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1
Wolski, Paweł. "Rekonstruowanie żydowskiego miasta. Nils Roemer: German City, Jewish Memory. The Story of Worms. Waltham, Brandeis University Press, 2010, pp. 316. Michael Meng: Shattered Spaces. Encountering Jewish Ruins in Postwar Germany and Poland." Narracje o Zagładzie, no. 1 (December 31, 2015): 338–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/noz.2015.01.27.
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Reconstructing a Jewish town. Nils Roemer: German City, Jewish Memory. The Story of Worms. Waltham, Brandeis University Press, 2010, pp. 316. Michael Meng: Shattered Spaces. Encountering Jewish Ruins in Postwar Germany and Poland. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2011, pp. 351.
The text briefly compares two books: Nils Roemer’s German City, Jewish Memory. The Story of Worms and Michael Meng’s Shattered Spaces. Encountering Jewish Ruins in Postwar Germany and Poland. Both represent fascinating approaches to the process of the reconstruction of the Jewish identity as an important part of the European urban culture destroyed during WWII. By discussing these issues on the examples of Worms (Roemer) and Warsaw, Wrocław, Potsdam, Berlin (Meng) both, albeit in different ways, restore the Jewish identity of these cities not only by approaching the history of historical or architectural landmarks, but also by discussing some less material, discoursive memory markers such as mythology, tourism, politics etc.
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Feigel, Lara. "‘The Sermons in the Stones of Germany Preach Nihilism’: ‘Outsider Rubble Literature’ and the Reconstruction of Germany, 1945–1949." Comparative Critical Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2016): 233–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2016.0201.
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This article explores the literature and film produced by the writers and filmmakers sent by the British and Americans to occupied Germany in the four years after the war. Although these figures were intended to help transform the mentality of the Germans, it is argued here that they had less effect on Germany than Germany had on them, and that the crucial (albeit unwitting) result of their visits to Germany was the creation of a genre of art here named ‘outsider rubble literature’ or Fremdentrümmerliteratur. This is a genre that asked, ultimately, what right the Allies had to judge Germany from outside when they were guilty too. It comprises a series of fundamentally ambivalent works of art that often manifest their ambivalence by juxtaposing the two forms of destruction experienced in Germany: the destruction of the bombed cities and the destruction wrought in the concentration camps. The article suggests that this genre of ‘outsider rubble literature’ includes Thomas Mann's great postwar novel Doktor Faustus, arguing that our understanding of this novel is increased if we read it alongside the postwar writing of Stephen Spender, Martha Gellhorn and Klaus Mann, and the postwar filmmaking of Billy Wilder.
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Habermas, Jürgen. "On How Postwar Germany Has Faced Its Recent Past." Common Knowledge 25, no. 1-3 (April 1, 2019): 364–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7299486.
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In this essay Habermas contends that, until 1989, four phases are discernible in how postwar Germany attempted to come to terms with its “unmasterable past.” Between the end of the war in 1945 and the foundation of two German states in 1949, the first reconstruction generation mythologized the Nazi period as a criminal abyss. If this strategy allowed the government of the Federal Republic to assume legal responsibility for reparation claims, it also served to release individuals from working through their own painful pasts. This stage yielded to a second phase, one of “communicative silencing,” during the Adenauer years from 1949-63 in which the second reconstruction generation chose not to speak of the past but rather to concentrate on building the Wirtschaftswunder. The student movement of the 1960s challenged this presentism with demands for disclosure and accountability, and from the mid-1970s until 1989 this quest for unmasking existed in tension with an ongoing desire for evasion. This tension drove the “Historians’ Debate” of those years. Since reunification in 1989, Germany’s attitude toward its past has remained ambivalent. Today a New Right calls for the self-confident reassertion of a German nation unburdened by its past. But the past will lose its hold over Germany, Habermas argues, only through the work of a truly faithful memory.
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Hagemann, Karen, Konrad H. Jarausch, and Tobias Hof. "Introduction: Burdens and Beginnings: Rebuilding East and West Germany after Nazism." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 275–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000102.
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AbstractThe introduction discusses the state of the current research on the post-1945 history of East and West Germany, explains the agenda of the special issue and discusses its main topics. The focus is the politics of survival in the chaos of collapse and the controversial debates about the agenda of the reconstruction. In these discussions different visions competed, from the restoration of traditions to efforts of a post-fascist modernization. The introduction questions the postwar success narrative by discussing the “burdens” of the Nazi past, such as Nazi perpetrators, displaced people, expellees and refugees, including the returning German-Jewish survivors. It also engages with the problems of the Cold War division by exploring the “new beginnings”, which were debated in relation to the past of Nazi, Weimar, and Imperial Germany, among them: cultural diplomacy, welfare policy and eldercare, family policy and gender roles, and popular culture. The essay calls for more comparative and transnational research of the postwar era, especially in the areas of the integration into the Cold War blocs, the postwar shifting of borders and peoples, narratives of victimhood, and memory tropes about the war and postwar.
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Jenkins, Jennifer. "The Authority of Everyday Objects: A Cultural History of West German Industrial Design. By Paul Betts. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. 2004. Pp. xi +348. $42.99. ISBN 0-520-24004-9." Central European History 39, no. 2 (May 19, 2006): 352–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906390127.
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For Ludwig Erhard, West Germany's “legendary” Minister of Economics, mass consumption played a vital role in the country's postwar recovery. Consumer goods, as he stated in 1949, were the “very foundation of our entire economic, social, and national being” (p. 183). In The Authority of Everyday Objects, Paul Betts explores the centrality of mass consumption to West Germany's postwar history, analyzing how industrial design was called upon to create a sense of national identity following the war. Works from several scholars—Erica Carter, Michael Wildt, Kathy Pence, Uta Poiger, Jonathan Wiesen, and others—have explored the centrality of the national economy and mass consumption to postwar reconstruction. To these works, Betts adds a specific emphasis on design. As he states at the start of his study, consumer goods were to have a particular look, and design was given a powerful place in West German society. It became the chosen terrain for creating a revived sense of national identity following the disasters of dictatorship, war, and genocide. In the postwar period, an “elective affinity” was forged between “industrial design and the rehabilitation of the ‘good German’” (p. 1), he writes. In six chapters, he explores in absorbing detail how industrial design, with its single-minded mission to turn “mere” commodities into “cultural objects” (Kulturgüter), was invested with political meaning in postwar West Germany. The new world of consumer goods, supported by official discourses on the social importance of “good design,” both rehabilitated West Germany's image internationally and exhibited a desirable vision of consumer citizenship to domestic audiences.
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Pearson, Benjamin. "The Pluralization of Protestant Politics: Public Responsibility, Rearmament, and Division at the 1950sKirchentage." Central European History 43, no. 2 (May 13, 2010): 270–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000038.
