapeutic Measures." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 3 (March 25, 2020): 244–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.73.7813.
Full textAbstract:
This paper titled “Ethnic and political conflicts in the Eastern Senatorial Districts of Kogi State, Nigeria: Some suggested therapeutic measures” was an attempt to bring a relatively lasting solution to the incessant ethnic and political crises in the said senatorial district of the state. In an attempt to do this, the paper examined at the background the characteristics or nature of the Igala, Bassa and Ebira people who are the nationalities that are the original inhabitants of the land by pointing out how they lived harmoniously in the past. The paper in a further attempt to examine the causes of conflicts in this district had to do this in relation to Carl Max theory of conflict reviewed by Chappelow. The possible causes of ethnic and political conflicts in this area that the paper identified and discussed included land dispute, poverty and unemployment, loss of morality, desire to test and manifest “black power” as well as godlessness and bad politicking. The consequences of these which included the destruction of lives and properties, love lost, vendetta, vacation of ancestral homes as well as decline in commercial and agricultural activities were pointed out and also discussed. The paper concluded by recommending proper boundary delineation, more frequent political and moral education, formation of peace clubs as well as depoliticizing community policing and godly living as possible panaceas.
9
Musya, Justus K. "Procedures Used in Developing and Validating the Quality of Life Scale in the Context of the Ethno-Political Conflicts in Mathare and Kibra, Nairobi City County, Kenya." Society & Sustainability 2, no. 2 (September 11, 2020): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.38157/society_sustainability.v2i2.148.
Full textAbstract:
Slight differences in standard of living, issuing from horizontal inequalities between ethnic groups, are a predicate of ethnopolitical violence in Kenya. Developing and validating a scale to estimate the quality of life differences, between warring ethnic groups, can deepen our understanding of an important precursor of ethnopolitical conflict. From a careful review of poverty and developmental literature, the 16 items used in the Quality of Life Scale emerged. In subsequent exploratory factor analysis, a three-factor solution surfaced, and this was subjected to confirmatory factor analysis (CFA). The CFA model scale met the criteria for composite reliability, construct validity, and strict factorial invariance. The scale has enriched our understanding of the three latent dimensions of quality of life that matter most in characterizing the quality of life. First, the indicator "proud about your life" was the strongest factor for latent factor social and physical wellbeing. Second, “can save income”, a proxy for quality of employment. This was the leading indicator for latent factor disposable income. Third, and the indicator “house comfortable to live in” was the notable indicator of latent factor living standards. The Quality of Life Scale can track trends in quality of life of ethnic groups that have a history of ethnopolitical conflict in places like Mathare and Kibra. The scale can be used in other known hotspots of violence in Kenya too where ethnic groups are susceptible to ethnopolitical conflict borne of quality of life differences.
10
Wahidah, Fithroh. "KONFLIK SOSIAL DAN POLITIK DALAM KUMPULAN CERPEN DRAMA ITU BERKISAH TERLALU JAUH KARYA PUTHUT EA: KAJIAN SOSIOLOGI SASTRA." Buana Bastra 5, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36456/bastra.vol5.no1.a3574.
Full textAbstract:
This study aimed to describe the social and political conflicts contained in the collection of short stories Drama Tells Too far work of Puthut EA and to describe thecorrelation between the short story collection The play was a story Too far work of PuthutEA with reality night history of Indonesian society. Sources of data in this study is the textcontained in the collection of short stories Drama Tells Too far work of Puthut EA. Whilethe research data is an excerpt sentence, description, dialogue, and other important mattersin the collection of short stories Drama Tells Too far work of Puthut EA. Data obtained byreading and writing techniques. Data were analyzed with the approach of sociology ofliterature and descriptive analysis techniques. The validity of the data obtained byconducting triangulation is triangualasi methods, sources of data and theory. These resultsindicate the existence of social and political conflict are contained in the collection of shortstories Drama Tells Too Far work of Puthut EA, containing social conflicts, among others:(1) gender conflict, namely: the oppression of women, (2) racial conflict, namely:discrimination of race Chinese, (3) inter-religious conflicts, namely: distrust ofcommunism, (4) conflict of interest, namely: the imposition of a leader, (5) interpersonal conflicts, namely: distrust of others, (6) the conflict between social classes, namely: socialinequality. Containing the political conflict, among others: (1) the weapons of battle and (2)the strategy politik. Correlation between the short story collection That play was a storyToo Far of Puthut EA works with historical reality of Indonesian society, among others: (1)The 1998 riots (2) The increase in fuel (3) Ethnic Discrimination (4) Dispute people of thesame religion (5) arrest Without Accompanied Official Letter (6) Violations of humanrights and (7) Poverty.
11
Martinez Veiga, Ubaldo. "What tourists don’t see: housing, concentration of poverty and ethnic conflict in a Spanish migrant ghetto." Dialectical Anthropology 38, no. 1 (February 12, 2014): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10624-014-9329-2.
Full text
12
Hill, Ronald Paul, Elizabeth C. Hirschman, and John F. Bauman. "The Birth of Modern Entitlement Programs: Reports from the Field and Implications for Welfare Policy." Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 15, no. 2 (September 1996): 263–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/074391569601500208.
Full textAbstract:
One of the most controversial public policy debates of the present decade involves entitlement programs for the poor. Many of these programs originated during the widespread poverty of the Great Depression. The authors reconstruct what consumers experienced during the Great Depression through a primary analysis of observations of consumer behavior, which are preserved in archival reports, and a secondary analysis of letters expressing the consumers’ plight that the consumers themselves authored and sent to various government officials. The four themes resulting from the analyses of these data are (1) consumption conditions, (2) labor as an expendable resource, (3) class and ethnic conflict, and (4) return to self-sufficient modes of production. The broader implications of these historic events for consumer researchers interested in current poverty issues and public policy are provided in the conclusion.
13
Kohrt, Brandon A., Daniel J. Hruschka, Carol M. Worthman, Richard D. Kunz, Jennifer L. Baldwin, Nawaraj Upadhaya, Nanda Raj Acharya, et al. "Political violence and mental health in Nepal: prospective study." British Journal of Psychiatry 201, no. 4 (October 2012): 268–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.bp.111.096222.
Full textAbstract:
BackgroundPost-conflict mental health studies in low-income countries have lacked pre-conflict data to evaluate changes in psychiatric morbidity resulting from political violence.AimsThis prospective study compares mental health before and after exposure to direct political violence during the People's War in Nepal.MethodAn adult cohort completed the Beck Depression Inventory and Beck Anxiety Inventory in 2000 prior to conflict violence in their community and in 2007 after the war.ResultsOf the original 316 participants, 298 (94%) participated in the post-conflict assessment. Depression increased from 30.9 to 40.6%. Anxiety increased from 26.2 to 47.7%. Post-conflict post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was 14.1%. Controlling for ageing, the depression increase was not significant. The anxiety increase showed a dose–response association with conflict exposure when controlling for ageing and daily stressors. No demographic group displayed unique vulnerability or resilience to the effects of conflict exposure.ConclusionsConflict exposure should be considered in the context of other types of psychiatric risk factors. Conflict exposure predicted increases in anxiety whereas socioeconomic factors and non-conflict stressful life events were the major predictors of depression. Research and interventions in postconflict settings therefore should consider differential trajectories for depression v. anxiety and the importance of addressing chronic social problems ranging from poverty to gender and ethnic/caste discrimination.
