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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Poverty and ethnic conflict'

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Published: 4 June 2021
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1

Sawut, Nurgul, and snurgul@hotmail com. "The Relationships Between the Ethnic Kyrgyz and Uzbeks on the Border Zone in the Ferghana Valley During the Transition." RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080522.145910.

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This thesis is a study of interethnic relationships between the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley, the cross-border zone between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, from independence to 2005. It argues that strong ethnic tension between the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz was present during 'the Yellow Revolution' and the Andijan massacre in that year. The economically dominant ethnic Uzbeks in southern Kyrgyzstan played a role in initiating the opposition due to ongoing political marginalization by the government, while the opposition appealed to Kyrgyz ethno-nationalism and failed to draw wider political support from the Uzbeks or other minorities. As a result, there the ethnic minorities' lines were divided into pro-Akaev and pro-Revolution group. In the case of the Andijan massacre, the Uzbek government, after the arrival of the Uzbek asylum seekers into Kyrgyzstan territory on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley, had stirred latent fears amongst local Kyrgyz through their propaganda broadcasting. The economically marginalized ethnic Kyrgyz on the Kyrgyzstan side of the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley had subsequently turned against the refugees and the tension was not alleviated until the refugees were moved to Romania by UNHCR. Both cases exhibit that the ethnic tension between these titular ethnic groups has deeper roots, which could be taken back to the pre-1991 Soviet era. A range of dynamics affect interethnic relations: (1) the potential for harmonious relations between the ethnic Uzbeks and Kyrgyz has been reduced by the rise of 'pure Uzbek' and 'pure Kyrgyz' ethnic-nationalism among these two ethnic communities in their newly created states; (2) a new economic aspect of the ethnic tension has arisen since 1991 in both eastern Uzbekistan and southern Kyrgyzstan as a result of the ethnic Uzbeks dominating the local economy in southern Kyrgyzstan; and (3) clan networks have strongly influenced the flow of post-independence politics. The revival of Islam and fundamentalist and radical ideologies, before and after independence had added complexity to the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz relationships in the Ferghana Valley. Initially democratic nationalists and Islamic nationalists shared some goals, but this commonality faded as Islamic groups became to be seen as a critic and a threat to the Uzbek government and were subsequently banned. The ethnic Uzbeks express more religiosity than the ethnic Kyrgyz, while the majority of the supporters of Islamic fundamentalism and radicalism are the Uzbeks and a smaller number of ethnic Kyrgyz supporters. The failure of post-independence economic transitions of both countries have deepened rural poverty in eastern Uzbekistan and southern Kyrgyzstan, and gradually created collective poverty on the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border zone on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley. The ethnic Kyrgyz have been victimized by the deepening rural poverty on both sides of the border. As a result, creation of 'poorer Kyrgyz' vs. 'richer Uzbeks' dynamic has sharpened the conflict between these two ethnicities.
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2

Teshome, Bisrat. "Poverty and Conflict: A Self-Perpetuating Cycle in the Somali Regional State (Region 5), Ethiopia: 1960-2010." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/230.

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Region 5 is one of the most impoverished and insecure regions of Ethiopia. For decades, the region has suffered from a multitude of armed conflicts involving state and non-state actors. Region 5 is also one of the most underserved states of Ethiopia with some of the lowest levels of human development indicators nationwide. Although the adversities of poverty and conflict are widely acknowledged in their own respect, there has been little or no inquest into why poverty and conflict have prevailed under the same space for decades. Poverty and conflict have often been seen as separate phenomena that are dealt with using different sets of theories and practices in the real world. Nonetheless, a closer look at poverty and conflict in Region 5 reveals that both are strongly connected to each other. The poverty-conflict trap has been an on-going cycle in the region for the last five decades. The main intent of this research paper is analyzing the two-way relationship between poverty and conflict in Region 5. By studying this relationship, this analysis seeks to contribute to a new framework that brings peacebuilding and development closer.
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3

Roberson, Patrick B. "Understanding ethnic conflict : a framework /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA392962.

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4

Kazemipur, Abdolmohammad. "Neighbourhood poverty in Canada : the ethnic dimension." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0010/NQ41615.pdf.