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In the aftermath of World War II, Christian leaders in Germany embraced the political ideology of Christian Democracy. Viewing Nazism as a form of materialism and atheism, which they blamed on the ongoing secularization and moral decay of German society, both Protestant and Catholic leaders argued that only the society-wide renewal of Christian faith and Christian values could provide a solid foundation for the future. Enjoying a privileged position in the eyes of the western Allies (particularly the Americans), the churches took on a leading role in the reconstruction of German society. And, working to overcome the postwar disillusionment of many of their members, church leaders urged their followers to take active, personal responsibility for political life in the new German states.
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Warkentin, Erwin J. "War by Other Means: British Information Control and Wolfgang Borchert's Draußen vor der Tür." Comparative Critical Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2016): 255–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2016.0202.
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This article focuses on the stage and radio play Draußen vor der Tür (The Man Outside) by Wolfgang Borchert, broadcast in the British zone of occupation for the first time on 13 February 1947. A careful comparison of the stage and radio versions allows us to ascertain the degree to which the changes made by the British radio control officers Hugh Carleton Greene and David Porter were political in nature. The article opens by outlining both the history of the creation of the radio version and Borchert's attitude towards the Public Relations/ Information Services Division of the Control Commission for Germany (PR/ISC) (through the analysis of Borchert's correspondence).The original NWDR (Nordwestdeutscher Rundfunk/ Northwest German Broadcasting) typescript of the radio broadcast, complete with handwritten emendations, is then compared with the published version, confirming how the radio play was edited to conform to British broadcast standards for a German audience, as well as the Anglo-American reeducation programme for Germany. Greene and Porter systematically edited out mention of postwar German suicides, overt German suffering, attacks on the German institutions the British considered important in the reconstruction of Germany, and any suggestion that the Allies had engaged in morally dubious acts during or after the war.
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Berg, Matthew Paul. "Arbeitspflicht in Postwar Vienna: Punishing Nazis vs. Expediting Reconstruction, 1945–48." Austrian History Yearbook 37 (January 2006): 181–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016830.
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Even before the war in Europe ended formally on 8 May 1945, there could be no serious misconceptions—either among defeated and liberated peoples or among the victorious Allied powers—as to how complex the challenges of reconstructing physical infrastructure and social networks would be.1 This was particularly true in urban areas within what had been Germany's 1938 borders, where the impact of air raids had reduced many areas to rubble and had damaged the rail and road connections that supplied foodstuffs and other necessities. In Berlin and other cities, images of people clearing debris from lunar landscapes dominated the popular imagination in the late 1940s and over the following decades. Indeed, when images of immediate postwar reconstruction have been invoked, it would appear as if there existed a heroic, unbroken connection between the initiative of these largely female volunteers (Trümmerfrauen) and the economic miracle associated overwhelmingly with largely male labor in West Germany a decade later. If a remarkable preparedness to come to terms with the exigencies of the present manifested itself during the initial postwar months, historians have subsequently offered insights into how problematic a consistent and thorough confrontation with the Nazi past proved to be during the later 1940s and beyond.
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Fishman, Nina, Anita J. Prazmowska, and Holger Heith. "Communist Coalmining Union Activists and Postwar Reconstruction, 1945–52: Germany, Poland, and Britain." Science & Society 70, no. 1 (January 2006): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2006.70.1.74.
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Rinke, Stefan. "From Informal Imperialism to Transnational Relations: Prolegomena to a Study of German Policy towards Latin America, 1918-1933." Itinerario 19, no. 2 (July 1995): 112–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006823.
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Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.
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Calico, Joy H. "Schoenberg's Symbolic Remigration: A Survivor from Warsaw in Postwar West Germany." Journal of Musicology 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2009.26.1.17.
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Abstract Musicologists have recently begun to study a crucial component in the reconstruction of European cultural life after World War II——the remigration of displaced musicians, either in person or (adopting Marita Krauss's notion of "remigrating ideas") in the form of their music. Because composers are most significantly present in the aural materiality of their music, and because Arnold Schoenberg's name was synonymous with modernism and its persecution across Europe, his symbolic postwar reappearance via performances of his music was a powerful and problematic form of remigration. The case of Schoenberg's A Survivor from Warsaw and the former Nazi music critic Hans Schnoor serves as a representative example. Schnoor derided Schoenberg and Survivor in a newspaper column in 1956 using the rhetoric of National Socialist journalism as part of his campaign against federal funding of musical modernism via radio and festivals. When radio journalist Fred Prieberg took him to task for this on the air, Schnoor sued for defamation. A series of lawsuits ensued in which issues of denazification and the occupying Allied forces put a distinctly West German spin on the universal postwar European themes of anti-Semitism, the Holocaust, remigration, and modernism.
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Steele, M. William. "The Making of a Bicycle Nation." Transfers 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 70–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2012.020206.
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Japan is one of the great bicycle nations of the world, ranking alongside the Netherlands, Germany, and Denmark in terms of per capita bicycle ownership and use. This article reviews the history and characteristics of Japan as a bicycle nation. It examines the emergence of a distinctive bicycle culture that offered personal mobility to ordinary people in prewar Japan and traces the contribution of the bicycle to postwar Japan's social and economic development. It reviews postwar bicycle history in: the period of reconstruction and recovery (1945-1956); the period of high economic growth (1957-1973); the period of rapid motorization (1974-1991); and the period of raised environmental consciousness (1992-present). The conclusion seeks to offer reasons for the persistence of Japan's vibrant and pervasive bicycle culture.
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Kudryachenko, A. "Formation and Development of the Policy of “Overcoming the Past” in the National Memory of the FRG." Problems of World History, no. 5 (March 15, 2018): 96–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-5-5.
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The article analyzes the processes of postwar development of Germany from the point of view of implementing measures to denazify and disqualify persons who have tarnished themselves under theHitler regime, the specifics of the formation and stages of the formation of the policy of “overcoming the past” in the national memory of postwar Germany. The author, singling out four different stagesand depths of understanding, clarifies the problems of the formation and development of this policy from posing the “problem of guilt”, the differentiation of its types with respect to the common andexcellent policies of the two German states, the role of the international political context and the reconstruction of the historical truth regarding the Third Reich and conditions for the formation ofculture of memory in modern Germany. The strengths and weaknesses of West Germany’s ambivalent policy with regard to its identity are analyzed through clear disassociation from the Nazi past and, on the other hand, the broad integration of former Nazis into new public institutions as an option to win democracy in Germany despite the post-war moods of most of its citizens. The immediate significance of the succession of generations in the political arena, the public study of the Nazi past and the establishment of a new political culture in public discourse are underlined. Its main elements were the memory and responsibility of generations for the Holocaust and the strengthening of the national identity of the Germans through “constitutional patriotism”. In the united Germany, the comprehension of the totalitarian past, which took place quite intensively and resulted not only in public discussions, but also contributed to the memorialization and commemoration of historical memory, the reparation to victims of Nazism and forced workers of the Third Reich from different countries and the restoration of justice to all those affected by the so-called policy “Arization” and measures to return property and cultural values to their heirs, is fairly effective. The policy of “overcoming the past” contributed to the achievement of a public consensus of the national memory of the modern FRG regarding the recognition of the crimes of the Nazi period and the making of lessons from the past. As in any other Western society, in Germany the attitude towards the Holocaust is the cornerstone of the memory of the Second World War and the symbol of the crimes of Nazism, as well as the central historical event of the XX century.
