Academic literature on the topic 'Povertà milano'

Il contributo proposto si basa sulla presentazione analitica e di taglio valutativo di alcune azioni progettuali di contrasto alla povertà educativa realizzate negli ultimi anni e che hanno consentito sia di rafforzare il sistema di offerta sia di promuovere comunità capaci di eserci-tare una funzione autenticamente educante. Nello specifico con "Family Hub Mondi per Crescere" (capofila consorzio Co&So, Firenze) viene presa in considerazione la figura del case manager. Il progetto "Icam" (Istituto Caute-la Attenuata Madri Detenute - Comune di Milano, Ministero della Giustizia, cooperativa so-ciale Genera) ha ricreato un contesto di "normalità" per lo sviluppo armonioso dei bambini e delle loro mamme nell'ambiente carcerario. La cura e il coinvolgimento del territorio e del-la comunità come valore per contrastare la povertà educativa sono azioni del progetto "Co-munità Santa Cecilia" (cooperativa Paolo Babini, Forlì). Infine "Passi Piccoli" (capofila cooperativa Koinè, Milano) ha utilizzato come strumento per prevenire la povertà educativa il coinvolgimento e l'inclusione di spazi e soggetti della città. L'analisi scongiunta sui quattro progetti è svolta attraverso interviste e focus group con i project manager locali in modo da approfondire anche il ruolo dei "sistemi esperti" che a livello locale orchestrano reti di servizi e azioni di community building.

Negli ultimi decenni molti studi di architettura che operano in contesti di crisi umanitaria secondo l'approccio delle ‘tecnologie appropriate' stanno provando a sviluppare soluzioni alternative al progetto d'emergenza: partendo da una attenta riflessione su tecnologia e materiali, non solo ricercano soluzioni efficienti e sostenibili ma anche un'estetica e un linguaggio capaci di trarre linfa vitale dalla specificità dei luoghi. Attraverso l'analisi dell'approccio progettuale di ARCò - architettura & cooperazione, studio di Milano che opera da più di dieci anni in contesti di guerra e povertà, si intende riflettere sulle tematiche specifiche dell'architettura d'emergenza: la sostenibilità, la ricerca formale, il linguaggio e la comunicazione sono i campi entro cui si ricercano risposte adeguate, sia tecnologiche sia progettuali.

The issue of understanding, empathy and the relationship to the poor, the socially and economically marginalized segments of most contemporary societies, represents one of the most challenging political socio-economic, humanist, and scientific problems of today. The paper compares two ways of understanding and representing the urban poor - anthropological and cinematographic. The theoretical and practical achievements of Oscar Lewis and his idea of the "culture of poverty" are given as an example of the anthropological study and understanding of the poor. On the other hand, an analysis of the representation of the poor in Vittorio De Sica's film Miracle in Milan (1951) is given as an example of the cinematographic treatment of the issue. The aim of this comparison is the confronting of two viewpoints – one which aims to get to the scientific truth about poverty and the other – which gives a subjective artistic interpretation of the "old and romantic story about the rich man and the pauper" and the consideration of their cognitive and interpretative effects and potential for an anthropological theory and practice on the issue which would be "better" and wider in scope.

L’incontro tra Paolo Grassi e Giorgio Strehler avvenuto nella Milano del dopoguerra, segna l’inizio di un sodalizio, artistico e umano, che ha concorso a scrivere importanti pagine della storia del teatro non solo italiano, ma soprattutto ha contribuito ad arricchire la storia della cultura di ispirazione socialista nel nostro paese. Il legame tra il Piccolo Teatro di Milano, nei suoi primi 25 anni di vita, e la storia del socialismo riformista si racconta attraverso drammaturgie di impegno politico, scelte di regia e di politica culturale nelle quali si intrecciano le biografie del regista e dell’ideologo, uniti nell’impegno per la realizzazione di un teatro d’arte per tutti a partire dall’eredità della Resistenza. Attraverso l’analisi degli appunti di regia, della corrispondenza privata, della critica e degli allestimenti, l’articolo si propone di ripercorrere gli anni dalla fondazione del Piccolo Teatro, nel 1947, fino al 1972, anno in cui Paolo Grassi passerà alla direzione del Teatro alla Scala. A partire dal primo allestimento di Giorgio Strehler, L’albergo dei poveri di Gor’kij, le scelte drammaturgiche e stilistiche del primo teatro stabile pubblico italiano si rivelano emblematiche della continua tensione ideale tra arte e politica, tra attenzione rivolta all’uomo e riflessione sulla collettività.

Sommario Dobbiamo preoccuparci dei ricchi? La crescita dei cosiddetti super-ricchi registrata nella gran parte dei paesi Ocse a partire dagli ultimi decenni č ormai un dato assodato. La riflessione sulla valutazione del fenomeno appare, invece, assai piů in ritardo e, come per tutte le questioni normative, piů conflittuale. Prendendo spunto dal libro di Franzini Ricchi e poveri. L'Italia e le disuguaglianze (in)accettabili (Egea, Universitŕ Bocconi, Milano, 2010), i contributi che seguono discutono alcune delle principali valutazioni che potrebbero essere sviluppate sotto i profili dell'efficienza e della giustizia sociale. I principi considerati includono l'internalizzazione dei costi sociali della ricchezza, l'uguaglianza di opportunitŕ nell'accesso alla ricchezza, la giustizia nelle procedure che regolano il gioco di mercato.

