Journal articles on the topic 'Postwar reconstruction – Great Britain'
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1
Devereux, David R. "State Versus Private Ownership: The Conservative Governments and British Civil Aviation 1951–62." Albion 27, no. 1 (1995): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000018536.
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Studies of post-1945 Britain have often concentrated upon political and foreign policy history and are only just now beginning to address the question of the restructuring of the British economy and domestic policy. Civil aviation, a subject of considerable interest to historians of interwar Britain, has not been given a similar degree of attention in the post-1945 era. Civil aviation policy was, however, given a very high priority by both the 1945-51 Labour government and its Conservative successors. Civil aviation represented part of the effort to return Britain to a peacetime economy by transferring resources from the military into the civil aircraft industry, while at the same time holding for Britain a position of pre-eminence in the postwar expansion of civil flying. As such, aviation was a matter of great interest to reconstruction planners during World War Two, and was an important part of the Attlee government's plans for nationalization.Civil aviation was expected to grow rapidly into a major global economic force, which accounted for the great attention paid it in the 1940s and 1950s. Its importance to Britain in the postwar era lay in the value of air connections to North America, Europe, and the Empire and Commonwealth, and also in the economic importance of Britain's aircraft industry. In a period when the United States was by far the largest producer of commercial aircraft, the task of Labour and Conservative governments was to maintain a viable British position against strong American competition. What is particularly interesting is the wide degree of consensus that existed in both parties on the role the state should play in the maintenance and enhancement of this position.
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Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.
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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.
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Zhang, Xinping, and Jiawei Dai. "China’s Involvement in Syria’s Postwar Reconstruction." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, no. 03 (January 2020): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500165.
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After years of war and chaos, the situation in Syria has stabilized with the active intervention of external forces, providing necessary conditions for national reconstruction. Security reconstruction, economic recovery, and political reconciliation will be the three key areas in post-civil war rebuilding. As an important node country along the Belt and Road Initiative, Syria’s urgent need for reconstruction makes it possible for China to play a larger role. Deeper Chinese involvement in postwar reconstruction will not only help restore political and economic order in a war-torn country and its neighborhood, but also improve Beijing’s image as a responsible stakeholder. At the same time, Beijing may find a bumpy road ahead as great power rivalry, Syria’s factional politics and weak economic foundation, and regional terrorism will pose significant challenges. While economic reconstruction should be the focus of Beijing’s efforts, China should also not lose sight of the role it can play in facilitating national political reconciliation in Syria.
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Boccardi, Mariadele. "Reconstruction Fiction: Housing and Realist Literature in Postwar Britain by Paula Derdiger." Modern Language Review 117, no. 4 (October 2022): 711–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2022.0136.
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Fishman, Nina, Anita J. Prazmowska, and Holger Heith. "Communist Coalmining Union Activists and Postwar Reconstruction, 1945–52: Germany, Poland, and Britain." Science & Society 70, no. 1 (January 2006): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2006.70.1.74.
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Chernyshev, Evgeniy. "The United States, Great Britain, and the Postwar Organization of Central and Eastern Europe." Problems of Post-Communism 56, no. 5 (September 2009): 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216560506.
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Marshall, Emily A. "Population Projections and Demographic Knowledge in France and Great Britain in the Postwar Period." Population and Development Review 41, no. 2 (June 2015): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4457.2015.00047.x.
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Kinross, Robin. "Unjustified text and the zero hour." Information Design Journal 7, no. 3 (January 1, 1994): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/idj.7.3.05kin.
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This is the text of a lecture given at the conference on 'Design & reconstruction in postwar Europe', held at the Victoria & Albert Museum, London, in January 1994. It is an attempt to locate a general principle of design - unjustified setting of text - in a precise historical context. The discussion focusses on experiments and debates over unjustified text in the years around 1945, by designers in Switzerland, Britain, and the Netherlands.
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Hendley, Matthew. "Anti-Alienism and the Primrose League: The Externalization of the Postwar Crisis in Great Britain 1918-32." Albion 33, no. 02 (2001): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0095139000067120.
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Anti-alienism has frequently been the dark underside of organized patriotic movements in twentieth-century Britain. Love of nation has all too frequently been accompanied by an abstract fear of foreigners or a concrete dislike of alien immigrants residing in Britain. Numerous patriotic leagues have used xenophobia and the supposed threat posed by aliens to define themselves and their Conservative creed. Aliens symbolized “the other,” which held values antithetical to members of the patriotic leagues. These currents have usually become even more pronounced in times of tension and crisis. From the end of the First World War through the 1920s, Britain suffered an enormous economic, social, and political crisis. British unemployment never fell below one million as traditional industries such as coal, iron and steel, shipbuilding, and textiles declined. Electoral reform in 1918 and 1928 quadrupled the size of the electorate, and the British party system fractured with the Liberals divided and Labour becoming the alternative party of government. Industrial unrest was rampant, culminating in the General Strike of 1926. The example of the Russian Revolution inspired many on the Left and appalled their opponents on the Right, while many British Conservatives felt that fundamental aspects of the existing system of capitalism and parliamentary democracy were under challenge.
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Richards, Graham. "Britain on the Couch: The Popularization of Psychoanalysis in Britain 1918—1940." Science in Context 13, no. 2 (2000): 183–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700003793.
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The ArgumentDespite the enormous historical attention psychoanalysis has attracted, its popularization in Britain (as opposed to the United States) in the wake of the Great War has been largely overlooked. The present paper explores the sources and fate of the sudden “craze” for psychoanalysis after 1918, examining the content of the books through which the doctrine became widely known, along with the roles played by religious interests and the popular press. The percolation of Freudian and related language into everyday English was effectively complete by the 1930s. Crucially, it is argued that in Britain the character of psychoanalytic theory itself demonstrably converged with the psychological needs of the British population in the postwar period. The situation in Britain was clearly different in many respects from that in the United States. This episode bears on numerous questions about scientific popularization, the distinctiveness of British psychoanalysis, and though it is treated here only peripherally the epistemological status or nature of psychoanalysis. More generally the present paper may be read as an exercise in reflexive disciplinary historiography, in which the levels of discipline (“Psychology”) and subject matter (“psychology”) are viewed as interpenetrating and mutually constitutive.