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Dumke, Rolf H. "REASSESSING THE WIRTSCHAFTSWUNDER: RECONSTRUCTION AND POSTWAR GROWTH IN WEST GERMANY IN AN INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT1." Oxford Bulletin of Economics and Statistics 52, no. 4 (May 1, 2009): 451–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0084.1990.mp52004007.x.
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Demkiv, Myron, and Solomiya Popova. "FOREIGN EXPERIENCE IN MODERNIZATION AND RECONSTRUCTION OF TYPICAL POSTWAR HOUSING." Current problems of architecture and urban planning, no. 59 (March 1, 2021): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32347/2077-3455.2021.59.257-282.
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The article presents the results of review and analysis of literature sources on the reconstruction and modernization of typical housing in the postwar period in Europe (Germany, France, Poland, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia) and Russia. The main issues of its implementation are considered: energy efficiency, organizational and economic, architectural and planning. The organization of reconstruction and modernization of housing at the state level is described in detail, application of modern technologies during its implementation, as well as examples of implemented projects.
After the Second World War in many countries of the world and especially in the countries of the socialist camp there was a massive panel and brick housing construction on typical projects of the first generation with the use of industrial structures. In the early 70's it became clear that such buildings are obsolete, lost social attractiveness, and most importantly, efficiency. Analysis of the state of old buildings and the use of a multifaceted approach to the renovation and reconstruction of obsolete housing has led to the realization that the renovation of such buildings is more economical than new buildings in vacated areas and they are available to middle-income people. Foreign experience in the modernization and reconstruction of post-war housing convincingly proves this.
It should be noted that each European country finds its own ways to address organizational, technological and economic issues related to the reconstruction and modernization of residential buildings.
Based on the fact that the first post-war buildings on standard projects, as a rule, were carried out in whole arrays, their reconstruction should be based not only on residential buildings but also on the residential district or neighborhood as a whole. During the reconstruction of buildings should be considered traditional or historical features of the surrounding parts of the city. Particular attention should be paid to improving transport conditions, as the number of individual transport is constantly growing. Also important are the issues of insolation and aeration, which, together with the appropriate level of landscaping, significantly affect the microclimate of residential buildings. In addition, open buildings are deprived of the individuality of the yard space, so the reconstruction of the neighborhood should be based on the principles of closed or semi-closed buildings. This can be achieved by adding or constructing additional volumes that connect individual buildings. This achieves both economic and functional efficiency of space use.
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Mertelesmann, Olaf. "The Cost of Transition from Market to Command Economy: The Case of Estonia." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (November 15, 2009): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_2.
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While the post-socialist transition of central and eastern European economies has produced a large amount of research, the transition to the command economy has been explored mainly in the cases of Russia and East Germany. This paper is an updated summary of the results of a larger research project which is dedicated to the Stalinist reconstruction of Estonia’s economy and the postwar years. It is based mainly on archival research in Estonian and Russian archives using documents of the state and the Communist Party.
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Grube, Norbert. "A “New Republic”? The debate between John Dewey and Walter Lippmann and its reception in pre- and postwar Germany." Encounters in Theory and History of Education 10 (October 27, 2009): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/eoe-ese-rse.v10i0.2137.
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This article tackles the historical context, the genesis and the German reception of two different concepts of elitist governmental people’s instruction and public education drafted by two main intellectuals in the era of American progressivism – Walter Lippmann (1889–1974), journalist and former spin doctor of US-President Wilson (1856–1924), and the pragmatist philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952). The examination of Lippmann’s books Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925) and Dewey’s studies The Public and its Problems (1927) and Freedom and Culture (1939) reveals that both concepts are based on different notions of democracy, but on similar perceptions of modernity. Accelerated sequences of economic boom and depression, technological innovation, rapid social change and the seduction of mass media were seen as threats of public participation and of nationwide mobilization. These pessimistic notions of modernity as well as their implicit interactive perceptions of European socialism, nationalism and fascism facilitated the reception of Dewey and Lippmann in Germany. In doing so, German communication scientists, intellectuals, and pedagogues transformed terms like political leadership, community, action and creativity into the German context of nationalism and holistic community. But is this adoption a misreading or is this interpretation injected in the concept of both, Dewey and Lippmann? The comparison and reconstruction of these two concepts will show that their reception in Germany after 1945 was an amalgamation by intermingling different aspects of both models instead of a clear takeover of one model.
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Feinstein, Margarete Myers. "Deutschland über alles?: The National Anthem Debate in the Federal Republic of Germany." Central European History 33, no. 4 (December 2000): 505–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746446.
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Languages evolve, and through the negotiations of public discourse, particular phrases acquire connotations and meanings beyond their grammatical structure. Occasionally, the meanings become contested and the resultant debate can be politically charged. The struggle to define language is fundamentally a struggle for power. This explains the current concerns of the French government to protect the French language from anglicisms. In recent years, the United States has become embroiled in debates over interpretations of the Constitution. Should our reconstruction of the eighteenth-century intent of the authors be the standard or should we reinterpret the language in the spirit of our present day context? The answer is fundamentally a political one. Perhaps nowhere has language been more highly contested than in postwar West Germany.
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Vagts, Detlev F. "Military Commissions: A Concise History." American Journal of International Law 101, no. 1 (January 2007): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000029511.
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As military commissions have been revived in the wake of the attacks of September 11,2001, interest has grown in the history of the institution. The United States Supreme Court, in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, sketched out some historical notes and set forth a tripartite division between law-of-war commissions, martial law commissions, and occupation tribunals. Various authors have advanced insights on this history, though most have focused on the prominent episodes, particularly the handful of Supreme Court cases. Even the most comprehensive article gives short shrift to the massive employment of commissions in the Reconstruction era and in postwar Germany. This essay attempts to advance the cause by sketching out the entire scope of the institution’s history and indicating what further research would have to be done to arrive at a truly comprehensive treatment. A basic difficulty is that the work product of military commissions is not encompassed in a series of trial reports like the Federal Supplement or the military’s own Court-Martial Reports. A handful of cases wound up in the Supreme Court and another half dozen stood out enough to attract historians’ interest. Otherwise, commission proceedings are memorialized, if at all, only in military general orders and records of trials that were maintained in the Office of the Judge Advocate General. I have explored the records pertaining to commissions in the Reconstruction period following the Civil War in anticipation of writing a comprehensive article. It is a difficult and time-consuming task. To complete the picture, similar pick-and-shovel work would have to be done on such extensive use of the commission as occurred in Germany after World War II. Both the Civil War-Reconstruction period and the German occupation produced thousands of trials.