Questa tesi si sviluppa secondo tre saggi empirici, indagando il rapporto tra spazio e povertà in un contesto urbano industrializzato, Milano. Il primo saggio, accogliendo lo schema concettuale unificante per l’analisi del suddetto rapporto illustrato in Chiappero-Martinetti, Moroni e Nuvolati (forthcoming), suggerisce un sistema di 27 indicatori riferito a 3 dimensioni chiave del benessere (infrastrutturale-ambientale, economica e socio-simbolica), ne testa la robustezza e fornisce l’indicazione di un profilo di povertà per ciascuna delle ex 20 zone di decentramento. Il secondo saggio considera esclusivamente la dimensione economica, estendendo il campo di indagine alle 180 aree funzionali. Da questa analisi si ottiene che, dal 2000 al 2006, il reddito medio procapite per componenti equivalenti risulta autocorrelato in modo significativo, secondo diversi regimi di concentrazione (cluster spaziali tipici e outlier spaziali atipici). Il terzo saggio considera le 3 dimensioni menzionate nel primo contributo, riferite alle 180 aree funzionali. All’approccio theory driven se ne contrappone uno data-driven, che consente di specificare la relazione che intercorre tra le variabili e le sottodimensioni del benessere, identificare sei distinti gruppi di cluster sulla base delle misure sintetiche ottenute e suggerire un profilo di policy che combini interventi a favore delle persone e dei contesti di vita.
This thesis is developed under three empirical essays, investigating the linkage between space and poverty in the urban industrialized Milan. The first essay, accepting the unifying conceptual framework for the analysis of such linkage issued by Chiappero-Martinetti, Moroni and Nuvolati (forthcoming), suggests a system of 27 indicators related to 3 key dimensions of wellbeing (physical, economic and social ), tests its robustness and provides the indication of a poverty profile for each of the former 20 areas of decentralization. The second essay considers only the economic dimension, extending the investigation to the 180 “aree funzionali”. From this analysis we find that, from 2000 to 2006, the average per capita income per equivalent components is significantly autocorrelated, according to various concentration schemes (typical spatial clusters, atypical spatial outliers). The third essay considers the three dimensions mentioned in the first contribution but related to the 180 “aree funzionali”. In opposition to that theory-driven, this data-driven approach allows to specify the relationship between the variables and sub-dimensions of wellbeing, to identify six distinct cluster groups on the basis of the synthetic measures obtained and to suggest a policy profile combining people and area-based interventions.

L’originalità del lavoro consiste, principalmente, nell’aver applicato il metodo tradizionalmente impiegato dall’Istituto Nazionale di Statistica per la stima della povertà in Italia ad una realtà circoscritta ma comunque rilevante, quale può essere, ad esempio, quella della popolazione residente in un contesto urbano ampio e sviluppato sotto il profilo socio-economico. I dati raccolti attraverso l’indagine campionaria che, nel corso del 2007, è stata condotta dalla Camera di Commercio e dal Comune di Milano sui consumi delle famiglie milanesi, in modo analogo a quella che l’Istat compie annualmente sui bilanci delle famiglie italiane, hanno fornito la base “ideale” per la ricerca. Quest’ultima, volta, come anticipato, a testare gli effetti della metodologia applicata a livello ufficiale per quantificare la povertà relativa in ambiti ristretti ma comunque rilevanti e significativi, potrebbe essere valutata ed interpretata anche nella prospettiva di un reimpiego della medesima procedura in altri contesti simili, quali potrebbero essere, ad esempio, gli “agglomerati” urbani di Genova, Bologna, Torino, Roma e altri ancora. I primi, sorprendenti, risultati ottenuti in fase di analisi, successivamente hanno indotto, innanzitutto, a compiere qualche verifica più approfondita in merito alla “bontà di adattamento” della base di dati a disposizione all’universo delle famiglie residenti a Milano che era chiamata a rappresentare. Assodata, per quanto possibile, la validità dei dati utilizzati per l’analisi e, quindi, accettati i risultati apparentemente alquanto “discutibili”, che mostravano una notevole diffusione della povertà relativa intesa in senso economico e stimata in base alla spesa per consumi delle famiglie, la ricerca è stata “reindirizzata” e diretta sia verso l’elaborazione di ulteriori linee di povertà relativa, basate sulla spesa per consumi mediana ed in grado di offrire possibili stime “alternative” circa l’incidenza del fenomeno della deprivazione economica nel capoluogo lombardo (e che hanno consentito, in fase di esame dei risultati, di intraprendere una sorta di “analisi di sensibilità”), sia interrogandosi circa l’opportunità di attribuire validità, a livello ufficiale, ad un’unica linea di povertà, dal momento che questa pare mediare eccessivamente tra contesti troppo differenti tra loro. Difatti, come anche altri studi hanno evidenziato, il ricorso ad un’unica soglia di povertà provoca una forte sottostima del disagio economico al Nord e, in generale, nei grandi contesti urbani italiani e sovrastima la povertà al Sud e negli ambiti rurali. Concretamente, nella ricerca in questione, la discussione è stata condotta dapprima applicando alla base di dati le linee di povertà assolute elaborate dall’Istat in base alla nuova metodologia, che ha prodotto batterie di soglie di povertà a partire dal 2005 in avanti, e, successivamente, confrontando i diversi valori ottenuti per l’headcount ratio in funzione dei diversi criteri adottati per definire l’insieme dei “poveri”. In particolare, le riflessioni che più hanno indotto a ritenere valide le elaborazioni compiute sui dati campionari sono derivate dall’osservazione che l’indice di diffusione della povertà assoluta per le famiglie milanesi nel 2007 era notevolmente più elevato (8,03%) di quello “ufficiale” calcolato per il comparto del Nord Italia (3,5%) e, comunque, decisamente ridotto rispetto a quello di incidenza della deprivazione relativa elaborato sempre per le sole famiglie residenti a Milano nel 2007 (17,05%). Una volta preso atto che, soprattutto nella specificità della popolazione residente a Milano, la linea di povertà relativa tende ad individuare, principalmente, le unità che non manifestano un comportamento di spesa per consumi “conforme” allo standard emergente nella collettività di cui costituiscono comunque parte integrante, lo studio ha trovato la sua “naturale” conclusione nell’elaborazione di un “profilo della povertà” milanese in corrispondenza di ogni batteria di soglie di deprivazione elaborata, evidenziando i tratti sociali, demografici ma anche economici (si pensi, ad esempio, al livello della spesa media per consumi delle unità qualificate come “povere”) che caratterizzano le famiglie che si collocano sotto la linea di povertà.