14
BK, Nirmal Kumar. "Maoist People’s War and Community Adaptation: A Case of Community Forest User Groups Nepal." Journal of Forest and Livelihood 9, no. 1 (September 11, 2013): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jfl.v9i1.8594.
Full textAbstract:
The ten year long armed conflict between the state and the Maoists in Nepal had tremendous impact on all sectors and communities in the rural area. However, based on the study of three Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) of Eastern Nepal, it is argued that CFUGs were less vulnerable than other rural institutions. The paper further discusses how CFUGs adapted their coping strategies and functioned more effectively than other village level institutions during the conflict period. It was observed that due to adjustments of the Maoists agendas for CFUGs planning, such as issues surrounding poverty reduction, social inclusion and caste/ethnic/gender-based discrimination, the Maoists did not adversely affect the CFUGs. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jfl.v9i1.8594 Journal of Forestry and Livelihood Vol.9(1) 2010 57-61
15
Setiawan, Deny, and Bahrul Khoir Amal. "Membangun Pemahaman Multikultural dan Multiagama Guna Menangkal Radikalisme di Aceh Singkil." Al-Ulum 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.30603/au.v16i2.155.
Full textAbstract:
Multicultural education is an educational reform movement. This process is mainly aimed to change the structure of educational institutions. At this stage, students who are members of diverse racial, ethnic, and cultural groups will have an equal chance to achieve better academic values in school. Multi-religion is a situation where there is an existence of some religions in a certain area in which exists in a multi-cultural region. Conflicts which might emerge in Singkil of Aceh are caused by some factors. Among others: lack of the understanding through the existence of multicultural, lack of solidarity among the religious people (multi-religion), and the people from the outside of Aceh Singkil who wants to destroy the stability in this area. Economic disparities and live in poverty for many years is also as another factor rising this conflict, even if it is not the dominant factor.
16
Gimenez, Martha E. "The Feminization of Poverty: Myth or Reality?" International Journal of Health Services 19, no. 1 (January 1989): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/9bbe-phm5-tyv4-erax.
Full textAbstract:
The feminization of poverty is a widely discussed concept in the mass media, and in academic circles, which captures the following facts: there are more poor women than poor men, and women are more likely to fall into poverty because of gender-related factors. In this article, I examine the concept's empirical basis and theoretical significance. The data show that poverty among men increased faster than poverty among women during the 1980–81 recession. While the sex composition of the poverty population has remained relatively unchanged since 1966, its age composition has changed: poverty has increased substantially among working men and women aged 18 to 44. Also, the higher proportion of women in the poverty population cannot be considered simply an effect of male privilege; on the contrary, it may be partially accounted for by higher mortality rates among working-class men. Theoretically, I argue that the meaning of these trends cannot be established using only age and sex categories of analysis. The trends document the progressive immiseration of the working class. Younger workers of both sexes today are worse off than older workers. A discussion of poverty purely in terms of the age, sex, or racial/ethnic composition of the poverty population hides the roots of poverty in the mode of production and succeeds in obfuscating the issues, fueling conflict between men and women, young and old, and white and nonwhite. Only by taking into account the class relations that structure people's life chances is it possible to understand the significance of present trends.
17
Muslim, Macapado A. "Poverty Alleviation and Peace Building in Multiethnic Societies: The Need for Multiculturalist Governance in the Philipines." Chinese Public Administration Review 3, no. 3/4 (November 4, 2016): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v3i3/4.61.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is about the twin challenges of poverty alleviation and peace building in multiethnic countries. It argues that alleviating poverty and achieving peace require the transformation of their politics and governance in multiethnic societies to become multiculturalist. This means making their governance responsive to the challenges and requirements of cultural diversity. Moreover, focusing on the Philippine situation, the paper stresses the urgency of evolving a cultural diversity-friendly political formula for the government to achieve the twin goals of peace and development, particularly in relation to its ethnocultural minorities like the Bangsa Moro of Southern Philippines. Part II of this paper discusses the inextricable link between peace and development, while Part III elucidates some of the political, socio-economic, cultural and security determinants of ethnic conflict. Part IV presents some features of governance warranted by the ethnocultural diversity of multiethnic societies, while Part V analyzes the Philippine situation using the multiculturalist governance framework. Part VI provides some concluding statements.
18
LERCHE, JENS. "Migration Land Alienation and Ethnic Conflict. Causes of Poverty in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh - by Shapan Adnan." Journal of Agrarian Change 8, no. 1 (December 12, 2007): 165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-0366.2007.00166_8.x.
Full text
19
Omilusi, Mike State. "Gender Based Terrorism and Armed Conflicts in Nigeria: The Chibok Girls’ Abduction and the Changing Narratives in Sambisa Forest." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 8, no. 2 (September 9, 2019): 266–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2019.v8n2.04.p266.
Full textAbstract:
Nigeria has had a chequered history of conflict situations such as civil war, inter and intra ethnic conflicts, religious conflicts among others. Northern Nigeria, in particular, has been greatly threatened by armed conflicts in recent years. Indeed, the remote northeast region is ground zero for many of the world’s most vexing problems, including an Islamic militant insurgency, crippling poverty, and declining development. In 2014, no fewer than 276 schoolgirls were abducted in Borno state by the Boko Haram sect that has ravaged the region since 2009. The audacious kidnapping brought the insurgency to world attention, triggering global outrage that galvanised support from many local and international actors. The girls have become a symbol of Nigeria’s brutal conflict. The failure of Nigeria's former government to act quickly to free the girls sparked a global Bring Back Our Girls movement. While the abduction sparked international outrage in a frantic bid to rescue the girls, some undercurrents were playing out locally that now deserve academic review. This essay is thus, an attempt to further interrogate the nature, nuances, shenanigan, politics and various rescue missions that characterise the Chibok girls’ abduction. It particularly reviews the activities of both local and international dimensions of #Bring Back Our Girls campaign within the socio-cultural and political contexts of the time while putting on spotlight issues of post-trauma facilities expected for the rescued girls and the fate of those still in captivity.
Recebido em: setembro/2018.
Aprovado em: setembro/2019.
20
Hale, Frederick A. "The Millennarian Meridian and Cultural-Religious Conflict in Timothy Mofolorunso Aluko's Kinsman and Foreman." Religion and Theology 10, no. 1 (2003): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430103x00169.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn this novel of 1966, the critical Nigerian author T. M. Aluko examines the irrelevance of an indigenous Christian movement among his Yoruba ethnic fellows during the final decade of British imperial rule. He, like Chinua Achebe and other literary contemporaries, highlights the corruption rampant in colonial Nigeria and attributes much of the responsibility for this social ill to the colonised themselves. Aluko takes to task both leaders and adherents of the Alasotele religious community for failing to perceive and address the social sin around them. In his portrayal, they fix their gaze on the anticipated return of Jesus Christ rather than raising a prophetic voice against the evils of the present world, shouldering public responsibility and contributing to the transformtion of society. Despite his scathing indictment of their religious escapism and purported moral poverty, Aluko sheds light on the Alasoteles' relationship to the colonial Church of England, their indigenous African style of worship and the individual spirituality they evince within the context of their fellowhsip.