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Bossuat, Gerard, Joseph Becker, and Franz Knipping. "Power in Europe? Great-Britain, France, Italy and Germany in a Postwar World, 1945-1950." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 16 (October 1987): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3768766.
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Schofield, Camilla, and Ben Jones. "“Whatever Community Is, This Is Not It”: Notting Hill and the Reconstruction of “Race” in Britain after 1958." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 1 (January 2019): 142–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.174.
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AbstractThe impact of the 1958 Notting Hill riots tends to figure in histories of the political right, as a galvanizing force for anti-immigrant sentiment—or as radical catalyst in the transnational history of the Black Atlantic. Meanwhile, the generation of black and white social workers and activists who flocked to Notting Hill after the riots have largely been left out of the history of the British left. This article treats Notting Hill after 1958 as an important locale of new progressive thinking and action. It seeks to consider the political work that the idea of “community” did in Notting Hill, allowing us consider how the politics of antiracism relates in complex ways to the reformulation of progressive politics in postwar Britain. It reveals how black activists came to reappropriate the language of “community” to critique the ameliorative, welfarist approach to antiracism. It also unearths the forgotten eclectic beginnings of Britain's New Left. By excavating the history of community work and New Left activism “from below,” this article traces the ways in which a motley group of Methodist ministers, Christian Workers, students, social workers, and community leaders tested the limits of the liberal paternalism and “universalism” of the postwar social democratic state.
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Chettiar, Teri. "“More than a Contract”: The Emergence of a State-Supported Marriage Welfare Service and the Politics of Emotional Life in Post-1945 Britain." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 3 (June 10, 2016): 566–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2016.55.
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AbstractThis article examines the seminal contributions of Britain's marriage counseling and therapy services toward cultivating a new emotional purpose for marriage in the decades following World War II. It presents two related narrative threads. First, it argues that psychologically oriented relationship services attracted government support because they supported the postwar ideal of a classless democratic society. Pioneering practitioners promoted a universalized view of citizens’ emotional relationships—rather than their socio-economic circumstances—as the determining fact of their lives. Second, it argues that these services provided a compelling language and set of concepts for articulating transforming understandings and expectations of marriage in the decades after 1945. To this end, the article reveals how the language and concepts of marriage therapists were mobilized by divorce reformers in the 1960s, and helped replace the offense model for divorce petitions with a less punitive psychological model of relationship “breakdown” in 1969. Britain's postwar marriage welfare services endowed stable harmonious families with crucial social and political importance as the bedrock for postwar social reconstruction and the most fitting environment for children and adults alike to develop into fully mature and self-realized democratic citizens.
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MOSES, JULIA. "SOCIAL CITIZENSHIP AND SOCIAL RIGHTS IN AN AGE OF EXTREMES: T. H. MARSHALL'S SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY IN THELONGUE DURÉE." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 1 (June 6, 2017): 155–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000178.
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This article demonstrates how T. H. Marshall's conceptualization of sociology—its subject, key questions and methodology—was embedded within broader moments in twentieth-century political history, including two world wars, the economic crisis of the interwar era, the onset of the Cold War and the rise of decolonization. In doing so, it brings intellectual history and the history of academic disciplines (particularly sociology) together with more recent trends in the historiography of twentieth-century Europe, including research on postwar democratization, reconstruction and the global spread of human rights discourses. Marshall was a sociological thinker in what Eric Hobsbawm has called the “age of extremes,” whose understanding of social citizenship not only played a role in theorizing the welfare state in postwar Britain, but also helped shape reconstruction within Europe and international development efforts following decolonization. In this respect, Marshall was part of a transnational and global movement to recast key concepts such as democracy, human rights and citizenship after the Second World War. This broader perspective illuminates how his work straddles traditions of pluralism and idealism, liberalism and social democracy, rather than being simply representative of any one of these schools of thought.
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Eley, Geoff. "Culture, Britain, and Europe." Journal of British Studies 31, no. 4 (October 1992): 390–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386016.
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We are in the midst of a remarkable moment of historical change, in which the very meaning of “Europe” — as economic region, political entity, cultural construct, object of study—is being called dramatically into question, and with it the meanings of the national cultures that provide its parts. While perceptions have been overwhelmed by the political transformations in the east since the autumn of 1989, profound changes have also been afoot in the west, with the legislation aimed at producing a single European market in 1992. Moreover, these dramatic events — the democratic revolutions against Stalinism in Eastern Europe, the expansion and strengthening of the European Community (EC) — have presupposed a larger context of accumulating change. The breakthrough to reform under Yuri Andropov and Mikhail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union, the Solidarity crisis in Poland, and the stealthful reorientations in Hungary have been matched by longer-run processes of change in Western Europe, resulting from the crisis of social democracy in its postwar Keynesian welfare-statist forms, capitalist restructuring, and the general trend toward transnational Western European economic integration.Taken as a whole, these developments in east and west make the years 1989-92 one of those few times when fundamental political and constitutional changes, in complex articulation with social and economic transformations, are occurring on a genuinely European-wide scale, making this one of the several great constitution-making periods of modern European history.
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Seyer, Sean. "Walking the Line – The International Origins of Civil Aviation Regulation in Canada." Scientia Canadensis 38, no. 2 (November 14, 2016): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1037948ar.
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This paper explores how international considerations shaped the Air Regulations of 1920, the first regulation of civil aviation in Canada. After the First World War Allied representatives drafted the Convention Relating to the Regulation of Aerial Navigation to both constrain the revolutionary potential of heavier-than-air flight and foster international civil aviation. The Borden government considered aviation regulation a domestic matter rather than an imperial one and recognized that Canada’s geographic position necessitated regulatory coordination with the United States. In response, it crafted a postwar aeronautical policy that allowed for regulatory compatibility with the convention, facilitated cross-border flight with the United States, and promoted a more independent foreign policy. Thus Canada’s postwar regulation of the airplane represents an important element in its larger twentieth-century realignment away from Great Britain and towards the United States.
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Borisov, A. Y. "Diplomatic History of the Great Patriotic War and the New World Order." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(42) (June 28, 2015): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-3-42-9-20.