The aim of this research is to examine with a qualitative, ethnographic approach and in particular through participant observation and in-depth interviews, the conditions in which the situation of a specific disadvantaged population, in particular young people coming from working class households, could be endangered in terms of social exclusion, poverty and social disadvantage in two different national - France and Italy - and local contexts – Quarto Oggiaro in Milan and the Haut Montreuil in the Paris urban area. In fact, there are specific conditions, which may vary from one environment to another and can increase or decrease these risks. We will focus in particular on social trajectories (especially in education and the labour market), inter-generational and family trajectories and the living conditions, experiences and practices of young people residing in relatively poor and deprived, lower-class neighbourhoods. One of our main objectives is to understand if, and if so how, neighbourhood poverty can affect the opportunities and social outcomes of the people living there; in particular young people. What we mean to observe are the spatial mechanisms which, next to other important elements, such as the family and social background, influence an individual’s life, structuring opportunities and deprivations regarding, in particular, education, the labour market, family relations and, more in general, social relations and social capital. Therefore, it is important to note that the objective of this research is not the one of giving a portrait and description of these two specific neighbourhoods but we are more interested on the general processes and mechanisms.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior
FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico
The theme of this thesis - "INEQUALITY, POVERTY AND GOVERNANCE: AN AGENDA FOR EAST TIMOR" - stems from an interest to assess the influence of key-actors - NGOs, national governments and the United Nations System - in policy development, in developing countries that emerge from serious conflicts; in particular we search for solutions to deal with the problem of how to evaluate governance, policies and the development path in countries without reliable and structured data. This research animes to contribute to the debate on the influence of NGOs, national governments and the United Nations System on issues concerning governance, sustainable development and environment issues in developing countries that emerge from conflict featuring unconsolidated democracies; We analysed the case of East Timor, between 1999 and 2012, on issues related to social, gender and income inequality and a variety of global issues like climate change and poverty levels, based on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The theoretical and methodological basis of this study was Melucci (1991). Notwithstanding this study is stakeholder-oriented based on inter- and transdisciplinary research, on multi-level and participatory governance theories and political philosophy, with focus on horizontal and environmental policy integration and processes as well as questions of legitimacy, accountability and sustainability based on the analysis of secondary sources (text, numbers, images, etc.) and collection of primary empirical data in the field, in 2012, for policy analysis in different contexts - a necessary step due to the fragility and often lack of reliable data and audited information. We analysed official documents and reports such key UN-resolutions, the Timor-Leste National Development Plan (NDP), the Millennium Development Goals Reports (MDGs), Human Development Reports (HDR), Evolution of the Human Development Index (HDI), scientific articles and several technical reports released by development agencies such as ABD, FAO, UNDP and others. We observed a huge discrepancy between rhetoric and practice concerning the key-actors participation as well as noticeable flaws in policy conduction at various levels. Transparency levels are incredibly low and it permeates all levels of the government. The impression one gets is that there was an interest in promoting the pacification process to enable foreign companies to extract oil at low risk, while issues related to governance, accountability and transparency were neglected. It is argued that such challenges were less a matter of rules and regulations then basic approaches, attitudes and power relations. It is possible that these key-actors, in general, did not succeed in find ways to change their approach during the years of stabilization; with little or no progress on issues related to human development, poverty and inequality reduction. Instead of fostering the development of a viable and autonomous civil society its results have demonstrated the depletion of a model of development that on one hand was efficient on the pacification process while on the other hand have failed in the promotion of opportunities, governance and sustainable development. Finally, we conclude that socioeconomic peculiarities and policies adopted in developing countries that emerge from serious conflicts should not be seeing as specific procedural and institutional factors replicable from stabilized societies, it is necessary to draw up a better database and a set of analysis tools based on the peculiar conditions of developing countries emerging from different forms of conflict focusing on mechanisms that promote good governance, transparency and accountability. As final considerations, to support Timor-Lesteâs sustainable development policies, we point out the need to relativize the implementation of criteria considered necessary for good governance, establish a hierarchy over time and across priorities in development programs and projects, which must be guided by the specificities of particular contexts.