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5

Anderson, Chingun. "Essays on institutions, ethnic divisions and poverty." Thesis, University of Essex, 2017. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/19954/.

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What is the relationship between ethnic heterogeneity and the ability of the poor to organize and influence democratic governments to improve their welfare? Political scientists and economists have argued that democracies are superior to non-democracies for improving poverty outcomes because they are advantaged with institutional mechanisms such as universal suffrage and majority rule. Yet, there are numerous cases where democracy has done little to help the poor. Through a series of essays, I examine the effects of ethnic heterogeneity of the poor on the effect of democracy and oil revenue on poverty. I argue that ethnic heterogeneity reduces the likelihood that poor citizens will organize and pressure political elites to provide public goods and services that improve their general welfare. As a result, democracy and oil revenue are less likely to improve poverty outcomes when the poor are ethnically heterogeneous compared to being homogeneous. The first chapter presents a cross-national study to help us understand the general effects of ethnic heterogeneity of the poor on the effects of democracy on poverty. The results are not statistically significant. It is not clear if the lack of significance is due to notable endogeneity issues or that the hypothesis is wrong. For that reason, the second chapter takes advantage of an institutional natural experiment in Indonesia to produce more reliable results. The results show that ethnic heterogeneity of the poor significantly affects the effect of elections on the majority of the dependent variables. In the third chapter, I test the effects of ethnic heterogeneity of the poor on the effect of oil revenue among Brazilian municipalities. The revenues local democratic governments depend upon increased significantly due to the sharp increase of offshore oil royalties and world oil prices from early 1990s to the early 2010s. This allows me to measure the effects of ethnic heterogeneity of the poor on the effect of oil revenue on poverty at the municipal level. Results suggest that ethnic heterogeneity of the poor does not significantly affect the effect of local oil revenue on poverty outcomes in Brazil.
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6

Engvall, Anders. "Poverty and conflict in Southeast Asia." Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Samhällsekonomi (S), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-1005.

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This is a collection of papers on three Southeast Asian countries, Cambodia, Lao PDR and Thailand. All four studies rely on household survey data for analyzing topics related to poverty and conflicts. Trust and Conflict in Southern ThailandThe insurgency in Thailand’s southern border provinces has caused thousands of casualties since 2004. This paper investigates the impact of mistrust of the government on the violent conflict. I analyze how failure to address local grievances has led to a breakdown of trust and created conditions for an insurgency. Empirical tests are carried out using a survey of individual trust in government institutions conducted at the beginning of violent conflict. It is shown that sub-districts where the population displayed lower levels of pre-conflict trust experienced higher levels of lethal violence during the conflict. Factors influencing trust in government institutions are analyzed using ordinal logistic analysis. Economic and ethno-linguistic factors are identified as the main determinants of trust towards the government. Political polarization in ThailandThe article traces recent political polarization to earlier institutional reforms opening up the political system to increased electoral competition. The increased influence of the rural majority led new political entrepreneurs to introduce welfare policies. The new polices were opposed by urban tax payers, setting off a process of policy driven polarization that drew on underlying cleavages in Thai society. Empirical tests based on voting patterns in the most recent general election using a seemingly unrelated regression model provide support for the hypothesis of policy driven political polarization. The analysis highlights the vulnerability to increased polarization after introduction of institutional reforms that alter the balance of power between different parts of the electorate. Ethnic Minority Poverty in Lao PDREthnic minorities have a significantly higher poverty incidence than the majority in Lao PDR. Based on survey data the determinants of minority poverty are analyzed, the sources of inequality decomposed, and the expected impact of polices to address minority poverty estimated. When economic factors are controlled for, ethnicity does not have any significant effect on poverty. Decomposition shows that unequal access to resources and demographic variables largely explain the majority-minority poverty gap. Rural Poverty in CambodiaCambodia has been growing rapidly over the past few years, but remains one of the poorest countries in East Asia. This paper analyzes rural poverty in Cambodia to identify the factors that explain its occurrence and persistence. The reduction of rural poverty in Cambodia requires (1) improvements in agricultural productivity and (2) the establishment of other income earning opportunities for the rural population. An econometric analysis of the Cambodian Socio-Economic Survey shows that the main causes of poverty differ between landowners and the landless, and between different regions.
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7

McGary, Jessica L. "Gender and the Poverty-Conflict Trap." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/228456.