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From ancient times, war was called "the creator of all things". And winners created the postwar world order. The article reveals the backstage, the diplomatic history of the Great Patriotic War, which make the picture of the main events of the war, that culminated in victory May 1945 in the capital of the defeated Third Reich, complete. The decisive role of the Soviet Union and its armed forces in the defeat of Nazi Germany and its allies was the strong foundation on which to build the strategy and tactics of Soviet diplomacy during the war. It was implemented in the course of negotiations with the Western Allies - the United States and Britain, led by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill. World history teaches, large and small wars have been fought on Earth for centuries for specific political interests. In this context, the Second World War has been a shining example not only to curb the aggressor states, the liberation of peoples from the Nazi tyranny, but also an attempt by the victor to organize a new, better postwar world order to guarantee a durable and lasting peace based on the cooperation of the allied states. But the allies in the war did not become allies in the organization of the postwar world. Their collaboration briefly survived the end of hostilities and was overshadowed start turning to the Cold War. It was largely due to the US desire to realize their material advantages to the detriment of the Soviet Union after the war and build a system that would be a one-sided expression of the interests of Washington. Americans, especially after the death of President Roosevelt, and during his successor Truman understood international cooperation as an assertion of its global leadership while ignoring the interests of the Soviet Union, which bore the brunt of the war.
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Shafer, Byron E., and Marc D. Stears. "From Social Welfare to Cultural Values: The Puzzle of Postwar Change in Britain and the United States." Journal of Policy History 11, no. 4 (October 1999): 331–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600003377.
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On Thursday, 5 July 1945, the British electorate appeared to draw a line under the prewar political world. This electorate turned the wartime government, led by the Conservative party, out of office. Moreover, it dismissed the Conservatives in favor of a party that still harbored doubts about its proper governing role, namely, British Labour. The scale of this reversal was additionally unprecedented. Labour had only ever formed minority, shortlived governments before; its last such venture, in 1929, had seen the party take power just in time to acquire responsibility for the Great Depression. The Tories had thus returned to effective leadership in 1931, such that Tory electoral and governmental dominance was still the context for the 1945 election. Now, however, Labour had returned with not just an absolute but an enormous majority in Parliament: it gained more seats than the Tories were left holding. And this over a party that had arguably weathered the Great Depression and saved the nation in a world war.
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Eckert, Astrid M. "The Transnational Beginnings of West German Zeitgeschichte in the 1950s." Central European History 40, no. 1 (February 27, 2007): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000283.
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The study of Zeitgeschichte, or contemporary history, was not an invention of the postwar era. But it was in the wake of the Second World War that it carved out a space in the historical professions of the United States, Great Britain and, most pronouncedly, West Germany. In each country, it came with similar definitions: in West Germany as “the era of those living, and its scholarly treatment by academics”; in the United States as “the period of the last generation or two”; and in Britain as “Europe in the twentieth century” or “the histories of yesterday which are being written today.” Such definitions contained a generational component and left contemporary history open to continuous rejuvenation. Yet during the postwar decades, the above definitions steered interest clearly toward the history of National Socialism, the Second World War, and foreign policy of the 1920s and 1930s. The horrific cost in human lives of Nazi racial and anti-Semitic policies gave an instant relevance to all aspects of Germany's past. The German grip on much of Europe had made National Socialism an integral component in the history of formerly occupied countries, and the Allied struggle to defeat Nazism added yet more countries to the list of those that had seen their histories become entangled with that of Germany. Hence, the academic writing of German contemporary history was never an exclusively German affair. Scholars outside Germany, especially in Great Britain and the United States, were part of the endeavor from the outset. Their involvement was facilitated by the fact that the Western Allies had captured an enormous quantity of German records and archives at the end of the war, part of which would become available to historians over the course of the 1950s and 1960s.
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Hendley, Matthew. "Anti-Alienism and the Primrose League: The Externalization of the Postwar Crisis in Great Britain 1918-32." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 33, no. 2 (2001): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053372.
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Feigel, Lara. "‘The Sermons in the Stones of Germany Preach Nihilism’: ‘Outsider Rubble Literature’ and the Reconstruction of Germany, 1945–1949." Comparative Critical Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2016): 233–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2016.0201.
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This article explores the literature and film produced by the writers and filmmakers sent by the British and Americans to occupied Germany in the four years after the war. Although these figures were intended to help transform the mentality of the Germans, it is argued here that they had less effect on Germany than Germany had on them, and that the crucial (albeit unwitting) result of their visits to Germany was the creation of a genre of art here named ‘outsider rubble literature’ or Fremdentrümmerliteratur. This is a genre that asked, ultimately, what right the Allies had to judge Germany from outside when they were guilty too. It comprises a series of fundamentally ambivalent works of art that often manifest their ambivalence by juxtaposing the two forms of destruction experienced in Germany: the destruction of the bombed cities and the destruction wrought in the concentration camps. The article suggests that this genre of ‘outsider rubble literature’ includes Thomas Mann's great postwar novel Doktor Faustus, arguing that our understanding of this novel is increased if we read it alongside the postwar writing of Stephen Spender, Martha Gellhorn and Klaus Mann, and the postwar filmmaking of Billy Wilder.
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Steele, M. William. "The Making of a Bicycle Nation." Transfers 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 70–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2012.020206.
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Japan is one of the great bicycle nations of the world, ranking alongside the Netherlands, Germany, and Denmark in terms of per capita bicycle ownership and use. This article reviews the history and characteristics of Japan as a bicycle nation. It examines the emergence of a distinctive bicycle culture that offered personal mobility to ordinary people in prewar Japan and traces the contribution of the bicycle to postwar Japan's social and economic development. It reviews postwar bicycle history in: the period of reconstruction and recovery (1945-1956); the period of high economic growth (1957-1973); the period of rapid motorization (1974-1991); and the period of raised environmental consciousness (1992-present). The conclusion seeks to offer reasons for the persistence of Japan's vibrant and pervasive bicycle culture.
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Muirhead, B. W. "The Politics of Food and the Disintegration of the Anglo-Canadian Trade Relationship, 1947-1948." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 2, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031035ar.