O tema desta tese - "Desigualdade, pobreza e governanÃa: uma agenda para Timor-Leste" - decorre do interesse em avaliar a influÃncia de atores-chave - ONGs, governos nacionais e do Sistema das NaÃÃes Unidas - no desenvolvimento de polÃticas, em paÃses em desenvolvimento que emergem de conflitos graves; em particular, procurar soluÃÃes para lidar com o problema de como avaliar polÃticas de governanÃa, e trajetÃrias de desenvolvimento em paÃses sem base de dados confiÃveis e estruturados. Esta pesquisa buscou contribuir para o debate sobre a influÃncia das ONGs, governos nacionais e do Sistema das NaÃÃes Unidas sobre questÃes relacionadas a governanÃa, desenvolvimento sustentÃvel e questÃes ambientais em paÃses em desenvolvimento que emergem de conflitos configurando democracias nÃo-consolidadas; Analisamos o caso de Timor-Leste entre 1999 e 2012 com relaÃÃo a questÃes socioeconÃmicas, desigualdade de gÃnero de renda e uma variedade de questÃes globais como mudanÃas climÃticas e nÃveis de pobreza, com base nos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do MilÃnio (ODM). A base teÃrica e metodolÃgica deste estudo foi Melucci (1991). Entretanto, este estudo à "stakeholder-orientado", baseado em investigaÃÃo interdisciplinar e transdisciplinar, em multi-nÃvel com base em teorias de governanÃa participativa e filosofia polÃtica, com foco na integraÃÃo horizontal de processos de ordem polÃtica e ambiental, bem como questÃes de legitimidade, prestaÃÃo de contas e sustentabilidade com base na anÃlise de fontes secundÃrias (texto, nÃmeros, imagens, etc.) e de recolha de dados empÃricos primÃrias no campo em Timor-Leste, em 2012, para a anÃlise de polÃticas em diferentes contextos - um passo necessÃrio devido à fragilidade e muitas vezes a falta de dados confiÃveis e informaÃÃes auditadas. Foram analisados documentos oficiais e relatÃrios-chaves baseados em resoluÃÃes da ONU, o Plano de Timor-Leste Desenvolvimento Nacional (PDN), os RelatÃrios sobre os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do MilÃnio (ODM), RelatÃrios de Desenvolvimento Humano (HDR), EvoluÃÃo do Ãndice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH), artigos cientÃficos e vÃrios relatÃrios tÃcnicos divulgados por agÃncias de desenvolvimento, como a ABD, FAO, PNUD e outros. Foi observado uma enorme discrepÃncia entre a retÃrica e a prÃtica relativa à participaÃÃo atores-chave, bem como falhas visÃveis na conduÃÃo polÃtica em vÃrios nÃveis. Os nÃveis de transparÃncia sÃo reduzidos e, isso permeia todas as Ãreas do governo. A impressÃo que se tem à que houve interesse em promover o processo de pacificaÃÃo para permitir que as companhias estrangeiras pudessem extrair petrÃleo com baixo risco, enquanto que as questÃes relacionadas à governanÃa, à responsabilidade e à transparÃncia foram negligenciadas. Argumenta-se que esses desafios foram menos uma questÃo de regras e regulamentos do que abordagens bÃsicas, atitudes e relaÃÃes de poder. à possÃvel que estes atores-chave, em geral, nÃo tenham conseguido mudar suas abordagens durante os anos de estabilizaÃÃo, com rarefeito progresso em questÃes relacionadas com o desenvolvimento humano, e a reduÃÃo da pobreza e desigualdade. Ao invÃs de fomentar o desenvolvimento de uma sociedade civil viÃvel e autÃnoma, os resultados tÃm demonstrado o esgotamento de um modelo de desenvolvimento que, se por um lado eficiente na pacificaÃÃo falhou na promoÃÃo de oportunidades, governanÃa e desenvolvimento sustentÃvel. Por fim, concluÃmos que peculiaridades socioeconÃmicas e polÃticas adotadas em paÃses em desenvolvimento, que emergem de conflitos graves, nÃo devem ser vistas como fatores processuais e institucionais replicÃveis de sociedades estabilizadas, à necessÃrio elaborar uma melhor base de dados e um conjunto de ferramentas de anÃlise com base nas condiÃÃes peculiares dos paÃses em desenvolvimento que emergem de diferentes formas de conflito com foco em mecanismos que promovam a boa governanÃa, transparÃncia e prestaÃÃo de contas. Como consideraÃÃes finais, para apoiar polÃticas de desenvolvimento sustentÃvel em Timor-Leste e em paÃses similares, destacamos a necessidade de relativizar a implementaÃÃo de critÃrios considerados necessÃrios para a boa governanÃa, estabelecer uma hierarquia ao longo do tempo, em funÃÃo das prioridades, em programas e projetos de desenvolvimento, que devem ser guiados pelas especificidades de contextos particulares.