21
Faver, Catherine A., Alonzo M. Cavazos, and Brian L. Trachte. "Social Work Students at the Border: Religion, Culture, and Beliefs about Poverty." Journal of Baccalaureate Social Work 11, no. 1 (September 1, 2005): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18084/1084-7219.11.1.1.
Full textAbstract:
Social work educators need to understand students' beliefs about poverty if they are to foster a commitment to economic justice. A survey of ninety-six Mexican American social work students revealed that those who were Catholic, those who had consulted a curanderola, and those whose parents or grandparents had been born in Mexico were more likely to agree with structural (rather than individualistic) explanations for poverty. The findings suggest that the respondents' beliefs about poverty were influenced by both the communal values of Mexico and the dominant U.S. ideology of “rugged individualism.” Social work educators should provide opportunities for students of all ethnic and religious backgrounds to identify the cultural roots of their own beliefs about poverty and to resolve conflicts that impede their commitment to social and economic justice.
22
Ewugi, M. S., and Illiyasu Yakubu. "Malthusian Population theory and the Nigerian Economy: A Political Economy Approach." International Journal of Human Resource Studies 2, no. 4 (December 14, 2012): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijhrs.v2i4.2867.
Full textAbstract:
Malthusian population theory was developed as a result of the rapid population growth rate and diminishing return in agricultural sector. Malthus observed geometric ratio growth in population vis-a-vis arithmetic ratio growth in food production and envisaged world “misery” or “vice” if not checked. Subsequent development in the world however, proved the theory wrong. But this work discovers that the predicted doom of population theory is manifesting in Nigeria - rapid population growth rate, food crises, large scale poverty, ethnic and religious conflict, HIV/AIDS epidemics, etc. Although, the aforementioned are in line with the theory’s predictions, Nigerian government operational modus favors these manifestations over the years. The work therefore, recommended that the judicial arm of government be made more efficient at law-enforcement, education sector be given appropriate budgetary attention to subdue poverty, diseases and health care predicaments. Thus, conclude that although, the theory is looked upon as primitive and wrong, the forecasted melancholies still exist in the 21st century Nigeria. Keywords: Population, Political Economy, Economic Growth
23
Jankovic, Slobodan. "Middle East conflicts: Basic features." Medjunarodni problemi 59, no. 2-3 (2007): 266–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0703266j.
Full textAbstract:
The paper explores the causes of the Middle East conflicts. The author considers that apart from historical and religious roots the main causes are the importance of the energy deposits, great and regional powers competition and collisions over energy resources, the complexity of water management in the region for its scarcity, traditional, religious and ethnic differences social differentiations and conflicts, growing poverty among majority of people, demographic problems. The persistence and not solving of these problems clearly indicate that local terrorisms, wars and armed confrontations remain the ominous feature of the region, concludes the author.
24
Dussich, John P. J. "The Ongoing Genocidal Crisis of the Rohingya Minority in Myanmar." Journal of Victimology and Victim Justice 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2018): 4–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2516606918764998.
Full textAbstract:
The serious plight of the Rohingya ethnic group’s extreme victimization in Myanmar has finally emerged on the international stage. They are mostly a stateless Muslim minority from the state of Rakhine which, over recent decades, have been abused by severe and repeated multiple human rights violations. There are now approximately 850,000 displaced Rohingya refugees mostly in Bangladesh and surrounding countries with thousands more waiting in peril between Myanmar and Bangladesh. The saga of the Rohingya dilemma has been fraught with complex ethno-religious conflicts between Buddhist, Muslim and Hindu factions exacerbated by the scale of people involved, rapidity of events, recency of occurrences, abject poverty, racial hatred, linguistic differences, confused ancestral rights, severe humanitarian violations, genocidal policies, surrounded by nations themselves struggling with few resources. The present-day conflicted leadership in Myanmar between the military and the democratically elected leader of her government, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been severely criticized for their brutal continued ethnic cleansing.
25
Fox, Sean, and Kristian Hoelscher. "Political order, development and social violence." Journal of Peace Research 49, no. 3 (May 2012): 431–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311434327.
Full textAbstract:
Why are some countries more prone to social violence than others? Despite the fact that annual deaths due to homicides worldwide outnumber those due to organized armed conflict by a factor of roughly 3 to 1, this question has received very little attention from conflict and development specialists in recent years. As a modest first step in addressing this gap in the literature we draw together insights from the conflict and criminology literatures to develop a model of social violence that accounts for both political-institutional and socio-economic factors. While there is an extensive literature on the socio-economic determinants of social violence, there are only a handful of studies that consider the significance of political-institutional arrangements. Using cross-country estimates of homicides produced by the World Health Organization as an indicator of social violence, we test our model using OLS regression analysis for a sample of more than 120 countries. We find that countries with ‘hybrid’ political orders experience higher rates of social violence than those with strong autocratic or strong democratic regimes, and that weakly institutionalized democracies are particularly violent. We also find robust associations between indicators of poverty, inequality and ethnic diversity and social violence. These results indicate that social and political violence share some common underlying causes. We conclude by suggesting that the apparent global decline in organized armed conflict and the concomitant rise in social violence in recent decades may be linked to world urbanization and the ‘third wave’ of democratization in the global South, although further research is required to confirm this hypothesis.
26
Campos, Nicole Gastineau, and Paul Farmer. "Partners: Discernment and Humanitarian Efforts in Settings of Violence." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 31, no. 4 (2003): 506–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2003.tb00118.x.
Full textAbstract:
One hundred years ago, most wars occurred between nations; today, large-scale violent conflict consists almost exclusively of civil wars in which civilians constitute 30 percent of casualties.’ According to a recent World Bank study of conflict, the poorest one-sixth of the worlds population suffers four-fifths of the consequences of civil wars. While poverty is the greatest risk factor determining a nation’s likelihood of entering into conflict, it is also one of instability’s most predictable consequencet—thus, war is a vicious cycle, and poor nations may remain at risk for intense violence for years or even decades.
27
Anwar, M. Shoim. "Problem Etnisitas India Dalam Cerita Pendek Malaysia." ATAVISME 18, no. 2 (December 25, 2015): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.24257/atavisme.v18i2.115.195-208.
Full textAbstract:
Karya sastra adalah dokumen kemanusiaan dan kebudayaan. Kumpulan cerita pendek Menara 7 (1998), terutama enam cerpen yang ditulis oleh pengarang Malaysia beretnis India, memberi gambaran problem kehidupan etnis India di Malaysia. Dengan meminjam teori etnisitas sebagai landasan, tulisan ini bertujuan mengungkap problem etnisitas India di Malaysia. Problem etnis India terkait dengan kemiskinan, pendidikan, gender, religi, budaya, dan persatuan. Keberadaan etnis India di Malaysia secara historis merupakan bagian dari kolonialisme Inggris di masa lampau. Residu kolonialisme menciptakan jejak hitam kemanusiaan yang mendalam. Sebagai pendatang, tersirat ada ketegangan sosial-budaya yang dialami etnis India, tetapi bukan konflik. Problem etnis India dalam cerpen Malaysia adalah sarana untuk becermin bagi masyarakat dalam negara yang multietnis.