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Abstract This paper examines a somewhat peripheral event in postwar transatlantic diplomacy, the 1947-48 food negotiations between Canada and the United Kingdom, because the process and the outcome of these talks illuminate the deterioration in the traditionally close relationship between the two countries. Because of the financial strains caused by British wartime expenditures, Canada was unable to negotiate a reestablishment of the prewar trade relationship, in which surpluses in her trade with Great Britain financed deficits in her accounts with the United States. The British negotiating strategy forced the Canadian government to reconsider its traditional dependence on the British connection, which had hitherto been so fundamental to Canadian history. This paper therefore challenges the view that Canadian politicians ''sold out'' the country in shifting attention from Britain to the United States after World War II.
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Kitsak, Volodymyr. "The Politics of Great Britain Concerning the Establishment of the Eastern Frontier of Poland in 1944-1945." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.105-115.
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The policy of the government of Great Britain concerning the establishment of the eastern frontier of Poland during the final period of World War II has been investigated in an article. The policy priorities of Great Britain concerning the regulation of postwar political status of Poland have been determined. It has been researched that British politics were giving a try to restore diplomatic relations between the exile government of Poland and the government of the USSR that had been cut in April 1943 by Soviets. Unsuccessful attempts of W. Churchill to compel the USSR return the legal government of Poland into the arias that were occupied by the Soviet army are analyzed. After the pro-Soviet Lublin government proclamation British politics negotiated about a coalition cabinet forming. It has been proved that by the end of the World War II the major priority of Great Britain was to restore the prewar government in Poland and to avoid its transformation into the Soviet satellite like Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It has been established that British politics exchanged the problem of the eastern boundary with the following deportations of population on the return of Polish cabinet from London. Lviv and Vilnius had to belong to Soviets. Churchill considered that the mass migration of Ukrainians and Poles was inevitable and could help to avoid conflicts in future. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus loss was indemnified to Poland with territories on its western frontier and in Prussia. Negotiations of British cabinet with exile Polish government have been analyzed. Churchill and Iden gave a try to force the Prime minister of Poland Mykolaychyk to proclaim renunciation from the established eastern boundary of Poland. During those years Great Britain did not achive the aim. The government of the USSR and Stalin did not keep an agreement made on Tehran and Yalta conferences and in personal correspondence.
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Mokhtari, Fariborz. "Iran's 1953 Coup: Revisiting Mosaddeq." Bustan: The Middle East Book Review 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bustan.7.2.113.
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Abstract A coup d'état ended Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq's government in Iran on August 19, 1953. The United States and Great Britain were undeniably involved, but the country's internal dynamics may have been even more crucial. The notion that foreign agents subverted Iran and its elected government entirely through their paid operators is not an accurate assessment. This brief account of postwar Iranian politics serves as an important context for events that took place during Mosaddeq's premiership, and perhaps makes the search for those culpable for the coup less important than coming to terms with the continued tension between nationalist-modernism and religious-traditionalism in Iran.
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Lacomba Montes, Paula, and Alejandro Campos Uribe. "From classrooms to Centres: Mary and David Medd’s contribution to postwar school design in Britain." Architectural Research Quarterly 24, no. 3 (September 2020): 251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135520000287.
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This paper reports on the primary school design processes carried out around the 1940s in the County of Hertfordshire in Great Britain, which later evolved into innovative strategies developed by Mary and David Medd in the Ministry of Education from the late 1950s. The whole process, undertaken during more than three decades, reveals a way of breaking with the traditional spatial conception of a school. The survey of the period covered has allowed an in-depth understanding of how learning spaces could be transformed by challenging the conventional school model of closed rooms, suggesting a new way of understanding learning spaces as a group of Centres rather than classrooms. Historians have thoroughly shown the ample scope of this process, which involved many professionals, fostering a true cross-disciplinary endeavour where the curriculum and the learning spaces were developed in close collaboration. A selection of schools built in the county has been used to typologically analyse how architectural changes began to arise and later flourished at the Ministry of Education. The Medds had indeed a significant role through the development of a design process known as the Built-in variety and the Planning Ingredients. A couple of examples will clarify some of these strategies, revealing how the design of educational space could successfully respond to an active way of learning.
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Mills, Stuart. "‘Planning Your Neighbourhood’: modernism on manoeuvres." Architectural Research Quarterly 24, no. 4 (December 2020): 327–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1359135521000026.
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In the summer of 1945, Ernö Goldfinger produced a twenty-sheet exhibition entitled ‘Planning Your Neighbourhood’ (PYN) for the Army Bureau of Current Affairs (ABCA) [1]. It shows how Goldfinger continued to promote a vision of modern architecture that had evolved in the 1930s, by adapting it to planning for postwar urban reconstruction. The reach of PYN went beyond that of a public exhibition because of its role in Army education; for the majority of its audience it wasn’t a matter of choice – the sheets were brought to them. This article examines the strategies he adopted to communicate the validity of modernism in Britain. It will show how wartime circumstances provided Goldfinger with a remarkable opportunity to present modern architecture to a mass audience.
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YELLEN, JEREMY A. "Wartime Wilsonianism and the Crisis of Empire, 1941–43." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 04 (November 20, 2018): 1278–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000397.
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AbstractOne striking feature of the Pacific War was the extent to which Wilsonian ideals informed the war aims of both sides. By 1943, the Atlantic Charter and Japan's Pacific Charter (Greater East Asia Joint Declaration) outlined remarkably similar visions for the postwar order. This comparative study of the histories surrounding both charters highlights parallels between the foreign policies of Great Britain and Imperial Japan. Both empires engaged with Wilsonianism in similar ways, to similar ends. Driven by geopolitical desperation, both reluctantly enshrined Wilsonian values into their war aims to survive a gruelling war with empire intact. But the endorsement of national self-determination, in particular, gave elites in dependent states a means to protest the realities of both British and Japanese rule and to demand that both empires practise what they preach. This comparative analysis of Britain and Japan thus sheds light on the part Wilsonian ideology played in the global crisis of empire during the Second World War.