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Major, P. "From Punishment to Partnership: New Studies on the Americans and the Reconstruction of Postwar Germany, 1945-1955." German History 14, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/14.1.67.
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Demshuk, Andrew. "A Polish Approach for German Cities? Cement Old Towns and the Search for Rootedness in Postwar Leipzig and Frankfurt/Main." European History Quarterly 50, no. 1 (January 2020): 88–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419886277.
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This essay explores the consequences of a hunger for history amid the architectural desolation that had blighted most German cities by the 1970s. After sweeping demolitions had wrought a so-called ‘second destruction’ that eclipsed the scale of wartime losses, Germans on both sides of the Iron Curtain steadily identified Poland as a model for humane reconstruction. Not just historic preservation but even historic replicas long rejected by preservationists as inauthentic were demanded as a way out of modernist anonymity and ugliness to make ‘home’ in an invented history. It was a trend as thoroughly comprehensible as it was problematic – for which history would one privilege? If modernism had encouraged an escape from the past, preservation or reproduction of choice monuments threatened to instill selective forgetting, a reinvention of the past that could marginalize or twist the lessons of wartime destruction. To grapple with these quandaries, this essay begins with an exposition of the increasingly lauded Polish solution through close analysis of the old town in Wrocław, the very ‘capital’ of so-called ‘Recovered Territories’ acquired from Germany after the Second World War. Having reviewed the genesis, realization, and shortcomings of Poland’s nationalized reinscription of urban space, German disappointment with modernist erasure will be examined in Leipzig and Frankfurt, each leading cities in their respective Cold War successor states that roughly paralleled each other in their increasing interest in Polish methods. After timid attempts at preservation and replicas in each city before the mid-1960s failed to satisfy the public longing for hominess, debates intensified about whether to replicate a sweeping array of monuments lost to war and demolition. Alienated in ‘their own’ cities, residents in Frankfurt and Leipzig incited discourse with contemporary ramifications about how to appropriate one’s surroundings as home.
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Ahrens, Ralf. "Sectoral Subsidies in West German Industrial Policy: Programmatic Objectives and Pragmatic Applications from the 1960s to the 1980s." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 58, no. 1 (May 24, 2017): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2017-0004.
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Abstract After the end of the postwar reconstruction boom, the decline of traditional large-scale industries and intensified international competition increased the demand for state aid in the Federal Republic of Germany. This article discusses the relevance of overall industrial policy concepts for the utilization of subsidies from the 1960s to the 1980s. Concentrating on the federal level, it delineates the development of industrial subsidies in relation to the financial support of other sectors and identifies the main benefitting industries. Then the focus turns to attempts to professionalize reporting on subsidies and ideas on the “scientization” of industrial policy, the disillusionment with these instruments, and debates about subsidy cuts. Overall it becomes clear that the extent and composition of federal subsidies were not the result of a coherent policy.
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MARKELL, PATCHEN. "POLITICS AND THE CASE OF POETRY: ARENDT ON BRECHT." Modern Intellectual History 15, no. 2 (November 22, 2016): 503–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244316000366.
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Hannah Arendt's essay on Bertolt Brecht has often been understood as an indictment of Brecht's postwar accommodation with the Stalinist regime in East Germany, in line with Arendt's supposed commitment to a firm separation between poetry and politics. Offering the first full reconstruction of the transnational history of Arendt's writing on Brecht, this article shows instead that Arendt's essay was a defense of Brecht against the polemics it is often taken to exemplify. Joining poetry to politics by holding both at a distance from philosophy, Arendt assigned poetry the vocation of disruptive faithfulness to factual reality, which allowed her to praise Brecht on political grounds and to leverage forbearance for his political “sins.” Indeed, by narrating Brecht's “sins” and “punishment” against the grain of Cold War discourse about the poet, Arendt's essay emulated aspects of the poetic practice she admired in Brecht's writing.
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Major, P. "Review Article : From Punishment to Partnership: New Studies on the Americans and the Reconstruction of Postwar Germany, 1945-1955." German History 14, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549601400107.
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Gengler, Peter N. "“New Citizens” or “Community of Fate”? Early Discourses and Policies on “Flight and Expulsion” in the Two Postwar Germanys." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 314–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000126.
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AbstractThe historiography of the postwar Germanys often examined the Nazi legacy and the remarkable efforts needed for economic and social recovery after 1945. In both the FRG and GDR, the consequences of the war and resulting “flight and expulsion” featured prominently in public discourse and were among the most pressing challenges in the early postwar years. Examining how the competing regimes in East and West Germany attempted to solve the humanitarian crisis caused by the forced migration of 10 to 12 million German refugees in the first years after World War II reveals that the discourses and policies started from common points of departure yet diverged into competing narratives underpinning the states’ political and social agendas. Reconstructing the evolution of how the forced migrations were discussed and leveraged in the neglected period immediately after the war opens new perspectives on how Germans shouldered the burdens of dictatorship and defeat.
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Mittman, Elizabeth. "Fashioning the Socialist Nation: The Gender of Consumption in Slatan Dudow's 'Destinies of Women'." German Politics and Society 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2005.230402.
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In the following article, I sketch two major pressures driving this film's peculiar recuperation of traditional representations of femininity alongside the rhetoric of equal rights. The first is the development of a Cold War politics of consumption, which, as recent research has shown, was crucial for national and cultural identity formation in the period of reconstruction after World War II. If, in the 20th century, political citizenship was "recast as consumer behavior," the postwar context of divided Germany offers a particularly powerful example of the complex imbrications of ideological and material cultures. As Ina Merkel's work amply illustrates, the competitive discourse of East versus West shaped GDR consumer culture from the outset. In addition, the implicit tension between the austere ideal of a new socialist producer nation and its population's unbroken, modern drive toward consumption appears to be at least superficially resolved along gender lines. Following prewar cultural formations, consumers were gendered as female, in contrast with male-identified producers. Thus, women could be mobilized as symbolic warriors along the battlefront between two economic systems. Frauenschicksale refers us repeatedly to the precise terms of this conflict.
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Melosik, Zbyszko. "Piłka nożna i rekonstrukcje niemieckiej tożsamości narodowej." Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja 10, no. 2 (December 15, 2016): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kse.2016.10.2.
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The article is aimed at analysing the relationship between football and ways of reconstructing the German national identity. At the beginning the origin of football in Germany is decribed. Than the role of „Berno Miracle” (German world championship in 1954) in creation the postwar new German identity is considered as well as the role of football in presenting „new Germany” to the world in the 2006 world championship organized by Germany. At the end the stereotypes considering the connections between German style of play and German „national character” are presented.