Abstract:
Literature is a document of humanity and culture. A collection of short stories Menara 7 (1998), especially five short stories written by Malaysian Indian, gives an overview of Indian ethnic problems in Malaysia. Using postcolonial theory as an anchor, their problems are poverty, education, gender, religion, culture, and unity. The existence Malaysian Indian was British colonial legacy. The leftover of colonialism deeply creates dark footprints of humanity. As a newcomer, it’s implied there was social-cultural tension, but not conflict, experienced by Malaysian Indian. The problems in Malaysia short stories are a tool of reflection in a multiethnic society.
Key Words: problem, ethnic, ethnicity, short story
28
Nguyen, Tiep Van. "Some comments on national policy of the republic of Vietnam under control of ngo dinh diem (1954 – 1963) for ethnic group in central highlands." Science and Technology Development Journal 16, no. 1 (March 31, 2013): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v16i1.1401.
Full textAbstract:
Due to the Highlands’ strategic location in terms of politics and military, after the enthronement, President Ngo Dinh Diem implemented the policy of nationalization to annex Highlands into the Territory of Republic of Vietnam. Ngo Dinh Diem Government carried out wrong policies regarding economy, depriving highland villages of the collective ownership of the land mass to perform settled agriculture and habitation, to build up strategic hamlets, all resulting in the unstabibility, disturbance and poverty of the minority communities. The government operated the policy of cultural assimilation in all aspects such as law, culture, education, etc.; at the same time, born the discrimination against public servants, officials, military officers in the Highlands leading to the conflict between the Highlands people, the government and even the Kinh people. The Department of Highlands Affairs, as an advisory body and national policy enforcer, didn’t fulfill its duty, but acting for formality. The consequences of the misguided policies of the Ngo Dinh Diem government was the mail reason leading to the struggling movement of Highlands peoples, making the Highlands’ issues of security and politics all the more unstable.
29
DUARTE, REGINA HORTA. "‘It Does Not Even Seem Like We Are in Brazil’: Country Clubs and Gated Communities in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, 1951–1964." Journal of Latin American Studies 44, no. 3 (August 2012): 435–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x12000429.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis study focuses on the first gated communities in Belo Horizonte, Brazil, which were developed between 1951 and 1964. In an era of democracy and economic growth, the Brazilian government promoted infrastructural improvements and attracted foreign capital. However, there was a concomitant increase in inequality and poverty, and deep-rooted political conflicts. Notwithstanding the varying motivations of those who chose to live in gated communities, this article argues that the attempt by elites to establish a lifestyle of leisure and European-style sophistication in these enclaves had political, ethnic, class and gender implications. Their self-segregation strengthened the patrimonialism and authoritarianism in politics that would prevail during the ensuing military dictatorship.
30
Mohamed, Abduselam Abdulahi. "Pastoralism and Development Policy in Ethiopia: A Review Study." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (November 6, 2019): 01–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v2i4.562.
Full textAbstract:
Pastoralism is a culture, livelihoods system, extensive use of rangelands. It is the key production system practiced in the arid and semi-arid dryland areas. Recent estimates indicate that about 120 million pastoralists and agro-pastoralists life worldwide, of which 41.7% reside only in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Pastoralists live in areas often described as marginal, remote, conflict prone, food insecure and associated with high levels of vulnerability. Pastoral communities of Ethiopia occupy 61% of the total land mass and 97% of Ethiopian pastoralists found in low land areas of Afar, Somali, Oromiya, and SNNPR. In spite pastoral areas have significance role in national economy, yet very little consideration was given to pastoral development and policy makers often neglect them, focusing on the interests of agriculture and urban people. The constitution of Ethiopia gives pastoral communities the right to free land grazing, fair use of natural resources, have market access and receive fair price, and not displaced from their own lands. However, pastoralists have faced new problems in recent years, including competition for water and pasture; unrepresented in socio-economic and political activities, ethnic based conflicts, poverty, and uneven drought and climate changes. The government of Ethiopia began large scale efforts to develop the pastoral areas and initiated different projects, but pastoral development policies and strategies seem to be state centrally-driven. In Ethiopia the current nature of pastoralism and pastoral communities’ life style is changing. Therefore, government needs to develop policies and strategies which are based on local customs and practical knowledge.
31
Colgrove, James. "Reform and Its Discontents: Public Health in New York City During the Great Society." Journal of Policy History 19, no. 1 (January 2007): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2007.0000.
Full textAbstract:
The health-care system was one of the most visible and contentious battlegrounds on which the social conflicts of the 1960s unfolded. To an unprecedented extent, health status—especially the stark disadvantage in access and outcomes for racial and ethnic minorities and the poor—became an object of public and governmental concern during the Great Society era, as clinicians, community activists, politicians, and policymakers sought to create new models of medical care that were more equitable and efficient than those of the past. The social science theories that informed the ambitious programs of Lyndon Johnson's administration gave an imprimatur to the idea that illness was both cause and consequence of the “cycle of poverty.”
32
Faturahman, Burhanudin Mukhamad. "Pluralisme Agama dan Modernitas Pembangunan: Rekonstruksi Pemikiran Pluralisme dalam Membentuk Etika Universal." JSSH (Jurnal Sains Sosial dan Humaniora) 2, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.30595/jssh.v2i2.2798.
Full textAbstract:
Social conflict that occurred in Indonesia with a religious background is very concern. Religious pluralism should be the yardsticks religious tolerance in the midst of diversity, tolerant attitude of trust with fairness in order toward a civil society. In addition modernity allegedly subverts the social order because it creates an unfair economic system. The purpose of this writing to discuss religious pluralism with the value contained in it in terms of thinking Dawan Rahardjo, Nurcolish Madjid and John Hick with a contribution of modernity against the onset of social conflict. The research of religious pluralism in Indonesia namely according to Rahardjo addressed as a social integration as the Foundation behave because actual religions taught the values of public virtue while Madjid argued civil society is Home of democracy with an ethic of community as the quality of the life of democracy. Hick States pluralism as centering yourself towards the single reality of centering (of God) through different forms and ways. This diversity is vulnerable to conflict because of modernity triggered poverty, environmental destruction and communal violence. Therefore strengthening the education of multi religious and ethical global College absolutely implemented in an effort to create a civil society
33
Kemal, A. R. "Institutional Change, Growth, and Poverty Levels in Pakistan (The Presidential Address)." Pakistan Development Review 42, no. 4I (December 1, 2003): 299–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v42i4ipp.299-311.