Cette étude, couvrant près de deux siècles d'histoire du Milanais, saisit les institutions caritatives, les nobles, les monastères, les opérateurs privés, l'État et les villes, unis par le mince filet de la finance. D'autres types de relations se développent également autour des rapports dette-crédit, liées à la gestion du pouvoir, que le patriarcat milanais tient fermement entre ses mains pendant presque tout l'ère moderne. A ce propos, les lieux pieux aumôniers jouent un rôle non marginal, la preuve en est l'occupation totale de leurs Chapitres (conseils d'administration) par la noblesse milanaise, prête à défendre ses privilèges de caste, quelle que soit l'alternance des dirigeants étrangers.Au fil du temps, les lieux pieux deviennent le siège des intérêts des classes aisées et développent, en plus de celle institutionnelle de la charité, d’autres fonctions: assise pour le contrôle du welfare milanais; nœud du réseau tissé par les familles nobles milanaises pour l'affirmation de leur rôle et la défense de leurs prérogatives; outil permettant de garantir une rente à ses héritiers ou de protéger le patrimoine des risques de perte.Les lieux pieux aumôniers, grands propriétaires fonciers et opérateurs financiers d'une certaine importance, subventionnent l'Etat et surtout les villes, qui ont besoin d'argent pour payer la part des dépenses militaires qui leur sont imposées par le souverain. Les prêts accordés sont - normalement - des accords de longue durée, parfois complexes et même ambigus. Les institutions caritatives participent volontairement au soutien du secteur public, mais y sont parfois induits, voire forcés.La recherche tente de faire ressortir ces multiples aspects liés à l'action des lieux pieux de Milan et aux familles qui les ont contrôlés pour longtemps
This research, which includes almost two centuries of Milan's history, is about charities, aristocrats, monasteries, private entities, the State and the city, all of which were connected by the invisible link of finance. It was around the debit-credit dynamics that different types of connections came to life, which were connected to political and financial power, a stronghold of Milanese patricians throughout almost all the modern era. In those circumstances charities entities had a relevant role, which is proven by the fact that their administrative boards (Capitoli) were entirely taken care of by the Milanese aristocrats, whose priority was to defend their own privileges, without regard for the change of the different foreign rulers that rotated in power. As time goes by, charities entities became the crucial for the activities of the nobles, and started to perform a variety of functions outside their institutional role: court of justice for the control of the Milanese welfare, hub of the aristocrats network aimed to guaranteed their role in society and to defend their Status, as well as a toll that would grant an income to their heirs, or to protect their assets from loss. Charities organisations were also land owners and relevant financial operators and subsidised the government and cities that were in need of money to support the military expenses imposed by the sovereign. The loans were normally long term and the arrangements often complicated and even ambiguous.Charity bodies usually willingly participated to the funding of public sector, however at times they were persuaded or even forced to do so. This study aims to highlight various aspects connected to the role played by the Milanese charities entities and the families whom were widely in control of these institutions
Questo studio, che abbraccia quasi due secoli di storia del Milanese, coglie gli enti elemosinieri, i nobili, i monasteri, gli operatori privati, lo Stato e le città, uniti dal sottile filo della finanza. Attorno ai rapporti di debito-credito si sviluppano anche relazioni di altra natura, connesse alla gestione del potere, che il patriziato milanese tiene saldamente nelle proprie mani per quasi tutta l’età moderna. In tal senso, i luoghi pii elemosinieri rivestono un ruolo non marginale, prova ne è la totale occupazione dei loro Capitoli (consigli di amministrazione) da parte della nobiltà milanese, pronta a difendere i propri privilegi di casta, indipendentemente dall’avvicendamento dei dominatori stranieri. Gli enti elemosinieri divengono, con il passare del tempo, la sede degli interessi delle classi agiate, ed assolvono – oltre a quella istituzionale della carità – diverse altre funzioni: assise per il controllo del welfare milanese; nodo della rete tessuta dalle famiglie nobili milanesi per l’affermazione del proprio ruolo e la difesa delle proprie prerogative; strumento attraverso il quale garantire ai propri eredi una rendita o mettere al riparo il patrimonio da rischi di perdita. I luoghi pii elemosinieri, che sono grandi proprietari terrieri e operatori finanziari di un certo rilievo, sovvenzionano lo Stato e soprattutto le città, bisognose di denaro per pagare la quota di spese militari loro imposta dal sovrano. I prestiti concessi sono – normalmente – di lunga durata, e gli accordi talvolta complessi e, persino, ambigui. Gli enti elemosinieri partecipano al sostegno del settore pubblico volontariamente, ma talora vi sono indotti, se non addirittura costretti. La ricerca tenta di far affiorare questi molteplici aspetti legati all’azione dei luoghi pii elemosinieri milanesi e alle famiglie che, maggiormente, ne detengono il controllo

Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional
Os Objectivos de Desenvolvimentos Milénio representam um compromisso firmado à escala global para a erradicação da pobreza. Apresentados como uma ferramenta importante para influenciar a opinião pública, não escapam incólumes às críticas de serem demasiado ambiciosos, negligenciarem os direitos humanos e exagerarem o papel da ajuda externa. Este trabalho pretende aferir se estas críticas terão expressão no espaço público, através da informação veiculada pelos media. Uma análise ao jornal Público permitiu perceber que a informação está sujeita a enviesamentos fruto dos constrangimentos que afectam a produção jornalística, com importantes implicações na forma como os ODM são retratados na imprensa portuguesa.
The Millennium Development Goals represent a global commitment made towards the eradication of poverty. Presented as an important tool to influence public opinion, they cannot avoid the criticism of being too ambitious, neglecting human rights and exaggerating the role of foreign aid. This paper aims to assess whether these criticisms are expressed in public sphere through the information disseminated by the media. A review of Público newspaper showed that information is subject to bias that are the result of the constraints affecting the journalistic production, which has important implications for how the MDGs are represented in the Portuguese press.

MESTRADO EM DESENVOLVIMENTO E COOPERAÇÃO INTERNACIONAL
A pobreza constitui-se como um dos mais graves problemas mundiais no início do novo milénio. Como tal, o objectivo deste trabalho é uma análise do problema da pobreza e das suas possíveis soluções no mundo de hoje, tendo como estudo de caso o Brasil. É com este objectivo em mente que, numa primeira parte, se aborda o tema da pobreza e da luta contra a pobreza a nível global, remetendo quer para a questão da conceptualização e operacionalização do fenómeno da pobreza, quer para a questão da pobreza e da luta contra a pobreza no mundo; e que, numa segunda parte, se aborda o mesmo tema mas ac nível específico do Brasil, remetendo quer para a questão da pobreza como fenómeno de grandes proporções num país que constitui actualmente a oitava maior economia do mundo, quer para a questão da luta contra a pobreza num país que se constitui como uma espécie de "laboratório" de experiências de luta contra a pobreza, na forma daquela que mais se aproxima de uma estratégia nacional de redução da pobreza, a estratégia Comunidade Solidária. Por último, tenta-se extrair algumas lições do caso específico da luta contra a pobreza no Brasil para a luta contra a pobreza a nível global.
At the beginning of the new millennium poverty still constitutes one of the world's most serious problems. This work aims to analyze the problem of poverty and its possible solutions in the world of today, with Brazil as a case study. In the first part of the work, we deal with the subjects of poverty and the ways of fighting it at a global levei, focusing both on the matter of the conceptualisation and operationalization of the phenomenon of poverty, and on the matter of poverty and of the fight against poverty in the world. In the second part, we deal with the same subjects in the specific case of Brazil, focusing both on the matter of poverty as a large scale phenomenon in a country that is the 8lh biggest economy in the world, and on the matter of the fight against poverty in a country that has been a sort of "laboratory" for experiences such as the Comunidade Solidária strategy, which is the one that comes closer to being a national strategy for poverty reduction and on which we chose therefore to concentrate our attention. Finally, we attempt to draw some lessons from the specific case of Brazil with relevance to the fight against poverty at a global levei.
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This research analyses the investment in the aesthetics of secure life, which emerges from the proximities between development and security. The focus of the analysis is on the governmental practices accompanying the Millennium Development Goals derived from the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations. The aim is to study development through the relationship between government and governmentality, which evidence the investments in the management of life by means of political economy as a principle of calculation aiming at the improvement of human capital. Through the depletion of biopolitics, this thesis shows the operation of planetary governmentality through the shifts that make poverty management a shared objective aimed at the planet's population, providing interventions and regulations of governmental practices in environments. The United Nations used the turn of the millennium as a strategy to upgrade its structure and mission, and adopted the goal of reducing poverty and hunger as a transterritorial risk. This approach triggered development discourses about promoting sustainability, financial aid flows, expert knowledge and repositioned the UN s role in the humanitarian field. Relations formerly centered on the state were reshaped to include and expand civil society participation, illustrating how the diplomatic dispositif and development programs are actualized by the exercise of neoliberal freedom in the 21st century. This is the main axis of investment that improves the productivity of the population without giving up the predominance of control, and that makes security an essential mechanism for capitalist development to operate its technologies. The genealogy of power discussed by Michel Foucault guides the mapping of strategic knowledge produced in main conferences. These conferences highlight the interest in new nuances produced by the introduction of the diplomatic dispositif in the field of political economy, which acts as technology and language to expand development programs between the twentieth and twenty-first century. The emergence of food security was crucial in connecting sustainable development and the management of hunger, environment and misery on the planet. The case study shows how the use of food security in Brazil operationalized technologies to expand the discourse of the MDGs and the ethics of secure life as a universal project
Esta pesquisa aborda a emergência e investimento na estética da vida segura, a partir das proximidades entre desenvolvimento e segurança, situando as práticas governamentais esperadas pelos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio das Nações Unidas, derivados da Declaração do Milênio. O objetivo é apresentar os estudos sobre o desenvolvimento a partir do interesse nas relações governo e governamentalidade, que evidenciam os investimentos na gestão da vida por meio da economia política como princípio de cálculo para o aprimoramento do capital humano. A partir do esgotamento da biopolítica, esta tese mostra o funcionamento da governamentalidade planetária por meio dos deslocamentos que fazem da gestão da pobreza um objetivo compartilhado voltado à população do planeta, que proporcionam intervenções e regulações das práticas governamentais nos ambientes. As Nações Unidas utilizou a virada do milênio como estratégia para atualizar sua estrutura e missão, e adotou a redução da pobreza e da fome como risco transterritorial. Isto a fez acionar os discursos do desenvolvimento para impulsionar a sustentabilidade, os fluxos financeiros à assistência, os saberes dos especialistas, e reposicionar seu papel no campo dos humanitarismos. As relações centradas no Estado foram redimensionadas para incluir a participação da sociedade civil ampliada, mostrando que o dispositivo diplomático e os programas de desenvolvimento são acionados pelos exercícios da liberdade neoliberal no século XXI. Este é o principal eixo de investimento que viabiliza a produtividade da população sem abdicar da predominância dos controles, e que fazem da segurança mecanismo essencial para que o desenvolvimento capitalista possa operar suas tecnologias. A genealogia do poder tratada por Michel Foucault orienta o mapeamento de saberes estratégicos produzidos nas chamadas grandes conferências que marcam o interesse em ressaltar novas nuances produzidos pela introdução do dispositivo diplomático no campo da economia política, como tecnologia e linguagem própria da expansão dos programas de desenvolvimento entre o século XX e XXI. A emergência da segurança alimentar foi decisiva para associar desenvolvimento sustentável, gestão da fome, do meio ambiente e das misérias no planeta. O estudo de caso apresenta como o uso da segurança alimentar no Brasil operacionalizou as tecnologias necessárias para expandir o discurso dos ODM e da estética da vida segura como projeto universal