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How does poverty relate to why internal armed conflicts occur and intensify? This dissertation explores gendered dimensions of poverty related to minor internal armed conflict onset in poor contexts and suggests pathways through which nutritional insecurity may mediate conflict escalation by amplifying real dimensions of poverty. This dissertation analyzes positive-feedback dimensions between poverty and internal armed conflict by asking how minor internal armed conflict may occur because of gendered dimensions of poverty obscured by a focus on income per capita. This dissertation frames the decision to rebel within impoverished contexts as an issue indivisibility problem and engenders the rationalist logic as masculinist. By assessing how changes in national patterns of divorced males may reflect lost access to gendered resources within households and by analyzing how gendered structures may instantiate masculinist reactions to the gendered dimensions of poverty, this dissertation elucidates how the real effects of poverty and violence may align to lay the foundations for the amplification of internal armed conflict through the conflict cycle. By identifying three pathways through which nutritional insecurity may operate, this dissertation contributes to our understanding of how countries may develop self-reinforcing patterns of real poverty and internal armed conflict. I argue that the willingness and ability to rebel in contexts of poverty may be partially affected by lost access to resources produced at household levels by forms of feminized labor, as well as to resources that are distributed with gender inequality. I argue that nutritional insecurity may be captured by examining levels of per capita protein from meat consumption and offer three mechanisms through which protein from meat per capita consumption may proxy nutritional insecurity within poor countries that experience minor internal armed conflict: the proliferation of security dilemmas as conditioned by minor internal armed conflict; the loss of soil fertility as an amplified function of fighting; and the reliance on food exports. I examine data on 186 countries in the 1961-2008 period to interrogate why some countries develop the dynamics associated with the poverty-conflict trap and to find general support of the hypotheses.
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8

Can, Levent. "Ethnic conflicts and governmental conflict management." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FCan%5FDA.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Peter Gustaitis. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-83). Also available in print.
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9

Sukandar, Rudi. "NEGOTIATING POST-CONFLICT COMMUNICATION: A CASE OF ETHNIC CONFLICT IN INDONESIA." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1178895788.

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10

Biswas, Bidisha. "Managing discontent institutions, intervention and ethnic conflict /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3382.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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11

Brodie, Michael. "Reconciliation in ethnic conflict through identity transformation." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.606263.

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This thesis utilises a socio-psychological approach to reconciliation to explore the process of reconciliation between groups divided by intractable ethnic conflict in the Mindanao-Sulu region of the Philippines. It suggests that, in order for reconciliation to advance, group identities, in the form of a specific configuration of societal beliefs held by ethnic groups in such situations, require transformation. Specifically, this study explores the reconciliation process in the absence of formal settlement, shedding light upon how reconciliation develops, the actors involved and the challenges faced in such circumstances. Through the case of Mindanao, this thesis analyses a stage and type of conflict which has hitherto been little studied in relation to reconciliation, and in a region (Southeast Asia) which has also been comparatively neglected. Using data acquired from fieldwork interviews conducted with key stakeholders in Mindanao, analysis of a wide range of documents and a content analysis of both the national and Mindanaobased print media, the extent of identity transformation in line with reconciliation in Filipino society, is explored. The role of societal elites and social institutions in reflecting, disseminating and appealing to conflict-supporting societal beliefs, as well as their role in progressing reconciliation, is assessed. Existing attempts to promote reconciliation initiatives are evaluated. This study argues that reconciliation initiatives undertaken at the pre-settlement stage can have significant influence on both individual and group identities. It also suggests that, whilst there has been substantial progress in transforming conflict-supporting societal beliefs and forging transcendent identities crucial to the process of reconciliation at a Mindanao level, this success has not been replicated to the same degree at the national level. These findings have significance for future policy relating to the conflict and for the theoretical literature on reconciliation. They support initiatives undertaken at the pre-settlement stage and suggest that reconciliation should be considered as consisting of multiple independent, yet intrinsically linked, processes which advance at differing tempos across various levels of society and between stake holders.
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12