Full textAbstract:
It is now well-recognised that institutions matter in the growth process both directly and indirectly. Well-functioning institutions lead to higher investment levels, better policies, increase in social capital stock of a community, and better management of ethnic diversity and conflicts [see for example North (1990, 1994); Jutting (2003); Rodrik, et al. (2002); Dollar and Kray (2002); World Bank (2002); Aron (2000); Chu (2001) and Frischtak (1995)]. That the decay of institutions has led to poor governance—and the urgent need for improved governance in Pakistan particularly—has been well-documented in DRI/McGraw-Hill (1998); Pakistan (1999) and Hassan (2002). Transparent, participatory, and efficient working of institutions ensures correct priorities and appropriate policies; their effective and efficient implementation results in high growth, better income distribution, and alleviation of poverty. Institutional development has been very slow in Pakistan, and more often than not these have been abused by the èlite to extract rent [Hussain (1999)]. Over the last three decades, and especially in the 1990s, even the institutions that existed have degenerated. Poor governance resulting from the mal-functioning of institutions has denied the poor any participation in the decision-making process, and they have failed to derive any benefit from the rising levels of per capita incomes.1 The rising poverty in turn has led to further decay of institutions and the poor are caught in the vicious circle [see Hassan (2002)].
34
Gebrewahd, Meressa Tsehaye. "Securitization and Militarization of The Border: Security Dilemma in Post-1998 Ethiopia and Eritrea." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 12, no. 4. (May 22, 2019): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2018.12.4.6.
Full textAbstract:
The post-1991 Ethiopia and Eritrea were hoped to become promising and exemplary states in Africa. But, after seven years of euphoria, national stability and security trapped both countries into a bloody conflict, and their relation is now in structural crisis: the ‘no war, no peace’ dilemma. Their security dilemmas are basically centered on the antagonistic foreign and national security as well as nation-building policies. The post-independence nation-building attempt to forge a militarized single national identity in Eritrea, under the motto of “one people, one heart” and the remaking of the age-old Ethiopian state based on ethnic federalism further deepen the nation-building dilemma. The post-1998 security dilemma between the two states is, therefore, the result of securing Eritrea’s nation-building policies and the militarization of the Yika’alo-Warsay generation where Ethiopia has been made to be “a relevant enemy to its Singaporization vision” and Eritrea is subsequently viewed as a “relevant enemy to Ethiopia’s renaissance vision and securitization of poverty”. During the militarization of the borders, Badme still remains symbolically the hotbed of the ‘no war, no peace’ regime. This article, therefore, analyzes the post-2000 security dilemma between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the subsequent dynamics that have led to securing and/or militarizing their relations.
35
Dhiba, Hana Farah, and Wahyu Eka Putra. "RESPONSE TO REFUGE ISSUES IN INDONESIAN IMMIGRATION LENS IN IMMIGRATION DETENTION HOUSES." Journal of Law and Border Protection 3, no. 1 (May 18, 2021): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.52617/jlbp.v3i1.211.
Full textAbstract:
The phenomenon of refugees is one of the topics of discussion in the international world. This situation was triggered by the increasing number of refugees scattered in various countries around the world. The existence of refugees is often a special concern for countries that are both transit places and destinations. In Indonesia, tens of thousands of refugees and asylum seekers stop and live. Some of the Arab and African countries and ethnic Rohingya who are hit by armed conflict and acute poverty. They lived for years while waiting for a third country. Their existence is increasingly causing various problems in society. The research uses normative legal research methods with 7 approaches. From the research results, it can be concluded that the presence of refugees in Indonesia has been going on for decades. The refugees entered by land and sea routes to Indonesian territory. Various policies have been taken to deal with the presence of refugees from abroad, one of which is Presidential Regulation Number 125 of 2016 concerning Policies for Handling Refugees from Abroad. However, over time, the refugee status intersected with the status of illegal immigrants contained in the regulation of the Director General of Immigration. This in the future raises various problems related to the handling of refugees in Indonesia.
36
Simpson, Evan. "Moral Conservatism." Review of Politics 49, no. 1 (1987): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500044296.
Full textAbstract:
The study of ethics has recently become influenced by a form of moral conservatism—a critique of “modernity” with a bias towards Aristotle. It stresses the integrity of communities and their customs, a pluralistic and particularistic respect for the diversity of human groups, the poverty of utopianism and Marxism, and the inevitability of moral and political conflict. Each stress raises major issues: the priority of social goods over human rights; hermeneutical problems of understanding between communities; difficulties for societies' shaping a common future in accordance with their moral understanding; the balance between consensus and conflict in political life. These problems are addressed in an extended form of moral conservatism which defines a number of correspondences with progressive conceptions of humanity. Referring to central facts of moral psychology and possible institutions of public communication, the discussion identifies universal human purposes whose practical implications are consistent with a postmodern society in which the course of development is settled by public deliberation.
37
Huruta, Andrian Dolfriandra. "HARUSKAH PEMBANGUNAN BERHENTI DILAKUKAN?" KRITIS 23, no. 2 (September 21, 2016): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.24246/kritis.v23i2p97-108.
Full textAbstract:
This article aims to describe some efforts of every country worldwide to promote welfare of the society like economic, social, environment aspects without harming the environment or social life. There is an effort to support development thought some great event such as the UN conference on sustainable development (Rio+20). This effort creates millennium development goals and sustainable development goals. However this effort still creates some problems such as ecological, social conflict, inequality, security, poverty and etc. So that there are some action that we can do to reduce some problems such as increase the role of global citizen, development ethics and wisdom.Kata kunci: Pembangunan, Etika Pembangunan, Masyarakat Global, Kearifan
38
Bojor, Laviniu, and Ionuț Alin Cîrdei. "The Afghan “Fog of War”." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 26, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0004.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe terrorist attacks of 9/11 took the USA and NATO by surprise, as they are still under the euphoric effect of celebrating the fall of the Eastern European ideological walls and the collapse of the communist bloc. The immediate response of the military operations led to the neutralization of the Taliban forces or more precisely to their removed from political power and denial the influence of Al Qaeda. The purely military approach dominated the initial kinetic clashes and conquered the physical terrain but failed to dominate the society marked by perennial conflicts, widespread corruption, poverty and multiple ethnic and tribal fragmentations. The Afghan insurgency that formed seems to have managed to slow down and finally block the reconstruction and development effort made by the strong NATO-centred coalitions. The article examines the causes of the Afghan “fog of war” that led to this great failure and makes recommendations that must be taken into account in future military conflicts.