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Pulkowski, Dirk. "Coalition Procurement for the Reconstruction of Iraq in the Crosshairs of WTO Law: The Obligations of the United States under the WTO Government Procurement Agreement." German Law Journal 5, no. 3 (March 1, 2004): 257–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200012426.
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Investigating the legality? Ha ha ha! That cracks me up. There is no international law that would prohibit this action by the Defense Department, nor is there any international court that France may appeal to. I of course think that this is the correct decision. Those countries who did not help win the war – who did not pay the price in blood – have no claim to the postwar profits. – Mike, Why I'm Right, Internet ForumDuring the Reagan administration, I helped negotiate … the “GATT Government Procurement Code”, later incorporated into the World Trade Organization's legal framework. The U.S. was the primary force behind this legal agreement. It was not motivated by altruism, but out of a belief that all signatory governments … and their respective tax payers would benefit from basing practices on economic factors rather than national favoritism. - Gene Tuttle, in responseInfrastructure in Iraq lies in tatters. Unscrupulous exploitation by Saddam Hussein's dictatorial regime, burdensome economic sanctions and massive destruction during the U.S.-led military operation ‘Iraqi Freedom’ have turned Iraq into one of the world's most destitute countries. On the UN Human Poverty Index for 2003, Iraq ranks seventy-first out of ninety-six developing nations. The reconstruction of basic infrastructure is but one first step towards development and economic growth. Rebuilding Iraq's infrastructure, however, involves substantial economic interests. After all, the cake to be distributed for rebuilding Iraq is expected to exceed $100 billion. Some companies see on the horizon one of the most rewarding business opportunities “undertaken in over 50 years” At the same time, there is a growing suspicion that political or even personal biases of the United States' administration have a bigger role to play than economic reason when it comes to sharing the cake. In December 2003, Deputy Secretary of Defense, Paul Wolfowitz, announced that some of America's trading partners, among them Canada, France, Germany and Russia, would be altogether excluded from competition for major reconstruction projects in Iraq. Public opinion in Europe was quick to brand the United States an international law-breaker. Can one State simply reserve to itself the final word on the Iraqi reconstruction money?
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Betts, Paul. "Book ReviewsHow German Is She? Postwar West German Reconstruction and the Consuming Woman. By Erica. Carter Social History, Popular Culture, and Politics in Germany. Edited by, Geoff Eley. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1997. Pp. xiv+272. $54.50." Journal of Modern History 71, no. 4 (December 1999): 1003–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/235411.
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Madsen, Grant. "Becoming a State-in-the-World: Lessons Learned from the American Occupation of Germany." Studies in American Political Development 26, no. 2 (October 2012): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x12000119.
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For students of American Political Development, the emergence of globalization and Americanization as themes of inquiry has spurred a growing interest in explaining America's rise as “a legal-economic and geopolitical hegemon.” An important episode in this rise came during the American occupation of Germany after World War II. In postwar Germany, America's military government realized that the American public remained unwilling to support (over the long term) the global projection of what Michael Mann has called “despotic power.” To achieve its fundamental goal of reorienting Germany toward a peaceful coexistence with the Unites States, military government turned instead to what Mann has called “infrastructural power” (power projected “through” society by state institutions). In pivoting from despotic to infrastructural power, three important consequences followed for the occupation. (1) Because it relied on the development of new infrastructures within a new German state, the occupation saw institutional “genesis” in which the Germans themselves influenced the pathway and timing of military government policy. (2) In creating new state institutions, military government performed “policybricolage,” creatively reconstructing institutions “from” the ruins of war-torn Europe (as opposed to “on” its ruins). (3) Financial policy took a central place in military government's focus because it allowed for “increasing returns” in advancing military government's interests. Collectively, military government's experience provided lessons for an American state in the world.
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WHITWORTH, L. "How German Is She? Postwar West German Reconstruction and the Consuming Woman." Journal of Design History 12, no. 3 (January 1, 1999): 297–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jdh/12.3.297.
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Rossol, Nadine. "Policing, Traffic Safety Education and Citizenship in Post-1945 West Germany." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 2 (December 22, 2016): 339–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416667793.
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This article examines policing and traffic education as a key area of reconstructing democratic citizenship in post-1945 Germany. The rebuilding of a democratic German society in the aftermath of the Second World War was closely linked to orderly, law-abiding and considerate behaviour – traffic safety events were the testing ground for these values. They were designed to create a sense of order and civil responsibility in which citizens were urged to participate in order to contribute to the new democratic postwar society in West Germany. But while state and local authorities presented traffic policing and traffic safety as an opportunity to rebuild relations with the public and to foster the link between orderly behaviour and good citizenship, ordinary citizens felt little obliged to follow traffic rules or police orders. The Eigensinn (stubbornness) of the public, choosing to ignore traffic rules, despite better knowledge, was difficult to reconcile with the top down and patronizing pedagogical approach so obvious in traffic safety debates of the 1940s and 1950s. The fact that rights and liberties of a citizen could also mean making wrong decisions and dealing with the consequences of this behaviour clashed with the more authoritarian concepts of the state.
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Broecher, Joachim, and Piotr Toczyski. "Niemiecko-polskie doświadczenie, spotkanie, kontakt i dialog w europeizacyjnej pedagogice Andrzeja Jaczewskiego i Karla-Josefa Klugego." Kwartalnik Pedagogiczny, no. 66/1 (August 31, 2021): 124–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2657-6007.kp.2021-1.7.
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The shared pedagogy of Andrzej Jaczewski and Karl-Josef Kluge grew out of the political and social changes taking place in West Germany after 1968. Their pioneering work focused on international integration, participation, intercultural learning, educating the gifted, giving space to creativity, and building leadership skills. The international pedagogical interactions initiated at that time were primarily the result of Andrzej Jaczewski’s long life journey marked first by German aggression and World War II and later by his conciliatory response to the postwar West German peace impulse. More than half a thousand participants in German-Polish encounters experienced transformative contact and spaces for dialogue in the Europeanising integration current despite the Cold War. We are reconstructing the shape of this experience and its immediate and distant effects by analysing documents, recording oral histories and describing our own autobiographical encounter experience in the stream of humanistically oriented social sciences. Our exchange of ideas was carried out in 2019–2021 remotely and during study visits to Berlin, Kraków, and Andrzej Jaczewski’s home in Ropki. With this article we contribute to the critical debate on the superficiality of the currently proposed education based on behavioural control in a barren and alienated education system. We advocate a pedagogy that prioritises individual freedom, more vibrant communities, increased autonomy, and cosmopolitanism.
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Jarausch, Konrad H. "The Federal Republic at Sixty: Popular Myths, Actual Accomplishments and Competing Interpretations." German Politics and Society 28, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280102.