Numa altura em que se continua a discutir as acentuadas assimetrias mundiais e a debater os efeitos mais perversos da globalização nos países em desenvolvimento, os Objectivos do Milénio para o Desenvolvimento (OMD) não podem deixar de espelhar gradualmente as responsabilidades de todos os agentes do Desenvolvimento no alívio da pobreza dos países mais desfavorecidos. A Declaração do Milénio, como ficou conhecida, foi assinada por 189 Estados Membros das Nações Unidas, da qual Cabo Verde também é signatário, e traduz-se em 8 grandes Objectivos mundiais, desdobrados em 21 metas, às quais estão associados cerca de 52 indicadores que possibilitam a medição e acompanhamento da regressão ou progresso destes mesmos Objectivos na meta temporal de 2015. Depois de uma década de conferências e cimeiras mundiais, o pacto de desenvolvimento do Milénio reitera a necessidade de se reforçar as políticas de luta contra a pobreza a nível mundial com responsabilidades acrescidas para os Estados. No entanto, e contrariando a tendência de uma leitura ao nível governamental, importa perceber de que forma é que os actores sociais, nomeadamente as Organizações Não Governamentais, contribuem para o desenvolvimento local cabo verdiano. Tendo em conta o objecto em estudo, isto é, a diversidade de práticas que permitirão questionar o papel dos Estados e dos demais actores do desenvolvimento na prossecução dos OMD, pretendemos demonstrar a importância do papel das Organizações da Sociedade Civil na luta contra a pobreza, colocando em destaque a importância das ONG e Organizações Comunitárias de Base cabo verdianas para o alcance dos OMD em Cabo Verde.
In a time when world dire asymmetries and the negative effects of globalization to developing countries are still widely debated, the Millennium Development Goals reflect the responsibilities of the different development actors in the struggle for poverty relief in the least developed countries. The Millennium Declaration, as it became known, was signed by 189 United Nations member states, including Cape Vert, and it translates into 8 major goals and 21 targets, to which correspond 52 indicators that allow the monitoring of the progression or regression of these Goals for the time frame of 2015. After a decade of conferences and world summits, the Millennium development pact reiterates the need to reinforce poverty relief policies worldwide, and brings new responsibilities for national states. However, and contradicting the trend to read this progression only on a governmental level, it is essential to understand in which ways social actors, namely the Non-Governmental Organizations, contribute to local development in Cape Vert. Having in mind our study focus, that is the diversity of practices that allow to question the role of the state and further development actors in implementing the MDG’s, we intend to demonstrate the importance of Civil Society Organizations’s role in fighting poverty, and especially the role of cape verdean NGO’s and Community-based Organizations in implementing the MDG’s in Cape Vert.

The chapter describes the incidence and features of poverty in the ten largest Italian cities. Exploiting the bulk of existing research, the chapter discusses how poverty is produced in each city, stressing the connection between the social organization of the urban life – including the economy, the social dynamics, the social fabric, the local politics – and the triggering of individual and household trajectories of impoverishment. Following an analysis based on maps that show how the disadvantaged population is more or less concentrated is some areas of each city, the situation of the three largest ones – Milan, Naples and Rome – is described in more detail. These three cities are very different from each other: Milan is the wealthiest city of the country, and here poverty transforms typically in social exclusion, while Naples is the ideal-typical case of Mediterranean city with a large diffusion of “integrated poverty”, but also of disqualified poverty and urban segregation. Rome is an immense territory with large dispersed and often isolated peripheries (the so-called borgate) where a highly vulnerable and variegated population live often in conflict with each other.

The economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic might be different for different population sub-groups defined by age, educational level, working status and size of the household they live in, but also by the economic conditions before the pandemic. In this paper we use the special survey carried out by the Bank of Italy in April-May 2020 to identify which categories of individuals need more income support as they are more at risk of being in a condition of subjective poverty aggravated by the economic crisis due to the health emergency.

The 1960s witnessed a revival of concern about poverty on both sides of the Atlantic. One of the most fashionable responses to this ‘rediscovery of poverty’ in the United States was the concept of a Negative Income Tax, which Milton Friedman popularized in Capitalism and Freedom (1962). Much of the literature on the US guaranteed income debate presents NIT as a distinctively American phenomenon, but the possibility of integrating tax and benefits in this way was also central to British social policy during the 1960s and 1970s. Both Conservative and Labour governments hoped that NIT could allow them to target benefits on the poor without the stigma of conventional means-testing—focusing first on pensioners, then on working families with children. The idea attracted wide attention inside and outside government, but ran up against both cultural resistance to wage supplements and technical difficulties in paying benefits through the PAYE system.

This chapter discusses Tim Goedemé's cross-national research work in order to establish reference budgets for EU member states and facilitate the European Commission's (EC) task of monitoring income adequacy in Europe. It focuses on the “Improving Poverty Reduction in Europe” (ImPRovE) project that worked closely with six country teams based in Antwerp, Athens, Barcelona, Budapest, Helsinki and Milan. It also looks into the development of more comprehensive reference budgets that span all expenditures needs in both food and non-food. The chapter reflects on the key lessons and contributions from the ImPRovE project and discusses some of the issues on establishing a common language and “standardized” approach. It suggests how approaches on reference budgets strengthen EU social protection systems and social indicators and provide new sociological insights into European societies and public attitudes.