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Briffa, K. R., P. D. Jones, T. M. L. Wigley, J. R. Pilcher, and M. G. L. Baillie. "Climate reconstruction from tree rings: Part 2, spatial reconstruction of summer mean sea-level pressure patterns over Great Britain." Journal of Climatology 6, no. 1 (1986): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/joc.3370060102.
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Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. "Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.
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In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.
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Ferrebe, Alice. "Paula Derdiger. Reconstruction Fiction: Housing and Realist Literature in Postwar Britain. Columbus: Ohio State University Press. 2020. Pp. 230. $59.95 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 61, no. 3 (July 2022): 783–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2022.73.
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Hein, Carola. "Urban Reconstruction in Britain and Japan, 1945-1955: Dreams, Plans and Realities, and: Housing in Postwar Japan: A Social History (review)." Journal of Japanese Studies 30, no. 2 (2004): 481–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jjs.2004.0062.
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McCartin, Joseph A. "Abortive Reconstruction: Federal War Labor Policies, Union Organization, and the Politics of Race, 1917–1920." Journal of Policy History 9, no. 2 (April 1997): 155–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005911.
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During the early months of 1919, the term “Reconstruction,” of concern to few but historians and the friends and foes of D.W. Griffith in the years immediately preceding the Great War, was again on the lips of Americans. Alabama State Federation of Labor President, William L. Harrison, noted that “Since the signing of the Armistice, and the cessation of hostilities, the questions of reconstruction and re-adjustment are being diligently studied by the people generally.” Out of the war, he argued, came “new and progressive ideas on reconstruction.” He was right. As the war ended, dozens of books and articles bearing titles like Reconstructing America, Democracy and Reconstruction, and Social Reconstruction joined a new journal called Reconstruction: A Herald of the New Time. This literature celebrated the role that a strong federal government had played in helping workers secure the right to join unions during the war, and it laid out hopeful plans for what the government might do to solve the “labor question” after the war. Such ideas helped convince Harrison's counterpart, Florida State Federation of Labor President John H. Mackey, that the postwar era would bring “a silver ray which carries with it wondrous tidings for the uplift of the masses.”
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Sfikas, Thanasis D. "War and Peace in the Strategy of the Communist Party of Greece, 1945–1949." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 3 (September 2001): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701750419493.
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Using archival sources that only recently have become available, this article fo-cuses on the interplay between the concepts of war and peace in the strategy of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) during the Greek Civil War of the late 1940s. The article demonstrates that the choices facing the KKE and its opponents changed quite dramatically in the period from 1945 to 1949. The active role of Great Britain in Greek domestic affairs and the relatively limited role of the Soviet nion meant that the KKE was increasingly ostracized in the international community. The unwillingness of the Greek Liberal Party to forge a political alliance with the KKE prompted the Communists to resume their armed struggle for power. This article presents the alternatives facing the KKE in light of the postwar domestic and international contexts.
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Ekbladh, David. "To Reconstruct the Medieval: Rural Reconstruction in Interwar China and the Rise of an American Style of Modernization, 1921–1961." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 9, no. 3-4 (2000): 169–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656100793645903.
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AbstractThe concept of modernization exerted a powerful influence over international affairs in the twentieth century. It offered not only a way of understanding the profound global transformations of the period but also a means of influencing the course and pace of those changes. While the preoccupation with the causes and consequences of modernity can be traced back at least to the nineteenth century, .modernization. as a school of thought and a set of practices is usually understood to be a decidedly post–World War II phenomenon. Many scholars have interpreted the rise of modernization as a response to the imperatives of the Cold War and the great postwar wave of decolonization, and have therefore located the origins of this concept in the years after 1945.
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Petter, Martin. "‘Temporary Gentlemen’ in the aftermath of the Great War: rank, status and the ex-officer problem." Historical Journal 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014734.
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ABSTRACTThe ex-officer problem in Britain following the Great War derived its special meaning from the difficulties associated with finding a satisfactory relationship between wartime rank and postwar status. Images of social decline competed for public attention with those of social elevation. Behind these images lay a series of dilemmas about how to reconcile the social and economic effects of military promotion with the claims of democracy. The shifting usage of the term ‘temporary gentleman’ during the war reflected the changing background of those being granted commissions, and the possibilities of upward mobility produced tensions which were to persist and grow after demobilization. Government policies for ex-officers, in seeking to assist talent without perpetuating the distinctions of rank, were directly affected by such tensions. Ultimately, expectations of higher social status faded in the light of experiences which conveyed a sense of loss and decline, and ex-officers became a symbol for those who saw their pre-war social position being threatened in a less secure world. However, the ex-officer problem existed in its own right as the result of the uniquely awkward adjustments associated with being ‘de-officered’ at the same time as being demobilized.
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Lak, Martijn. "“A Chinese Wall along our Eastern Border” – Allied Occupation Policy in Germany and its Consequences for Dutch-German Trade Relations, 1945-1949." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 59, no. 1 (May 25, 2018): 215–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2018-0009.
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Abstract After the unconditional surrender of the Third Reich in May 1945, Germany no longer existed as a sovereign, independent nation. It was occupied by the four Allied powers: France, Great Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union. When it came to the postwar European recovery, the biggest obstacle was that the economy in Germany, the dominant continental economic power before the Second World War, was at an almost complete standstill. This not only had severe consequences for Germany itself, but also had strong economic repercussions for surrounding countries, especially the Netherlands. As Germany had been the former’s most important trading partner since the middle of the nineteenth century, it was clear that the Netherlands would be unable to recover economically without a healthy Germany. However, Allied policy, especially that of the British and the Americans, made this impossible for years. This article therefore focuses on the early postwar Dutch-German trade relations and the consequences of Allied policy. While much has been written about the occupation of Germany, far less attention has been paid to the results of this policy on neighbouring countries. Moreover, the main claim of this article is that it was not Marshall Aid which was responsible for the quick and remarkable Dutch economic growth as of 1949, but the opening of the German market for Dutch exports that same year.
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Mukhambetgalieva, Аlima K., and Ravilya R. Khisamutdinova. "State of Medical Institutions and Public Health Problems during Late Stalinism (on the Materials of the Aktobe Region of the Kazakh SSR." Proceedings of the Southwest State University. Series: History and Law 11, no. 6 (2021): 213–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1501-2021-11-6-213-224.