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Perhaps two generations after the modest beginning, the FRG's successes and failures have become amenable to a more balanced evaluation. From the vantage point of the "Berlin Republic," the key question has shifted from whether the second German democracy would survive at all, to the reasons for its relatively positive course and to the extent of its lingering problems. This chapter first delves into the emergence of popular myths that characterized the Federal Republic's difficult search for identity. Secondly, it takes a look at some of the West's actual accomplishments in problem-solving, because such a comparison helps explain the eventual collapse of the East. Finally, it scrutinizes several of the competing explanations so as to reveal their political agendas and discuss their analytical limitations. Instead of presenting a simple success story, this reflection therefore strives for a critical appreciation. The paper concludes that at sixty, the FRG has entered a comfortable middle age, leaving be hind some of its earlier drama, but exuding a sense of competent normalcy. The mythical challenges of postwar reconstruction and recovery of international respectability have receded, followed instead by everyday concerns that are much less exhilarating. There are still plenty of problems, ranging from an aging population to a lack of full-day childcare, but they are shared by other advanced industrial societies. Moreover, after a century of first arrogant and then dejected difference, the German Sonderweg has finally come to an end. As a result of the meltdown of the Anglo-American version of unrestrained capitalism, the German model of a socially responsive market economy has even regained some of its prior luster. Hence, the postwar record of cautious incrementalism inspires some confidence that the Germans will also manage to meet the unforeseen political and economic challenges of the future.
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Delhaye, Christine. "Book Review: How German is She? Postwar West German Reconstruction and the Consuming Woman." European Journal of Cultural Studies 2, no. 2 (May 1999): 267–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/136754949900200208.
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McComas, Jennifer. "Modern Art and German Reconstruction: American Curatorial Interventions in Postwar Berlin." Journal of Curatorial Studies 5, no. 3 (October 1, 2016): 290–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcs.5.3.290_1.
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Neufeld, James. "Divided We Fall: Subtitles, Sound, and the Postwar Reconstruction of Language." Religion and the Arts 12, no. 4 (2008): 559–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852908x357407.
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AbstractThis essay considers the ethical significance of language in a Czech film (Divided We Fall, 2000) about the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia during the Second World War. It argues that linguistic shifts from Czech to German, to French, and to Yiddish, in both the dialogue and the lyrics to background music, expose the politically and ethically contested terrain of the film. Bilingual Czech nationals make subtle language choices depending on their circumstances, and those language choices gradually assume ethical significance as they highlight both the characters' prejudices and their small acts of heroism. Language itself thus becomes a guidepost to the film's examination of the ethically complicated choices which Nazi authority imposed on ordinary citizens. By paying close attention to language, one can see even the reviled Nazi collaborator in the film as attempting to assert some small measure of the human charity which his status as a collaborator contradicts. The paper concludes with a suggestion that the linguistic choices of the film contribute to a larger project of reclaiming the German language itself from the corruption it suffered because of its wartime use as the language of Nazi ideology and propaganda.
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Bartov, Omer. "Wartime Lies and Other Testimonies." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 3 (July 11, 2011): 486–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411398918.
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This article analyzes events in the East Galician town of Buczacz during World War II on the basis of wartime and postwar accounts by the Jewish, Ukrainian, and Polish inhabitants of the town. The article argues that such testimonies should be treated as historical documents and that they are valuable in reconstructing the events of genocide and communal massacre during the German occupation of Eastern Europe both because they provide different insights into these events from those available in official documentation and because they “save” from oblivion events that cannot be found at all in other documents.
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SELINGER, WILLIAM. "THE POLITICS OF ARENDTIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY: EUROPEAN FEDERATION ANDTHE ORIGINS OF TOTALITARIANISM." Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 2 (December 9, 2014): 417–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000560.
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Hannah Arendt'sThe Origins of Totalitarianismis a distinctively international history. It traces Nazism to a “collapse of the nation-state” across Europe, brought on by European anti-Semitism and European imperialism, rather than to specifically German developments. This essay recovers the political meaning of that methodological choice on Arendt's part, by documenting the surprising intersection between Arendt's involvement in political debates over postwar European reconstruction, where she made an intellectual alliance with Resistance groups across Europe and strongly argued for European federation, and her involvement in historiographical debates over the sources of Nazism. I show the explicit connection that Arendt drew between an internationalist historiography of Nazism and the need for an internationalist European politics, in a series of essays she wrote in the mid-1940s. I then argue that this connection continues to play a prominent role inOriginsitself, sharply differentiating Arendt from other prominent theorists of Nazism.
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Sachse, Carola. "What Research, to What End? The Rockefeller Foundation and the Max Planck Gesellschaft in the Early Cold War." Central European History 42, no. 1 (March 2009): 97–141. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000041.
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Between 1946 and 1948, the Rockefeller Foundation (RF) sent four representatives to Germany for extended visits to investigate how it could become involved in reconstructing the country. They were particularly interested in reorganizing the educational and science systems in a democratic manner and in reintegrating the conquered aggressor into the “family of nations.” They held numerous meetings with leading representatives of the Max Planck Gesellschaft (MPG), the successor to the world-famous Kaiser Wilhelm Gesellschaft (KWG), which had received considerable amounts of funding from the RF until the late 1930s, even after the Nazis came to power. As a result of its evaluation, the RF declined to provide the same level of support for the postwar MPG as it had for the prewar KWG. Although an obvious reason for the RF to distance itself from the KWG would be the latter's involvement in the crimes of the Nazi regime, as suggested by Paul Weindling in his analysis of the RF's funding policy for biomedical research in Germany in general, neither the RF interviews nor the evaluation reports mentioned the involvement of KWG scientists in biomedical crimes during the Third Reich. The reports did not even mention the Nuremberg medical trial, which took place between December 1946 and August 1947.
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Mellink, Bram. "Neoliberalism Incorporated: Early Neoliberal Involvement in the Postwar Reconstruction: The Case Study of the Netherlands (1945–1958)." European History Quarterly 51, no. 1 (January 2021): 98–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420981832.
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Although recent studies have extensively traced the development of neoliberal ideas in international think-tanks since the late 1930s, scholars of early neoliberalism have paid far less attention to the translation of these ideas into policy. Current scholarship predominantly identifies the introduction of neoliberal policies with a paradigm shift among policymakers in the late 1970s and depicts the early neoliberal movement as an idea-centred and isolated phenomenon that was unable to put its ideas into practice. This article argues instead that early neoliberals employed an idea-centred approach to politics to establish a coalition of like-minded academics, journalists, politicians and policy officials. Focusing on the Netherlands, it demonstrates how this strategy brought neoliberals press coverage, influence within the Christian democratic parliamentary parties and acknowledgement among professional economists. On the one hand, their struggle to exert influence over policy matters contributed to the implementation of pro-market industrialization policies, which, ironically, were pursued by a coalition of social democrats and Christian democrats. On the other hand, it also compelled them to include Christian-democratic views in their political agenda, leading to a corporatist-neoliberal policy synthesis whose features exhibit remarkable similarities to German ‘ordoliberal’ ideas.