Gross, de Almeida Daniela. "The Darfur conflict : beyond ethnic hatred explanations." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2185.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
Sudan is a country that has been affected by a history of multiple destructive civil wars. Conflicts that, in a global perspective, have proven to be as devastating as interstate wars, or on occasion even more destructive, in terms of the numbers of casualties, refugee figures and the effects on a country’s society. The conflict in Darfur, in the western region of Sudan, is a civil war that illustrates one of the direst scenarios. In around five years of warfare, more than 200,000 people have died in the conflict, and around two million Darfurians were displaced, creating what the UN calls the “world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” The civil war was initiated by the attacks of two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, against government installations. Although presenting insurgency characteristics, the civil war in Darfur has been commonly labelled as a “tribal” conflict of “Africans” versus “Arabs”. An explanation that seems to fail to clarify the complex circumstances belying the situation. As seen in this study, although identity factors played their role as a cause of the conflict, the ‘ethnic hatred’ justification of war doesn’t seem to be sufficient to explain the present situation. Darfur appears to be a clear example that there is no single factor that can explain such a war. In the case of Darfur, various factors seem to have interplayed in creating the necessary conditions for the eruption of violence. This study focused on two of these factors – the environmental hazards that have been affecting the region, and the government’s use of the Janjaweed militia in its counterinsurgency movement. Both, and in different ways, seem to have contributed to dividing the Darfurian society between two poles, thus worsening the circumstances in the region and helping generate the high levels of violence that characterise the Darfur conflict. Most important, in analysing the conflict of Darfur with a point of view that goes beyond the “ethnic hatred” explanation, it seems possible to identify issues, such as land ownership, that are in vital need of being addressed in order to achieve peace in 4 the region. As seen in this thesis, it seems that it is only through a broad understanding of the complex causes of the conflict that peace negotiations might have any hope of success. While those continue to be ignored, any peace agreements or prospects of finding a solution to the conflict will be unrealistic.
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13

Manoharan, Argumugam Kandiah. "Ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka 1948-1998." Thesis, London South Bank University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.434571.

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14

Pavloudis, Christos. "Nationalism and ethnic conflict in southern Balkans." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FPavloudis.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs and M.A. in International Security and Civil Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Thomas Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-97). Also available online.
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15

Holloway, Troy. "Ethnic Groups and Institutions: Can Autonomy and Party Bans Reduce Ethnic Conflict?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707380/.

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Can institutions successfully reduce ethnic conflict? Institutions such as autonomy and federalism are often advocated as a means to prevent ethnic conflict, however empirical evidence is largely mixed with regards to their effectiveness. In a similar manner, political parties have begun to receive more scholarly attention in determining their relationship with ethnic conflict, but their evidence is also mixed. In this research I examine autonomy, federalism, and the banning of political parties within ongoing ethnic group self-determination movements. While I do not find evidence for a relationship between autonomy and conflict, I do find that federalism increases the likelihood of ethnic conflict. Additionally, the banning of ethnic political parties indicates a strong increase the likelihood of ethnic conflict, while the banning of regional political parties significantly reduces the likelihood of ethnic conflict.
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16

Stewart, Brandon. "Crossing Over: Essays on Ethnic Parties, Electoral Politics, and Ethnic Social Conflict." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1011838/.

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This dissertation analyzes several topics related to political life in ethnically divided societies. In chapter 2, I study the relationship between ethnic social conflict, such as protests, riots, and armed inter-ethnic violence, and bloc partisan identification. I find that protests have no effect on bloc support for political parties, riots increase bloc partisan identification, and that armed violence reduces this phenomenon. In chapter 3, I analyze the factors that influence the targeting of ethnic groups by ethnic parties in social conflict. I find some empirical evidence that conditions favorable to vote pooling across ethnic lines reduce group targeting by ethnic parties. In chapter 4, I analyze the effects of ethnic demography on ethnic party behavior. Through a qualitative analysis of party behavior in local elections in Macedonia, I find that ethnic parties change their strategies in response to changes in ethnic demography. I find that co-ethnic parties are less likely to challenge each other for power under conditions of split demography. In fact, under conditions of split demography, I find that co-ethnic parties have political incentives to unite behind a single party because intra-group competition jeopardizes the group's hold on power.
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17

Chopra, Parvesh Kumar. "Poverty in an ethnic community : Asians in West Yorkshire." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424053.