39
Mahmood, Moazam, and Durr-E. Nayab. "Towards Linking Four Emerging Paradigms in Economic Theory—Regulationist, Institutionalist, Post-modernist, and Post-development." Pakistan Development Review 34, no. 4II (December 1, 1995): 673–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v34i4iipp.673-690.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is an epistemological attempt to synthesise four emerging paradigms in economic theory. These paradigms are the regulationist, the institutionalist, the post-modernist, and the post-development. Arguably, these are paradigms rather than models of behaviour because they each presents an analytical framework for examining different economic phenomena. We shall attempt to show that the four paradigms are useful, complementary, and can be symbiotically linked into a broader paradigm especially to examine the phenomenon of low growth in the region. If we use a modified Kuhnian (1970) model for paradigmatic shifts in a discipline, we can argue that there are three dominating, competing, normal paradigms in economic theory: neoclassical, Marxist, and development theory. In Kuhnian fashion, these three dominant paradigms are pressured by several crises of inability to explain phenomena. Many of these explanational crises are about Less Industrialised Countries (LICs), but increasingly these crises are also about the inability to explain change in the Industrialised Countries (ICs) and the Newly Industrialising Countries (NICs). One, these three paradigms have to explain the differential growth rates of economies. They have to explain the low growth of LICs relative to both the old NICs (Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong) and the new NICs (Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, and China). The collapse of the Soviet model also has to be explained. Two, these paradigms have to explain the coexistence of significant levels of poverty with affluence in the LIs, and NICs, and now emergent poverty in the ICs. Three, these paradigms also increasingly have to explain why in a country growth and distribution is biased in favour of particular ethnic and social groups, excluding others, fuelling ethnic and social conflicts within countries and across countries globally. Four, these paradigms have to establish whether the IC market-determined patterns of consumption demand can be satisfied globally
40
Usman, Ya'u Haruna. "ADULT EDUCATION FOR CONSCIOUSNESS RAISING, GOOD NEIGHBORLINESS AND SUSTAINABLE DEMOCRACY AND LIVELIHOOD IN NIGERIA." Sokoto Educational Review 16, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35386/ser.v16i2.145.
Full textAbstract:
Friendly neighborliness is an instrument for peaceful co-existence and harmonious relationship. It is also very vital to the sustenance of democracy and livelihood in every society. Unfriendly neighborliness is mostly caused by conflicts, especially when they escalate to violence. The Nigerian nation has witnessed several conflicts stemming from religious, ethnic, political and economic reasons. The effects of such conflicts are enormous; apart the loss of lives and property, resulting into many people deserting their homes, jobs and other sources of livelihood. The major repercussion of those conflicts is the intendments of hatred, fear, suspicion and unfriendly neighborliness among people living in such communities. Adult Education has numerous programmes that raise consciousness as well as solve the problems of ignorance, poverty, frustration among adults and youths in Nigeria. Peace education which is also an integral part of adult education can be used to raise the consciousness of the Nigerian adults and youths against violence. This type of education inculcates the virtues of tolerance and forgiveness; it also highlights the dangers of conflicts and the need for peaceful co-existence needed for the sustenance of democracy and livelihood in Nigeria.
41
BJELAJAC, ЖELJKO. "SECURITY CULTURE AS A FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN NEED." PERSPEKTIVA UVOĐENJA BEZBEDNOSNE KULTURE U OBRAZOVNI SISTEM REPUBLIKE SRBIJE, (2021), special edition (1) (May 31, 2021): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.1p.1.01.
Full textAbstract:
Modern society exists in conditions of evident contradictions and complex problems. In addition to chronic poverty, ethnic violence, regional war conflicts, the expansion of terrorism and organized crime, we have long faced climate change and environmental degradation. The destruction of ecosystems has become a kind of crisis multiplier, which has deep implications for international peace and stability. In the age of scientific and technological prosperity in the search for answers to old and new security threats, we are also facing a latent moral stumbling on a global level, which is reflected in the phenomenon of “alienation of man from man”, which is the cause of many evils. Addiction diseases, where drug addiction, smoking and alcoholism predominate, dominate among the young population and develop serious diseases with fatal outcomes. It is known that many important aspects of human development also relate to the security of people, who naturally strive for “freedom from fear and freedom from poverty.” Therefore, building and maintaining a security culture, on the one hand, is not a simple process, and on the other hand, it is like any other process that people manage and which involves continuous activities, planning, control and audit. The sentence, “what kind of security culture you have, such is the character of your society”, has gained real meaning in the current time.
42
Singh, Udaya Narayana. "AFTER THE DELUGE: AN ACTION NOTEBOOK FOR A RESPONSIBLE SOCIOLINGUIST." IARS' International Research Journal 11, no. 1 (February 9, 2021): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.51611/iars.irj.v11i1.2021.155.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper, we begin with inevitability and cyclicity of pandemic during the last two centuries. The problems seem to be coming back to us again and again through Small-pox, Tuberculosis, Plague, Influenza, HIV/AIDS, Ebola, and now COVID-19. The 2003 Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome (SARS) pandemic and the Avian Influenza resulted in establishment of WHO protocols and awareness. However, as we consider the people at the Bottom of the Pyramid in developing and poor countries, the problem of survival of ethnic groups and their languages appear to be more acute. We know that 96% of India’s mother-tongues are spoken by only 4% of the population. But as India houses 3592 numerically weak mother tongues (spoken by 705 tribes or ethnic groups and 1284 castes scattered all over our rural landscape), with high degree of poverty combined with social hierarchies based on caste, religion and ethnicity, the shape of our population pyramid is relatively flat and bulging at the bottom making the problem of the survival of mother-tongues and learning in other-tongues complex. Our problem is that these ethnic groups and speakers of indigenous languages are fast losing their grip over their respective mother-tongues as they have to survive in an urban cauldron. It is this group that faced/faces the COVID-19 crisis more than anyone else, and it is this group that was seen walking back from urban centres to their villages. But those who stayed back in villages are also vulnerable to the pandemic. The effect of COVID-19 on our indigenous groups could be dangerous. After defining and describing ‘Danger’, we argue that the creativity of these indigenous language speakers is facing a grave threat. This is not only a matter of survival or production, but also an issue of printing, publishing, being read, translated, and sold. After discussing a few theoretical positions, from Ethnologue to Fishman and others, a list of tasks of Responsible Sociolinguistics is enlisted here. Then a detailed comparison is held between Biological and Linguistic Endangerment. What lessons could be learned by sociolinguists and language planners is discussed. The kind of tensions existing as real threat to survival are discussed in terms of systems theory and power-conflict theory. We argue that Linguistics should be used for healing of the wounds and injured pride of the smaller speech groups.
43
Yahaya, Jibrin Ubale, A. N. Liman, and Yahaya Adadu. "An Assessment of Challenges Faced by Security Agencies in Fighting Proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons in Kano State, Nigeria." International Journal of Social Science Studies 6, no. 7 (July 2, 2018): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i7.3401.
Full textAbstract:
Prevention and management of crime is one of the core mandate responsibilities of security agencies who are peoples that are trained to oversee the internal security system in Nigeria. These agencies includes Nigeria Police Force, Nigeria Security and civil Defense Corps, Nigeria Immigration Service, Nigeria Customs Service, Directorate of State Security Service(DSSS) and to some certain extend when the level of internal security is over raising Nigeria Militaries, both Land Armies, Air Force and Navy gives intervention hand to curtail the situations. The widespread of small arms and light weapons in Kano State has it is genesis from both locally manufactured and the imported ones that mostly passed from various porous or illegal borders that are located in the neighboring states of Kastina and Jigawa State. SALW are the primary tools that trigger both ethnic and internal conflict and other related violent crimes that poses a threat to internal security, democracy and the operation of good governance not only in Kano State but in Nigeria. SALW is one of the key major factor s that generate to various categories of crime like armed robbery, kidder napping, community violent conflict, insurgent attacks and the host of many other crimes. The paper uses the failed state theory to explain the gap how state as an institution fails in its responsibilities and also the paper is empirical in nature by conducting interviews and administering questionnaire to some selected respondent populations from security personnel’s, academicians, traditional institutions and Community Based Organization’s CBO’s. The paper was on the position that for democracy and good governance to be truly functional the internal security must be guaranteed by empowering security agencies in terms of increasing their number, effective training, enough working tools, good condition of service and providing policies that will address the level of poverty and unemployment in the society as well as prosecuting any member of elite that either imported the arms or given arms to youth for achieving his political interest.