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Vilchkovska, Anastasia. "The state of musical education of schoolchildren in Poland in the post-war period (40-60 years of the XX century)." Pedagogìčnij časopis Volinì 1(16), no. 2020 (2020): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2415-8143-2020-01-14-21.
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Relevance of research. The nearest Ukraine in terms of geographical location, culture, centuries-old historical ties and Slavic mentality is Poland. For the history of pedagogy in particular, the system of music education of schoolchildren is interesting to explore and analyze the difficult time of reconstruction of school education in Poland after the Second Word War, which killed 17% of the population. The purpose of the study is to analyze form and content of music education of Polish schoolchildren in the postwar (40-60 years of the 20th century). Research methods. Analysis and synthesis of Polish scientific and pedagogical literature on music education of schoolchildren, regulations, school curricula and program, materials of scientific and practical conferences empirical and independent data. Research results. After the end of the Second World War and the liberation of Poland from German occupation, the reconstruction of the virtually completely destroyed school system and the creation of new education system based on different ideological, political and economic principles before the pre-war period began. The restructuring of the school education system involved, firs of all, the definition of the new educational goal, which was set before the school. It was based on the idea of harmonious development of personality. A significant role in this process was given to the musical education of schoolchildren. The subject of “Singing” was introduced into the curricula of primary schools (grades 1-7), which had two hours in grades 1-5 and one hour in grades 6-7, as well as two hours for school choir classes pre week. A significant role in the development of the system of music education of foreign teachers-musicologists: E.Jagues-Dalcroze, Z. Kodály, James L. Mursell, C. Orff and others. They adapted to the conditions and Polish educational traditions. In the 1962, the name of the subject “Singing” was changed to “Music Education”, which was in line with pedagogical functions. Conclusions. In the postwar (40-60's) the modernization of the system of music education of schoolchildren was carried out. The organization content and forms of music education in secondary schools were based on the concepts of well-known in Europe scientists, teachers, musicologists, composers [É.Jagues. Dalkroze, Z. Kodály, J. Mursell, C. Orff], who adapted in accordance with the conditions and national Polish educational traditions. The musical education of the younger generation was greatly influenced by ideological and sociopolitical factors that determined the functioning of the socialist society of the Polish People's Republic.
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Moeller, Robert G. "How German Is She? Postwar West German Reconstruction and the Consuming Woman. by Erica Carter. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. 1997. Pp. xiv + 272. $54.50. ISBN 0-472-10755-0." Central European History 31, no. 4 (December 1998): 480–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900017283.
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Bottoni, Stefano. "Reassessing the Communist Takeover in Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 1 (January 21, 2010): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409354355.
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This article analyzes the communist takeover in Romania as the successful outcome of a long-term policy aiming to make the Romanian Communist Party (PCR) a national force. Such an attempt deserves a new analytical explanation of the highly controversial notions of institutional continuity and of “nationalization” of its membership. While mainstream explanations still focus on factors of change motivated by external (Soviet) pressure and stress that violence, coercion, and intimidation have been main instruments used by the Communist Party to implement its goals, the author argues that a reevaluation of the real extent of popular support is needed. PCR became a national mass party immediately after the coup d’état of 23 August 1944. At that time a marginal political force, traditionally ruled by non-Romanian elements and devoted to the strictest internationalism, turned national without falling into discrimination against minority groups, with the exception of the Germans. In multiethnic Transylvania the ethnic power balance consciously created by PCR with Soviet assistance helped the party to strengthen its political legitimacy among different national and social groups. Unlike the Romanian historical parties and the Hungarian nationalists, the PCR and the Petru Groza—led coalition government behaved as a transnational body and pursued integrative policies. In the troubled context of postwar reconstruction, this call for cooperation and peaceful ethnic coexistence distinguished the PCR and its allies from the opposition parties and significantly contributed to make early communist rule more acceptable to large masses of Romanians and non-Romanians, as well.
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Carrasco, Clare. "Zemlinsky's “Expressionist” Moment: Critical Reception of the Second String Quartet, 1918–1924." Journal of the American Musicological Society 71, no. 2 (2018): 371–438. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jams.2018.71.2.371.
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In the years after 1918, discourse about musical expressionism was controlled by critics rather than composers. Understanding expressionism to be as much a public matter emanating from the concert hall as a private one rooted in the composer's workshop, critics at that time often identified as “expressionist” works that fall outside the conventional notion of an expressionist repertory. In a particularly striking case, those who reviewed the 1918 premiere of Zemlinsky's Second String Quartet, op. 15, described it as experimental, revolutionary, indeed expressionist music. Today, scholars consistently count opus 15 among Zemlinsky's most compelling works, but they do not usually frame it in such charged terms. This article uses reviews of the earliest public performances of the quartet to elucidate the diverse and changing ways in which critics positioned it, as an instrumental chamber work, relative to expressionism between 1918 and 1924. In addition to discussing its music-stylistic features, critics involved the quartet in the heated musical-political debates surrounding expressionism in Austro-German culture at the end of and just after the Great War. These debates concerned everything from the threat of “musical bolshevism” to the (re)interpretation of Bach's and Beethoven's legacies in a postwar age. Zemlinsky's short-lived “expressionist” moment was thus very much a public moment. Reconstructing it opens a window onto the vicissitudes of the early history of musical expressionism, revealing ways in which expressionism was originally meaningful not in relation to composers’ inner lives, but in relation to the turbulent musical and cultural politics that shaped public life.
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Simard, Augustin. "La raison d'État constitutionnelle." Canadian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 1 (March 2012): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423912000200.
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ResuméCet article examine la façon dont les constitutionnalistes allemands ont cherché à tirer leçon de l'échec de la République de Weimar, ainsi que le rôle de repoussoir que cette référence traumatique a joué dans la mise en place d'une compréhension «robuste» et «défensive» de la démocratie libérale dès les années 1930. À partir des réflexions de quelques juristes émigrés aux États-Unis, il distingue trois programmes concurrents : celui de l'antiextrémisme, qui trouve son origine dans l'antipositivisme weimarien; celui de la «démocratie militante» (Karl Loewenstein); et celui de la «dictature constitutionnelle» (Carl J. Friedrich). Au sein de chacun, la confrontation avec Carl Schmitt revêt une importance décisive, en dépit de son caractère parfois implicite et médiatisé. Éclairer ces échanges permet de juger dans quelle mesure les régimes démocratiques post-1945 ont intégré les idées de Schmitt.AbstractThis paper explores the lessons drawn by German constitutional scholars from the breakdown of the Weimar Republic, and how this traumatic experience became a starting point at the end of the 1930s for a new conception of democracy both liberal and robust (or “defensive”). Emigré constitutional scholars devised three distinctive versions of this “democratic robustness”: an “anti-extremist” (which originated in Weimar legal antipositivism); a “militant democracy” (first exposed by Karl Loewenstein); and a “constitutional dictatorship” (Carl J. Friedrich, Frederick W. Watkins). At the heart of each one lies a decisive debate with Carl Schmitt, even if implicit or diffracted. By reconstructing these debates one can appreciate to what extent postwar constitutional democracies have incorporated Schmitt's ideas.