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18

Siddiq, Irfan. "Ethnic Conflict in Indonesia : causes and recommended measures /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Dec%5FSiddiq.pdf.

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19

Dimitrijevics, Anna. "Why ethnic conflict erupts: A group -oriented approach." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491555.

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The literature is characterised by two main types of approach to tthe question of hy ethnic conflict erupts; one emphasising rationality, instrumentality and interests, and the other tocussing on non-rationality, affectivity and identity. While it is increasingly recognised that both positions capture important elements of the truth, they are also generally perceived to be in opposition to each other. This thesis develops an approach that allows for integrating the best insights from both positions in a single coherent framework.
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20

Betz, Jeffrey D. "An institutional assessment of ethnic conflict in China." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FBertz.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Piombo, Jessica ; Miller, Alice L. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 87-90). Also available in print.
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21

Tranchant, Jean-Pierre. "Essays on Fiscal Decentralization, Institutions and Ethnic Conflict." Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/55/43/85/PDF/These_J-P_TRANCHANT.pdf.

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22

Laoye, Oluwagbemiso. "The Relationship between Judicial Independence and Ethnic Conflict." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984193/.

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The relationship between judicial independence and the levels of ethnic conflicts in developing countries has remained a significant research area due to increased cases of the conflicts with lack of judicial independence in the countries. Judicial independence is seen as an essential element of democracy in that an independent judiciary can act as an arbiter between different groups and institutions. The main aim of this study was to examine the relationship between judicial independence and ethnic conflicts empirically. Greater judicial independence should be associated with less ethnic conflict, because an independent court can serve as an arbiter for disputants, and thus lessen the likelihood of conflict. The study involved 128 developing countries over a 30-year period from 1981 to 2010 using secondary data sources and employing statistical methods to test the relationship between judicial independence and the levels of ethnic conflicts. Findings indicate that judicial independence has a statistically significant negative association with the levels of ethnic conflict. Therefore, this study recommends that the governments of developing countries should promote judicial independence as part of solutions for ethnic conflicts .
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23

Morrison, Lisa Marie. "The relationship between ethnic rebellion and democratization." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5num=osu1063748963.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 160 p. : ill. Advisor: Edward Crenshaw, Department of Sociology. Includes bibliographical references (p. 152-160).
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24

Sriskandarajah, Dhananjayan. "Development, inequality and conflict in multi-ethnic developing countries." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424687.

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25

Caspersen, Nina Fallentin. "Intra-ethnic competition and inter-ethnic conflict : Serb elites in Croatia and Bosnia, 1990-1995." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1907/.

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During the conflict and war in Croatia and Bosnia, Serb leaders frequently emphasised the need for unity; the need for homogeneity in the face of impending challenges. However, disunity and rivalry prevailed among the Serb leaders and only became more acute as the conflict intensified. This intra-Serb competition has received little attention in the literature on the Yugoslav conflict and competition within groups is furthermore under-analysed in the theoretical literature on ethnic conflicts. But intra-ethnic competition significantly affects the positions adopted by ethnic leaders and parties, and an examination of these dynamics is therefore important for the study of ethnic conflicts and wars. Through an in-depth analysis of intra-Serb elite rivalry in Croatia and Bosnia, this thesis explores the impact of intra-ethnic competition. It argues that intra-Serb competition constituted a significant independent dynamic in the Yugoslav conflict and without it one cannot fully understand the escalation of the conflict, the outbreak of war and the continuous rejection of peace settlements. The Serbian regime played a significant role through the supply of resources, but the thesis will find that Slobodan Milosevi? was not always able to control the local Serb leaders. The victory of hardliners was the prevalent, but not the only, dynamic in the intra-Serb competition. Hardline dominance was generally contingent on the control of economic and coercive resources, and not based on appeals to popular sentiments; it was not about elites successfully 'playing the ethnic card'. Based on these findings a preliminary theory of the impact of intra-ethnic competition in inter-ethnic conflict will be suggested. As a corrective to existing theorising, it will argue that intra-ethnic competition does not necessarily lead to radicalisation, not even in a situation of war and polarisation. Popular support is, moreover, not the only resource of importance for the competing elites and radicalisation need not be driven by popular demands.
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Bakkan, Hilde Anderssen. "Unpacking Ethnicity and Civil Conflict : Exploring which Underlying Mechanism Links Ethnic Fractionalization and Civil Conflict." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-21929.