In 1976, a terrible dictatorship was established in Argentina, even before Foucault claimed with crystal clarity that the fundamental difference between classical liberalism and neoliberalism was the substitution of the homo economicus −related to the exchange− by the homo economicus as entrepreneur of himself (lecture delivered on 14 March 1979); and also before Margaret Thatcher (in Ronald Butt’s interview, Sunday Times, 3 May 1981) confirmed Foucault´s analysis stating that: “Economics are the method; the object is to change the heart and soul”. In the same year, Milton Friedman received the Nobel Prize in Economics. The explicit purpose of the Military Junta was to promote a profound cultural transformation, based on the premise that the causes of the alleged “underdevelopment” were not so much economical but cultural and political. Nevertheless, as García Delgado and Molina (2006) pointed out, the problem is not related to a sort of inevitable structural poverty, due to the culture of our people. It is a matter of a decline in society, produced by the policy orientation of the dictatorship. Until then, the income distribution was similar to that of the countries from the Southern Europe with an almost frictional unemployment. Until the coup d’état, Argentina had a poverty rate of 8% and the best distributive structure of income in Latin America. However, 1976 was a turning point; the surge of the neoliberal model promoted a process of over-indebtedness, wealth concentration, unrestricted opening of markets with an unfavourable exchange rate for national industry, labour flexibilization, with the insertion in a competitive globalization of “savage capitalism” that “strengthened the asymmetries and transfers of resources from the periphery to the centre. This concept differs from thinking about inequality as a problem related to culture, corruption and poor institutional quality” (García Delgado, 2006).Despite the overwhelming adverse evidence, it is still a commonplace to blame all the ills of our society on that culture, the maximum expression of which would be Peronism. In fact, the great majority of disappeared people during the dictatorship were Peronist political, trade union and social leaders. The motto of the Ministry of Economics during the dictatorship was “towards a change of mentality”. The current Argentine situation, in terms of advances of neoliberalism as well as resistances to it, cannot be understood without referring to the dictatorship. In Poratti words, “the coup d’état of 1976 does not only put an end to a government, a political system and project, but also to a 'world' in which Argentinians were living at least from the independence project of 1810. In those days, there was not an abrupt differentiation between generations and, in many aspects, people could identify themselves, diachronically, with a historical line beyond the particular generational characteristics” (Various Authors, 2009).These aspects go along with others that appeared in other areas, such as the implementation of new computer and communication technologies and, as a consequence, individual and social fragmentation. The impact of these technologies on daily life was decisive to the emergence of what some authors, like Sloterdijk (2002), called “mass individualism.” No doubt, this is a necessary aspect to explain the rise of the neoliberal subjectivity in developed countries. Yet, in Argentina, the existence of political, social, trade-union and ecclesiastical movements based on popular roots, with solidarity as a fundamental value, hampered the conquest of the “heart and soul” in 1976; and they are still now an obstacle to be overcome by sectors interested in imposing a neoliberal model. It is impossible to explain any isolated phenomenon of popular resistance to the hegemonic attempts from neoliberalism without analysing the common conceptions and understandings found in Argentina. Indeed, the popular culture substrate in Argentina is made up, mainly, by the confluence of different cultures: Andean, Guaraní Indians, Afro and Criollo (native). All of them are characterized by their relational and solidarity conceptions, intrinsically opposed to a subjectivity that conceives the individual as an entrepreneur of himself/herself.

In recent years much has been written and exhibited regarding Lina Bo Bardi, the Italian/Brazilian architect (1914-1992). This paper aims to look at the phenomenon of cultural displacement and the dissemination of her design thinking as a major female figure in a male dominated profession. This investigation is distinguished from others in that it addresses the importance of regional and cultural influences that formed Lina’s design philosophy in her early years in Italy. Cultural displacement has long played a significant role in the creative process for artists. Often major innovators in literature are immigrants as elements of strangeness, distance, and alienation all contribute to their creativity. The premise is that critical distance is paramount for reflection as a change of context unfolds unforeseen possibilities. Displacement was a consistent element throughout the trajectory of Lina’s architectural career as she moved from Rome to Milan, from Milan to Sao Paolo from Sao Paolo to Bahia and back to Sao Paolo. Viewing this form of detachment and dislocation permits insight into her career and body of work as displacement mediates the paradoxical relationship between time and space. The paper will examine three distinct periods in her career. The first period is set in Rome, where she assimilated the city, showed artistic aptitude and spent her university years studying under Piacentiniand Giovannoni. The second period is set in Milan, where she developed impressive editorial and layout skills in publications work with Gio Ponti and BrunoZevi. and was influenced by Antonio Gramsci’s writings. The third is set in Brazil, where she builds and evolves as an architect via what she absorbed in Rome, wrote in Milan, and finally realized in Brazil. After Italy’s collapse in WWII Lina writes, draws, edits, critiques the plight of the Italians in need of better housing and circumstances. She leaves Milan with her new husband, PM Bardi (a prominent journalist, art critic) for Brazil. In Sao Paolo she absorbs the optimism and positive direction of Brazil. Her early design work in Brazil echoes European modernism, but when she travels to Bahia and becomes aware of the social conditions, she draws from her Italian experiences of and ideas of transforming lives through craft. Her architectural projects become directly responsive to the culture of Bahia and the politics of poverty. Lina’s design thinking evolves and parallels George Kubler’s study, The Shape of Time, and the history of man-made objects by bridging the divide between art and material culture.