44
Patel, Rajul, Mary Anne Choi, Dorothy Fan, Vincent Man, Cathy Thao, Thanh Thai, Michaela Vachuska, et al. "Bridging the Gap: Collaboration between a School of Pharmacy, Public Health, and Governmental Organizations to provide Clinical and Economic Services to Medicare Beneficiaries." INNOVATIONS in pharmacy 9, no. 1 (January 22, 2018): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.24926/iip.v9i1.986.
Full textAbstract:
Objective: Promoting healthy communities through the provision of accessible quality healthcare services is a common mission shared by schools of pharmacy, public health departments, and governmental agencies. The following study seeks to identify and detail the benefits of collaboration between these different groups.
Methods: In total, 112 mobile clinics targeting Medicare beneficiaries were held in 20 cities across Northern/Central California from 2007 to 2016. Under the supervision of licensed pharmacists, trained student pharmacists provided vaccinations, health screenings, Medicare Part D plan optimization services, and Medication Therapy Management (MTM) to patients at each clinic site. Clinic support was extended by public health departments, governmental agency partners, and a health professional program.
Results: Since clinic inception, 8,996 patients were provided services. In total, 19,441 health screenings and 3,643 vaccinations were collectively provided to clinic patients. We assisted 5,549 beneficiaries with their Part D benefit, resulting in an estimated aggregate out-of-pocket drug cost savings of $5.7 million. Comprehensive MTM services were provided to 4,717 patients during which 8,184 medication-related problem (MRP) were identified. In 15.3% of patients, the MRP was determined severe enough to warrant prescriber follow-up. In total, 42.9% of clinic patients were from racial/ethnic minority groups and 25.5% had incomes ≤150% of the Federal Poverty Level.
Conclusion: Collaboration between a school of pharmacy, public health departments, and governmental organizations can effectively serve Medicare beneficiary populations and result in: 1) lower out-of-pocket drug costs, 2) minimization of medication-related problems, 3) increased vaccination uptake, and 4) increased utilization of health screenings.
Conflict of Interest We declare no conflicts of interest or financial interests that the authors or members of their immediate families have in any product or service discussed in the manuscript, including grants (pending or received), employment, gifts, stock holdings or options, honoraria, consultancies, expert testimony, patents and royalties.
Treatment of Human Subjects: IRB review/approval required and obtained
Type: Original Research
45
Bin Abdul Hamid, Ahmad Sarji. "Jihad." American Journal of Islam and Society 10, no. 4 (January 1, 1993): 556–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v10i4.2482.
Full textAbstract:
It is a great privilege and honor for me, as the founding chairman ofthe Institute of Islamic Understanding, Malaysia, to be invited to addressthis distinguished Second Parliament of the World's Religions. Thistopic-Jihad: Struggle for Peace and Justice-is very relevant, as we arestill searching for a universally acceptable world order that can guaranteea true state of intematfonal peace through absolute justice. The world hasyet to be completely free from a number of bloody atrocities andaggression that are direct infringements on human and individual rights.There is the unending Middle East conflict between the Palestinians andIsrael for more than four decades, the "ethnic cleansing" of the Bosniansby the Serbs, and the Somali political and economic convulsion. The relevant world bodies have yet to exhibit their ability to handleand manage effectively, and with the desired firmness and vigor, suchdelicate intemational conflicts. It is quite apparent that the intemationalcommunity seems to depend on the world bodies that serve only the interestsof a powerful few. Actions taken seem to be rather selective, tothe extent that they create a degtee of bias and injustice.The problems of environmental degradation and resource distributionstill loom large despite rapid and unprecedented advancement in scienceand technology. Abject poverty, undernourishment, and malnutrition remainprevalent in parts of Africa and Asia. The world now sees a systemthat concentrates political, military, economic, social, and cultural powerin the hands of a privileged few located largely in the North. More specifically,within this global system the poor South had to "pay" the richNorth approximately 132 billion dollars in debt servicing during 1988. Ithas been estimated that six hundred fifty thousand Third World childrendie each year. If we consider the global distribution of income -both betweenand within countries-we would discover that the richest 20 percentof the world's population receives at least 150 times more than thepoorest 20 percent. What is even more distressing is a United Nations'study showing that "the poorest of the developing countries have morethan half of the world's population and 5.6 per cent of world income." ...
46
Van Genugten, Willem. "UN Peacekeepinig in Africa and Good Governance: Challenges and Prospects." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 11, no. 2 (June 26, 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2008/v11i2a2760.
Full textAbstract:
While UN peacekeeping operations are in most cases confronted with a multitude of intertwined problems, this seems to be even worse in Africa. Operations on African soil have to react more than averagely to inter- as well as intrastate conflicts based upon ethnic tension, to conflicts starting from extreme poverty or the abuse of natural resources, and to situations in which governments are failing to do what governments should do. In the paper the mandates of the six ongoing UN peacekeeping operations in Africa – as of 1 May 2007, that is, in the Western Sahara, Liberia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia and Eritrea, Côte d’Ivoire and Sudan – are analysed from the perspective of their (desired) contribution to the establishment of good governance structures. That analysis is followed by some observations upon the changing nature of peacekeeping operations. This includes the need to react to the specificity of African conflicts – which are often characterised by the combination of poverty, weak public institutions, a small private sector, high illiteracy, a narrow skills base, and limited capabilities for guaranteeing security – and the more general move towards 'peace building', which is in so many ways similar to a 'good governance' approach. The paper concludes by formulating a few lessons. These relate to such things as the need for UN peace keepers to take care of the economic root causes of the conflicts they have to deal with, as well as the task to invest systematically in building up governmental structures and legal institutions, while at the same time training police, army and judiciary staff in respect for human rights and in notions such as trying to solve conflicts without the use of violent means. The paper ends by underlining the necessity of a good interplay between the UN peace keepers and all state and non-state actors involved, from land lords and associations of farmers to regional intergovernmental organisations, from NGO’s to the International Financial Institutions and UN Specialised Organisations. If this is not going to happen, the focus is too much upon the military aspects only, and that is – needed as it may be in the short run – a guarantee that conflicts will reoccur as soon as the operations have ended.
47
Njagi, Catherine Wambugu. "Combating Civil Wars in Africa." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 4, no. 1 (May 10, 2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v4i1.34.