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27

Ravindran, Rajan. "Religious desecration and ethnic violence." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FRavindran.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Anna Simons. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-66). Also available in print.
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Miller, Sara Ann. "Ethnic Conflict, Electoral Systems, and Power Sharing in Divided Societies." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/7.

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This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.
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Kotsovilis, Spyridon Demetrius. "Identity and ethnic conflict : their social-psychological and cognitive dimensions." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33294.

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This thesis looks into the role of identity in ethnic conflict from social-psychological and cognitive perspectives.
The literature of Social Psychology suggests that one strategy of social groups under pressure or threat is to revert to their collective identity and manipulate it in ways that yield a distinct positive value for group members. Focusing on the main proponent of this view, Social Identity Theory, and transposing its premises onto an ethnic level, an Ethnic Identity Theory is proposed that explains ethnic identity's utility for the positive self-esteem of members of an ethnic group during a time of crisis.
As far as the cognitive aspect is concerned, the focus moves on to the individual level of analysis. It explores the issue of how information may be represented in the human brain, and proposes that it is due to particular 'exclusive' cognitive strategies of knowledge categorization, storing and re-processing that ethnic conflict is enhanced. Borrowing from Artificial Intelligence literature on Schemata and Frame theory, ethnic identity is treated as a frame with multiple slots for various traits that comprise an ethnic identity. Such modeling helps illustrate how properties related to the architecture of these mental structures result in the constructed ethnic identities becoming more rigid---their individual traits acquiring singular importance and, once challenged, affecting the whole identity.
This study concludes by pointing that, if intransigence and inflexibility concerning ethnic identity traits begins on a cognitive micro-level, then, little progress towards peace should be expected in on-going ethnic conflicts, unless cognitively unbiased third parties are involved in peace-making, and unless their involvement includes action on a cognitive-learning level to change convictions about warring groups members' perception of their own as well as others' ethnic identities.
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Smith, Michelle C. "The ICRC and neutrality in modern civil and ethnic conflict." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0008/MQ52483.pdf.

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31

Vlachos, Ioannis. "The 1974 crisis over Cyprus : foreign will or ethnic conflict?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FVlachos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Jeffrey Knopf. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-108). Also available in print.
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32

Burlet, Stacey D. "Challenging Ethnic conflict: Hindu-Muslim relations in India 1977-1993." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.496395.

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33

Avtzaki, Nickolaou Maria. "Education and ethnic conflict resolution : bicommunal academic links in Cyprus." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12913/.

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Many contributors to the interdisciplinary field of conflict resolution have emphasised the impact of socio-psychological and psycho-cultural influences in maintaining and perpetuating ethnic conflicts. The review of the literature concerning Cyprus reveals that such factors have been active in the 37 years of ethnic separation between the Greek-Cypriot and the Turkish-Cypriot communities. Although strategies are available to bridge communities and offer prospects for a reconciliation and peace centre on facilitating interaction, contact and dialogue between communities at all levels, it is surprising how little has taken place between the two academic communities on the island. This is in contrast to the picture found in similar conflict cases, such as the ones in Northern Ireland and Israel-Palestine. Despite some notable efforts and collaborations currently in place, the numbers involved constitute a very small fraction of the two academic bodies. The research has aimed at establishing the role of higher education in divided societies, not only by examining theoretically and philosophically its importance as a part of a reconciliation process but also by depicting the opinion of academics from both parts of Cyprus. The research has shown that although they are optimistic about future links, they nevertheless identified major implications stemming out of the issues of ‘recognition’, nationalism, social pressure, the impact of media and the characteristics of the academic cultures in each respective community. These explain the contrast between much good-will and little real action. The analysis of findings includes a discussion of possible strategies to establish an open dialogue between the two academic communities and to facilitate collaborations.
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Nag, Sajal. "Roots of ethnic conflict : nationality question in North-East India /." New Delhi : Manohar, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37704876z.

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35

Popova, Zora. "The role of social capital for post-ethnic-conflict reconstruction." Thesis, University of Bath, 2009. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521563.