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The relevance of the topic of the research is conditioned by the necessity to reflect in the historical science the peculiarities of development of the Soviet public health care in the conditions of the postwar reconstruction. The func-tioning of medical institutions in the postwar period took place in difficult conditions not only in the liberated territory, but also in the rear regions, as the consequences of the Great Patriotic War for the country and all the peoples of the former Soviet Union were enormous. Currently, Russian and Kazakh historiography lacks comprehensive studies on this issue, and the available works are mostly fragmentary in nature. The purpose of the research is to study the problems of medical and sanitary-preventive institutions, the state of health of the population of the Aktobe region of the Kazakh SSR in the post-war years. Objectives: on the basis of the documents of the State Archive of Aktobe region to analyze problems such as the shortage of medical personnel in the region, poor material - technical support and poor sanitary condition of medical institutions, to assess the extent of the spread of various infectious diseases, especially among the rural population. Methodology. The source base of the research includes published materials and archive documents. In the work were used scientific methods, typical for historical research: historical-genetic, comparative-historical. Results. The study showed that in general the state of medical institutions during the late Stalinism period in the territory of Aktobe region was unsatisfactory. The study of published sources and archival documents allowed us to reveal the real picture of the need and scarcity in the hospital institutions in the postwar years, as well as to assess the government attempts to reform the system of outpatient and polyclinic institutions. Conclusion. Deterioration of public health, which resulted in a decrease in the birth rate and increased mortality, arose as a result of the Great Patriotic War. Low provision of equipment, medical instruments contributed to the decline in the quality of medical care. The results of the study can serve as a basis for further study of the problem of development and organization of health care in the Kazakh SSR in the postwar period.
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Бєлоусова, Любов Іванівна, Ірина Михайлівна Літвінова, and Ярослав Ігорович Бєлоусов. "РОЗБУДОВА ЕКОНОМІКИ УКРАЇНИ У ПОВОЄННИЙ ЧАС: НАРИСИ." TIME DESCRIPTION OF ECONOMIC REFORMS, no. 2 (July 9, 2022): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.32620/cher.2022.2.01.
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The destruction of Ukraine's economy and infrastructure due to Russian aggression is a huge challenge for Ukraine but also a great opportunity for its development. Postwar economy of Ukraine is an economy that should be focused on world best practices, innovative approaches, IT technologies, etc. The complementarity of all components of Ukraine's economy will provide a synergistic effect that will allow you to quickly and efficiently restore and build a modern economy. The purpose of the article is to determine the main directions (plans) in the development of the postwar economy of Ukraine. Methods used in the research: comparison, detail, generalization, expert analysis, logic, etc. The hypothesis of the research was the assumption that the recovery of Ukraine's economy in the postwar period requires analytical research to summarize the existing views, lists, measures and directions (plans) on the development of the state economy. Presenting the main material. The analysis of experts' opinions on the directions (plans) of Ukraine's economic development in the postwar period suggests that there is no common vision and inability to develop an appropriate Strategy due to differences in ideas, list of measures and areas. This is due to the fact that military aggression by Russia and a full-scale invasion / war is still ongoing. However, according to most experts, the further development of the country's economy should take into account the total amount of losses to Ukraine's economy. Among the directions of development of Ukraine's economy, statesmen single out: expansion of the logistics network; increasing the country's energy independence; energy market reform; retraining and training; state support; improvement of the remuneration system, etc. It was established National Council for the Recovery of Ukraine from the Consequences of the War that will administer these processes. Scholars single out the following plans: successful work on the reconstruction and revival of the Ukrainian economy is impossible without solving the management problem; recovery of domestic demand; investing capital investments in order to replace materially and morally obsolete fixed assets of Ukrainian enterprises; remove all restrictions on attracting foreign investment and certain industries that may be located in Ukraine. It will contribute to the development of a strategy for the reconstruction of Ukraine, which should have a constructive and consolidated vision of Ukrainian society's new future. The originality and practical significance of the study lies in the definition of opinions, measures, directions and essays on the development of Ukraine's economy in the postwar period. Conclusions. Recovery of Ukraine's economy in the postwar period can begin only after the end of hostilities and requires the development of an appropriate Strategy, and in the medium term should focus on gaining EU membership. The modernization of the economy should be carried out not only in the sectoral but also in the territorial dimension. Further research provides a rationale and development of the Strategy for Economic Recovery of Ukraine in the postwar period.
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Kupchyk, Oleh. "Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University’s international cooperation with scientific and education institutions of Western countries in 1944–1975’s." European Historical Studies, no. 22 (2022): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.5.
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The article reveals the international cooperation of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with scientific and educational institutions of Western countries in 1944–1975. It was noted that at the end of the Second World War (1944–1945), Kyiv University couldn’t establish ties with educational and scientific institutions of Western countries due to the reconstruction of the city and the university itself. During the period of post-war reconstruction (1946–1950), the Soviet-Western confrontation was added to the mentioned problems, which then turned into the Cold War. However, the liberal social and political changes in the USSR associated with de-Stalinization (1953–1956) and the Khrushchev «Thaw» (1956–1964) had a positive impact on the international activities of the Soviet higher school and KSU named T. G. Shevchenko. It is indicated that since the mid-1950s, delegations and individual scientists from France, Austria, Belgium, and Sweden began to visit Kyiv University. Since the second half of the 1950s, teachers and scientists from Finland and Great Britain, as well as Communist Party leaders, and representatives of student and trade union organizations from Western countries visited Kyiv University to give lectures and deliver scientific reports. However, in 1959–1960, plans for the teaching work of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University in the Great Britain universities remained unrealized. Nevertheless, since then, teachers and scientists of Kyiv University have actively participated in international scientific events held in Western countries (Madrid, Paris, London, Vienna, and Stockholm). Some teachers completed internships at universities in Italy, France, and Great Britain. Students also did internships in these countries. Mostly, these were senior-year students of the Faculty of Philology who were studying foreign languages. It is noted that the scientific works and teachers of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University were published abroad. Among them were Professor Mytropolskyi Yu. (in Great Britain and Sweden), Professor Vsekhsvyatskyi S. (in Great Britain and Belgium), Professor Bileckyi A. (in Greece), Professor Marynych O. (in Great Britain and Sweden) works. Scientists of Kyiv University worked with colleagues from universities and scientific institutions of the West on common scientific themes. The international book exchange of Kyiv State University, as of July 1, 1965, was held with such universities as the Taylor Institute at the University of Oxford, the University of Oslo, the Mathematical Institute at the University of Bonn, Liège (Belgium), Besanson and Cannes (France) universities, and also by the academies of sciences of Denmark and Ireland. The emergence of an international détente in the relations between the West and the USSR at the end of the 1960s had a positive effect on the ties of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with the countries of the West. The number of their youth at Kyiv University continued to grow. Thus, if in 1969 one representative of a Belgian and a Frenchman studied at the university, then as of January 1, 1975, 60 students from the «capitalist countries» studied at the university. In turn, the cooperation of Taras Shevchenko Kyiv State University with educational and scientific institutions of Western countries in 1975–1991 remains understudied. However, this is the subject of the next scientific research.