Full textAbstract:
The Twentieth and twenty first centuries have been described as the age of anxiety. This is largely due to the many civil wars and conflicts that have been prevalent in our contemporary world, and especially with special reference to Africa which is the worst hit. In particular, armed conflicts been witnessed in Angola, Ethiopia Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia and Sudan among others. Equally, civil wars have been witnessed in Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia and Sudan. Sadly, some of these States are at the verge of collapse due to the effect of these unfortunate civil wars and conflicts. Other countries that were affected by civil or ethnic conflicts, albeit at lower levels include: Burundi, Cameroon, Kenya, Nigeria, Togo, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Chad, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Malawi, Senegal, and South Africa. The latter has witnessed xenophobic attacks, especially in May 2008. Terrorism activities have also Increased, as it continues to create tensions among nations, religions, tribes and so on. To this end, this article seeks to explore the causes of civil wars and conflicts in Africa, that bleeds poverty on a mass scale. How can the church participate in curbing these wars and conflicts, and eventually usher-in sanity in these troubled waters? In its methodology, this article strives to redefine war and discusses the characteristics of modern warfare. Through an extensive review of relevant literature, the article has also attempted to explore the place of individual persons, the nation-states and the international network systems in combating civil wars; and lastly, it has endeavored to show the contribution of the church in wrestling out all forms of conflicts in the Sub-Saharan Africa.
48
Lehman, Howard P. "The Theory and Practice of Third World Solidarity. By Darryl C. Thomas. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2001. 324p. $57.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 695. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402290371.
Full textAbstract:
Since the end of the Cold War, development studies have fallen to the wayside as attention has shifted to the democratization process in Eastern Europe, the increased integration of the European Union, and the effects of economic globalization in the advanced industrialized countries. The developing world was seen as an afterthought or, in some cases, as arenas of misunderstandable ethnic or religious conflict, structural poverty, disease, and other hardships. However, in the context of September 11, more attention now is on the developing world, perhaps not so much on economic development, but more on containing various terrorist organizations. Yet development studies still exist, and this area of study maintains an historical connection to several decades worth of academic research. Scholars persistently ask such questions as why the South is poor and politically weak compared to countries in the North. Answers generally are located in the dependency literature of unequal economic relations leading to unequal power relations. Darryl C. Thomas, in The Theory and Practice of Third World Solidarity, asks this question but provides a somewhat different response. The economic and political inequality in the world is not necessarily due to economic ideology but to the color of skin (p. xi). The solidarity of the Third World that Thomas sees in the past is one based on race, and racial solidarity should be the means by which the poor and powerless of the Third World transform unequal power relations. Thomas refers to this relationship as global apartheid, defining it as a structure of the world system that combines political economy and racial antagonism (p. 26). He states that global apartheid refers to the continuation of white-minority dominance of political, social, legal, cultural, and economic decision-making apparatuses within the world system (p. 111) and that this form of racial capitalism has become a permanent feature in the world system.
49
Alfoqahaa, Sam, and Eleri Jones. "Leading at the edge of chaos: historical perspectives on the qualities of leadership for cultural diversity and conflict resolution." International Journal of Public Leadership 16, no. 2 (April 21, 2020): 217–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-10-2019-0065.
Full textAbstract:
PurposeBuilding on the contributions of chaos and complexity theories, this paper aims to conceptualize how the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela were able to transform chaos (randomness) into order (integration). More specifically, it aims to identify the qualities by which such leadership worked in the context of conflict and cultural confrontations, which is, leading at the edge of chaos.Design/methodology/approachThis research follows a qualitative approach in data collection and analysis; it narrates and analyses biographic data as well as literature about these three prominent leaders. Common qualities of these leaders are explored in-depth, discussed and linked.FindingsSuccess in leading at the edge of chaos was attributed to the following leadership qualities: vision, non-violence and tolerance. This paper conceptualizes Gandhi, King and Mandela's embodiment of these qualities in transforming difference and disagreement to unity and how they inspired and developed their societies at home and all over the world. This paper concludes with the following results: Dr King, Gandhi and Mandela were visionary leaders; the three leaders had a vision about the future of freedom, equality and peace. More importantly, they were able to hearts and minds, and convey their visions to followers and to society at large. They struggled to achieve their goals non-violently, but knew that violence could destroy society due to unbalanced power structures. In the fight for their people's emancipation/freedom, they avoided ethnic, racial and religious discrimination. The three leaders were politically, culturally and socially tolerant.Research limitations/implicationsBy identifying their leadership qualities and analyzing their leadership mechanisms, this paper stresses the necessity of the emergence and preservation of leadership as exhibited by King, Gandhi, Mandela and many other influential leaders. Leaders, committed to enrichment and sustainability of cultural diversity and nurturing of tolerance, can play a role in unifying nations. Practically put, today’s leaders need to rethink their strategies, by taking into consideration what Gandhi, King and Mandela have contributed to leadership in dealing with cultural diversity and conflict. Furthermore, leaders must extend the applicability of such leadership to include the ending of violence in every facet of people's lives, and work publicly to overcome the challenges encountering human kind such as nuclear weapons, war, poverty, racism, global warming, drugs, religious bigotry and violence of any kind. That is, today's leaders need to lead at the edge of chaos due to the ongoing conflicts around the globe.Originality/valueThis paper uniquely conceptualizes leadership qualities by analyzing and comparing literature and biographical data of the above-mentioned leaders. The study also contributes to the existing literature on leadership using an interdisciplinary approach by proving the mechanisms by which leadership transforms chaos into order within the context of cultural diversity and confrontation, where studies are rare. This research contributes to the theory of leaderships at three levels. First, it offers an interdisciplinary theory on leadership qualities by linking these qualities with chaos and complexity theories. Second, unlike the majority of literature which views leadership from a business or public leadership perspective, this research provides a new perspective of leadership for cultural diversity. Third, it highlights the role models of three exemplary leaders for each of whom previous literature is lacking.
50
Novoselova, E. N., and A. V. Liadova. "Global inequality and the main trends in development of Africa nowadays." Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science 24, no. 3 (September 21, 2018): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.24290/1029-3736-2018-24-3-87-107.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines the main trends and forecasts of Africa’s development. The global inequality is seen by the authors as a key factor threatening the continent today and the future. As it shows by the authors, the global inequality influences on the development of Africa differentlly: by social, economical, ecological, political aspects. The certain aspects and statistical characteristics of inequality such as poverty, resources’ deficit (food shortages and water crisis) are analyzed by the present study. Degradation of the environment is happening due to the irrational use of nature that becomes an inhibitory factor in development of the African continent. A comprehensive analysis of current and forecasted demographic indicators has been carried. Africa’s role in the future demographic processes has been characterized, considering that the continent is of the rising “demographic giants”. Migration processes from Africa to the European Union countries has been assessed, as well as the prospects of an increasing inflow of migrants from Africa to Russia. As a consequence of demographic influence together with the adverse environmental impact, the authors point to extremely low standard of living, social inequality, disordered urbanization. However, despite the fact that Africa in the early 21st century is associated with conflicts (interstate and civil wars, inter-ethnic clashes), uncontrolled migration, insurmountable poverty, environmental disasters, hunger, deadly diseases, drug production and export, the authors note that global interest in Africa and the economic community first of all significantly increases in the third millennium. It is concluded that there is a need for a balanced assessment of the main risks and benefits of Russian-African relations at the present stage. Future planning of Russian-African relations must to take into account both the tremendous natural resources and demographic potential of Africa together with the global challenges and threats it bears.