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Examining the phenomenon of post-conflict reconstruction, the research challenges the appropriateness of the uniform application of general policies and practices to any particular environment. As a context- and conflict-dependant practice, a post-conflict reconstruction that aims at achieving lasting peace and sustainable development should address specific needs through relevant mechanisms. This is especially relevant for post-ethnic-conflict cases. The thesis argues that post-conflict reconstruction after an ethnic conflict should address as a matter of priority the problems related to the recovery or construction of societal micro-frameworks with respect to the macro-unit in focus. Based on the explored concepts of social capital, a model outlining its specific fragmentation after an ethnic conflict is elaborated and the research discusses the mechanisms that have the potential to contribute to the achievement of planned and desired reconstruction outcomes and levels of success. To test the theory against empirical findings, the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined, as it provides good examples for the negative impact of ethnic conflict on macro and micro socio-political levels and for the discrepancies between expected and achieved results. The reconstruction practice in Bosnia and Herzegovina is considered in the context of policies and programmes designed and implemented by representatives of the international and local community, with a focus on the efforts directed towards social capital rebuilding.
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36

Harmon, Gail. "War in the Former Yugoslavia: Ethnic Conflict or Power Politics?" Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/587.

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Thesis advisor: Kathleen Bailey
Although the Croatian and Bosnian wars of the early 1990s were brought to a peaceful conclusion over ten years ago, they remain pertinent events today both for the study of political science and future attempts at global conflict resolution. While they are often characterized as ethnic conflicts, this study poses the question of whether a conflict can ever truly be ethnic in the sense that the sole motivation for violence is ethnic hatred rather than strategic considerations. This question brings the motivations for violence in the Yugoslav case into question. This project explores relevant literature on contemporary theories of ethnic conflict and surveys events in the region from the arrival of the Slavic people to the Balkans in the sixth century to occurrences as recent as 2006. The conflicts are viewed in terms of more general views about conflict prevention and resolution as well as being more specifically applied to the current conflict in Iraq
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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37

Nelson, Tusiime. "The Complexity of Ethnic Conflict - Hema and Lendu Case study." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23293.

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38

Maguire, Keith. "Ethnic conflict and political violence : a theoretical and comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1994. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU060518.

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The subject of this thesis is the relationship between ethnic conflict and political violence. The thesis examines the types of political violence that are most prevalent in liberal-democratic states, using case studies from the conflicts in Northern Ireland since 1968, the Basque country since 1952 and the United States in the post-1945 period. It is argued that it is in what will be described as secessionist conflicts that political violence is likely to be at its worst. It will be argued that a number of factors are present, where campaigns of terrorism have been most intense and have seen the highest level of fatalities. In the cases, where terrorist groups have become enduring in their communities, it is likely that they will provide a range of goods and services to their communities. It will also be argued that participation in the labour market is also an important determinant as to whether or not a community will be prepared to give support to terrorist groups. It will be argued that many ethnic conflicts have been made more intractable because policy-makers have diagnosed the problem in an unsatisfactory fashion. Evidence will be cited to argue that ethnic-specific policies have focused on the symptoms of problems while failing to deal with their root causes. Instead of ethnic-specific policies, it will be argued that labour-market policies are the key to reducing ethnic conflicts. Therefore the strategy of conflict resolution in this thesis is based on a mixture of both micro and macro level policies. At one level, policies will be needed to disrupt the groups involved in carrying out acts of violence, while at the same time policies are also designed by government to make the political and economic environment less hospitable for groups, espousing strategies based on the use of sub-state violence.
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39

Platt, Lucinda. "The experience of poverty : welfare dynamics among children of different ethnic groups." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365527.

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40

McCallister, Gerald L. Jr. "Ethnic Similarity and Rivalry Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc700063/.