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Alifanovienė, Daiva, Odeta Šapelytė, and Darius Gerulaitis. "RECONSTRUCTION OF THE CONTEXT OF COPING WITH OCCUPATIONAL STRESS EXPERIENCED BY SPECIALISTS OF SOCIAL WELFARE PROFESSIONS IN SOCIALLY AND CULTURALLY DIVERSE ENVIRONMENT." SOCIAL WELFARE: INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACH 2, no. 8 (July 7, 2019): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21277/sw.v2i8.403.
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<p>The article deals with the reconstruction of the context of coping with occupational stress experienced by social welfare specialists in different socio-cultural environments. It is aimed to reveal the contexts of the possibilities to cope with stress and of consequences of stress experienced by specialists of social welfare professions of Lithuania and <em>Great Britain</em> (N=10). The professionals’ experience was analysed using a qualitative data collection method (semi-structured <em>interview</em>), employing open-ended questions by the assessment areas foreseen by the researchers and formulated upon the analysis of scientific literature and the authors’ research, disclosing the peculiarities of experienced occupational stress and possibilities of coping with it. The research data were analysed employing the content analysis method, using the open coding procedure; validation of the research data was performed using an expert method. Reconstruction of the multilayered context of socio-cultural diversity of social welfare specialists of Lithuanian and Great Britain highlighted ambiguous semantics of stress coping possibilities: the success of coping with occupational stress possibly depends on the interaction between the variables of a personality (intrapersonal) and social environment (interpersonal). Stressful situations affect both personally and professionally, causing changes in specialists’ emotions, cognitive activity, behaviour, aggravating relationships with colleagues and reducing work efficiency.</p>
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Winter, Aaron McLean. "The Laughing Doves of 1812 and the Satiric Endowment of Antiwar Rhetoric in the United States." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 124, no. 5 (October 2009): 1562–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2009.124.5.1562.
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Antiwar activists in the United States have often made recourse to satire in order to rebut claims that their dissent is sententious and effeminate. Federalist opponents of the War of 1812 used the genre to posit, moreover, that they alone could manage the military and economic crisis that resulted from a disastrous second war against Great Britain. But satire, in an era of incipient nationalism, was problematically associated with British snobbery. I argue that wartime periodicals show Federalist satire pulling in diverging directions. Projects like Alexander Hanson's Federal Republican are regressive, reviving the Augustan archetype of the satirist as intellectual martyr, even as they unwittingly lay the groundwork for a liberal model of civil disobedience. Projects like George and Henry Helmbold's Tickler are progressive, phrasing Federalist principles in the post-Federalist vocabulary of liberal competition through their experiments with populist dialect, which also anticipate the postwar transformation of British American “satire” into all-American “humor.”
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TANG, EDWARD. "Rebirth of a Nation: Frederick Douglass as Postwar Founder in Life and Times." Journal of American Studies 39, no. 1 (April 2005): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875805009230.
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In 1875, a year from the upcoming centennial celebrations, Frederick Douglass commemorated the African American presence in the nation's revolutionary past and Reconstruction present. “If … any man should ask me what colored people have to do with the Fourth of July, my answer is ready,” he proclaimed to a black audience in Washington, DC. “Colored people have had something to do with almost everything of vital importance in the life and progress of this great country” from its beginnings in 1776 to its greatest test in 1861 and beyond. Douglass drew upon the Revolution's legacies of liberty and democracy, urging his listeners to meet the challenge of incorporating themselves into the nation's citizenry despite sustained white resistance. Albeit a tall order, he placed this agenda in a broader perspective: “The fathers of this Republic … had their trial ninety-nine years ago. The colored citizens of this Republic are about to have their trial now.” The moment was full of possibilities: African Americans, he emphasized, faced comparable obstacles and hardships much like the founders themselves. Implied too within Douglass's invocation of the revolutionaries was the potential heroism and accomplishments of which African Americans were similarly capable, just as they had proven in the past.
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Mamyachenkov, Vladimir N. "Soviet Citizens’ Wages and Their Purchasing Power in 1940–1955 (Sverdlovsk Region)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 5 (October 10, 2020): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2227-6564-v045.
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Material living conditions of the Soviet population during World War II and in the postwar years have been studied by a large number of scholars. At the same time, few publications deal with wages as a socio-economic category. This article aimed to examine the level, dynamics, and purchasing power of Soviet citizens’ wages in 1940–1950, taking the Sverdlovsk Region as an example. The chosen topic is relevant, since payment for work is, in the majority of cases, the most important incentive to human activity. The period under consideration was extremely eventful for the Soviet Union, encompassing the Great Patriotic War and the postwar reconstruction. From 1940 up to the early 1960s, the number of scholarly publications on the problematic aspects of wages was rather limited. Importantly, this paper claims that the analysis of wages is unproductive without taking into account the specifics of the realities of Soviet everyday life, which affected consumption figures. It is noted that during the war, the state ration prices remained practically unchanged, while commercial prices rose more than tenfold, which made the goods virtually inaccessible to the vast majority of consumers. The author concludes that the prewar level of consumption for most citizens of the USSR was achieved by the early 1950s.