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Research on ethnicity and conflict treats the concept of ethnicity as defining the actors in these conflicts, whereas research on the construction and maintenance of ethnic identity explores why ethnicity unifies individuals into a single social group. What happens when this unifying concept is divided between two enemy countries? How does this situation influence peace settlements over territorial issues, armed conflict, and economic relations between these countries? To answer these questions, I create a continuous measure of ethnic similarity between rivals. I find that ethnic similarity can facilitate cooperation and exacerbate conflictual interactions between rivals, but governments will seek to limit interactions with their rival when the cross border ethnic groups are minorities. In addition, I create categorical predictors of ethnic similarity, which reveal nuances in these relationships. Specifically, rivalries sharing a pan-ethnic identity are more likely to engage in conflict regardless of actual ethnic similarity, and dyads with a majority in one country sharing ethnicity with a minority in another country are less likely to fight once in a state of rivalry. This is because a quid pro quo exists between these rivals where one rival can reduce oppression of the minority in exchange for the other rival not supporting secessions by their co-ethnics. These pairs of rivals also are more likely to attempt peace settlements. Contested nations, which are rivalry-dyads with similar ethnic majorities, are both the most likely of the ethnically similar rival categories to engage in militarized interstate disputes, but also engage in larger amounts of interstate trade.
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41

Johnstone, Julia. "Consequences of Ethnic Conflict: Explaining Refugee Movements in the Southeast Asia/Pacific Region." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/892.

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Ethnic conflict is the most common type of internal armed conflict in the world. It often involves systematic attacks on civilian populations and is therefore also the major source of most of the world's 9.2 million external refugees and 25 million internal refugees. In 2003, Asia-Pacific was the region second most affected by conflict-induced displacement and in 2004 it had the second largest global number of internal refugees following Africa. Given the likelihood that this trend will continue, it is perhaps surprising that a relative lack of research has been conducted concerning the relationship between ethnic conflict and refugee movements within this region compared to other areas. It is therefore imperative that a comprehensive study be undertaken to fill this void of knowledge. The fundamental question posed by my thesis is why do some ethnic conflicts produce external refugees and others do not in the Southeast Asia/Pacific region? To answer this question, this thesis develops a theoretical model from which to analyse variations in both external and internal refugee numbers as a result of ethnic conflict in the region. It applies the model to specific ethnic conflicts in Fiji, Indonesia, the Philippines, and the Solomon Islands during the period 1995 2005 and identifies a common set of factors conducive to creating internal and external refugees. The findings emphasise the interlinked nature of the variables and demonstrate that no single-factor explanation exists that can explain how refugees are created.
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42

DeVotta, Neil. "From linguistic nationalism to ethnic conflict Sri Lanka in comparative perspective /." Access restricted to users with UT Austin EID Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3031040.

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43

Yone, Nang. "The Religionization of Ethnic Conflict: A Comparative Analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict and the Rohingya Crisis." Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108796.

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Thesis advisor: Ali Banuazizi
The resurgence of religious violence in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has led to a growing academic interest in the religionization of politics. Weary of the failures of secular nationalism in ensuring national security and protecting the right to self-determination, many communities have turned to religious nationalism to meet these political needs. As a result, some religious nationalist movements and organizations have resorted to violence in promoting their political agendas. This thesis conducts a comparative analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar in order to investigate the relationship between religion and violence and how this relationship contributes to the intractability of ethnic conflict. Key findings include symbiotic relationships between religious nationalist organizations and civil society, as well as latent processes of religious “Othering.” Implications for future peace-building efforts are explored, with a key focus on interfaith dialogue and grassroots activism
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Arts & Sciences Honors Program
Discipline: Policital Science
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44

Mitchell, Shenequa L. "Unresolved ethnic conflict and religious revival in Russia the Chechen element." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FMitchell.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 23, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-68). Also available in print.
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45

O'Sullivan, Meghan. "Identity and institutions in ethnic conflict : the Muslims of Sri Lanka." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326963.

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46

Cockell, John G. "Managing Self Determination in Ethnic Conflict : International Society and Kosovo Crisis." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498139.

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47

Ahmed, Ahseea. "Contesting discourse: can deliberative democracy mitigate protracted ethnic conflict in Israel? /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2296.

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48

Vaschenko, Vitalii. "Analysis of the modern inter-ethnic conflict : case study of Kosovo /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FVaschenko.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-67). Also available online.
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49

Bush, Kenneth David Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "Negotiating ethnic conflict: the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement of July 1987." Ottawa, 1989.

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50

Byman, Daniel Leo. "Preventing the recurrence of ethnic conflict : lessons from the Middle East." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10387.

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