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Amosova, A. A. "LABOR DAILY LIFE OF THE SOVIET ELITE IN LENINGRAD IN THE ERA OF LATE STALINISM." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 3, no. 3 (2021): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2021-3-3-65-83.
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The article presents the research of the working norms and practices of the Soviet elite in the 1945-1950. The main attention is paid to the political biographies of the chairmen of Leningrad local government (Soviets). The research is based on methods of the oral history and the history of emotions; its source base includes documents from the archives of St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Crimea. The studied generation of Leningrad leading cadres came to government positions in the late 1930s, after the repressions of the "Great Terror". The members of the Soviet elite passed the testing of their professional skills during World War II and the Blockade of Leningrad, and directed the forced postwar reconstruction of the national economy. In the late 1940s, they became victims of the so-called “Leningrad affair”.
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Khakhalkina, E. V. "CONSERVATIVE PARTY AND THE PROBLEMS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN THE EARLY YEARS OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (on the pages of “Diary of a diplomat” by I. M. Maisky)." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 3 (July 28, 2016): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2016-3-32-37.
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The “Diary” of the Soviet diplomat I. M. Maisky, who worked in London for more than ten years first as a messenger, then as the Soviet ambassador to the UK, is one of the valuable sources for the interwar period and the Second World War. The “Diary” contains records of Maisky’s conversations with the leading British politicians and public figures and his own thoughts on a wide range of issues, including the problems of the British Empire. The author of the paper analyzes the views of the Tories on the prospects for the British Empire and the Commonwealth of the postwar period and reveals the plans for the reconstruction of the Empire and its transformation while maintaining the dominant position of Britain in the format of a new relationship with the dominions and colonies. The paper shows that within the British political establishment there was no consensus on the future of the empire and, as the materials of the “Diary of diplomat” evidence, the problem of the evolution of the Empire had a close relationship with other areas of foreign and domestic policy.
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Walker, Alan. "Enlarging the Caring Capacity of the Community: Informal Support Networks and the Welfare State." International Journal of Health Services 17, no. 3 (July 1987): 369–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/q4x5-ac1d-lbg0-5l63.
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In common with most modern industrial societies, Great Britain is facing the unique late 20th century phenomenon of rapidly increasing numbers of people, especially very elderly people, requiring health and social care. The response in Britain has been to search for ways to enlarge the caring capacity of the “community” and, thereby, reduce the demands on public health and social services. Similar policy responses have been developed in other capitalist societies such as Canada, France, and the United States. Although a policy of “community care”-the provision of state services in people's own homes-was followed by governments of both major British political parties over the postwar period, under the right wing neo-monetarist regime of the present Thatcher administration the locus of policy has shifted toward encouraging greater reliance on the informal support networks of kin, friends, and neighbors. The reasons for this sea-change are explored and the assumptions that these networks are “natural” and necessarily the proper matrix of care are examined critically. This analysis draws on the results of recent research which indicates that informal support networks have significant limitations and that a policy based on withdrawing public services in the hope that these networks will fill the growing care gap is likely to be counterproductive. In conclusion, the author indicates the areas where further research is required to provide a sound basis for policy.
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Mergel, Thomas. "Americanization, European Styles or National Codes? The Culture of Election Campaigning in Western Europe, 1945–1990." East Central Europe 36, no. 2 (2009): 254–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633009x411520.
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AbstractThe culture of election campaigning in postwar Western Europe allegedly has been shaped by a process of Americanization. In terms of political communication, Americanization has four distinct features: proximity of political marketing to commercial marketing, personalization and professionalization of campaigns, and media centered strategies. Based on an analyses of some European cultures of electioneering – Germany, Great Britain, and Italy – the main thesis of the paper is that the shared features are only to a smaller degree the results of American influences, but rather parallel trends due to structural commonalities like being medialized democracies in welfare and consumer societies, politically shaped by the Cold War context. The 1980s, however, meant a threshold: private media have risen across Europe and policy issues from the “new social movements” were pressured into the policy agenda. Although this has furthered the “Americanization” of European electioneering styles, at the same time several European elections point to an increased Europeanization of electioneering. On the whole, however, different national political cultures continue to modify and change American and European influences, creating local variations of campaigning.
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Redfern, Neil. "British Communists, the British Empire and the Second World War." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 117–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904000080.
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For a few years after its foundation in 1920 the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) attempted, energetically prompted by the Comintern, to work in solidarity with anticolonial movements in the British Empire. But after the Nazi victory in Germany the Comintern's principal concern was to defend the Soviet Union and the liberal democracies against the threat of fascism. British communists criticized the British Government for failing to defend the Empire against the threat from its imperial rivals. After the entry of the Soviet Union into the war in 1941 they vigorously supported the British war effort, including the defense of Empire. This was not though simply a manifestation of chauvinism. British communists believed that imperialism was suffering a strategic defeat by “progressive” forces and that colonial freedom would follow the defeat of fascism. These chimerical notions were greatly strengthened by the allies' promises of postwar peace, prosperity and international cooperation. In the last year or so of war British communists were clearly worried that these promises would not be redeemed, but nevertheless supported British reassertion of power in such places as Greece, Burma and Malaya. For the great majority of British communists, these were secondary matters when seen in the context of Labour's election victory of 1945 and its promised program of social-imperialist reform.
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Gibson, Alex, S. H. R. Aldhouse-Green, M. Brownsett, H. A. W. Burl, N. Debenham, D. Hook, G. C. Morgan, S. Stead, and A. Vince. "Excavations at the Sarn-y-bryn-caled cursus complex, Welshpool, Powys, and the timber circles of Great Britain and Ireland." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 60, no. 1 (1994): 143–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00003431.
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Excavations between November 1990 and February 1992 have produced important information on the date and development of the Sarn-y-bryn-caled cursus complex between 3000–2000 BC. In particular a timber circle of 2000 BC, two penannular ring-ditches and a section across the cursus monument were excavated. A radiocarbon sequence has been obtained. The results of the excavations are described in Part I. Part II comprises a discussion of the forms, dates, functions, and reconstruction of timber circles. A corpus of and chronology for timber circles is presented.