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Racinowski, Dariusz. "Teresa Ciążkowska (1926-2017) – polonistka, wychowawca, zasłużony społecznik i regionalistka." Polonia Maior Orientalis 6 (2019): 241–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/27204006pmo.22.014.15857.
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Teresa Ciążkowska żyła w latach 1926-2017. Urodziła się i dorastała w Sompolnie. W czasie okupacji hitlerowskiej została wywieziona do przymusowej pracy na terenie Niemiec. Pracowała w fabryce samolotów w Berlinie. Po zakończeniu II wojny światowej wróciła do Polski. Pracę w szkole w Brdowie rozpoczęła 1 września 1948 roku. Przepracowała w niej do emerytury, na którą przeszła 1 września 1982 roku. W czasie pracy ukończyła Studium Nauczycielskie w zakresie filologia polska. Przez wiele lat była nauczycielką języka polskiego i wychowawcą. Dbała o piękno mowy ojczystej i właściwe postawy patriotyczne. Szczególnym szacunkiem darzyła mogiły powstańców styczniowych na cmentarzu w Brdowie. Oprócz pracy zawodowej prowadziła działalność społeczną. Była radną Gromadzkiej Rady Narodowej w Brdowie i Gminnej Rady Narodowej w Babiaku. Była jedną z inicjatorów budowy pomnika powstańców styczniowych w Nowinach Brdowskich i odnowienia mogił powstańczych w Brdowie. Działała w Społecznym Komitecie Odbudowy Pomników i Społecznym Komitecie Obchodów 130. Rocznicy Bitwy pod Brdowem. Sprawy uczniów i szkoły zawsze leżały jej na sercu. Do końca życia żywo interesowała się sprawami lokalnej społeczności. Była autorką dwóch publikacji o bitwie pod Brdowem w powstaniu styczniowym. Teresa Ciążkowska (1926-2017) – a specialist in polish studies, the class tutor, the distinguished community worker and the regionalist. Teresa Ciążkowska lived in 1926-2017 years. She was born and grew up in the Sompolno. During the time of Nazi occupation was taken away to the forced work in Germany. She worked in the factory of planes in Berlin. After the completion of World War II came back to Poland. At school in Brdów she started her work 1st September 1948. She worked in it to her time of retirement pension on which she passed 1 September 1982. During her work as a teacher she finished the School Teaching in the scope Polish philology. For many years she was a teacher of the mother tongue the Polish language and she worked with class as a tutor teacher. She cared for the beauty of a mother tongue and real patriotic conducts. She felt the special respect for graves of January insurgents on the graveyard in Brdowie. Apart from the career she conducted the social activity. She was a councillorof the people’s council in Brdów and of the Commune people’s council in Babiak. She was one from initiators of construction of the monument to January insurgents in Brdów newspaper and of renovating insurrectionary graves in Brdów. She was active in a Social Committee of the Reconstruction of monuments and Social Committee of Celebration 130. Of anniversary of the Battle of Brdów. Matters of students and the school have always suited her on the heart. To the end of her days she showed a lively interest in matters of the local community. She was an author of two publications about the battle of Brdów in the coming into existence in January insurrection.
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Richardson, Malcolm L. "The Political Odyssey of Reinhold Schairer, 1933–1955." German History, July 1, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghab046.
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Abstract Drawing upon archives in three countries, this article examines the career in exile of the German educator and statesman Reinhold Schairer and seeks to explain the importance of his work for the German resistance to Hitler. For a brief but crucial period before the outbreak of the Second World War, Schairer served as the principal external representative for Carl Goerdeler and became—sometimes with adverse consequences—his principal interlocutor with the British and American governments. As this article shows, Schairer’s failure to question many of the assumptions and statements made by his sources led to a rupture with his British backers and helped reinforce British doubts about the effectiveness of any internal opposition to Hitler. Although unsuccessful as a political leader, and perhaps ill-suited for such a role, Reinhold Schairer made genuine contributions to postwar planning. With extensive support from the Rockefeller Foundation and leading American educators, Schairer helped prepare the strong foundations for postwar exchange programmes in Germany and the United States and played an important role in the reconstruction of postwar German educational and philanthropic institutions. A critical examination of Schairer’s career sheds important new light on the failure of the German resistance to garner external support at crucial junctures before and just after the outbreak of war, while at the same time this study helps connect the work of political exiles such as Schairer with the development of new institutions in the Federal Republic
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Shiloh-Dayan, Yonatan. "Re-education of German POWs as a German-Jewish Task: The Case of Adolf Sindler." Naharaim 10, no. 2 (January 1, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/naha-2016-0017.
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AbstractTowards the end of the Second World War, as a German defeat seemed inevitable, the Allied powers began searching for a postwar policy that would prevent the resurgence of Germany as a hostile military power in Central Europe. Instead of material destruction, the British preferred to tackle the German mind. As a means of achieving the objectives of ‘Denazification,’ the British launched a large scale plan for political re-education of the German people. The plan included a pioneering program for German Prisoners of War held in dispersed British captivity camps. In charge of executing the program in one such camp, located alongside the Suez Canal, was a German-Jewish refugee named Adolf Sindler. His service as a ‘Training Adviser’ began in early 1946 and lasted for two years. Sindler’s leadership in the camp created some of the earliest, and perhaps most unusual, encounters of the immediate postwar period between German soldiers, some of whom were still ardent Nazis, and German-Jews, in this case, one who was in charge of their mental rehabilitation. Sindler was provided constant support by a group of German-speaking socialist émigrés who had found shelter in Palestine. This paper explores how this historical case study informs our understanding of the inner-Jewish dialogue concerning the involvement of émigrés in the moral reconstruction of their former society. In addition, it seeks to contribute to our knowledge of the nature of operations during the early stages of the pretentious British re-education plan.
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Sampson, Tom. "Anglo-Jewish Humanitarianism and the Jewish Relief Unit, 1943–1950." German History, March 29, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghac011.
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Abstract The Jewish Relief Unit (JRU) was an Anglo-Jewish humanitarian agency of 213 members that operated across Europe during 1945/50, particularly in the British Zone of Occupation in Germany. JRU staff cared for the hundreds of thousands of Jewish Displaced Persons (DPs) who lingered in United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) assembly centres such as Belsen before their eventual departure for the United States or the new state of Israel. The JRU has remained a somewhat understudied body relative to other Jewish organizations active in DP camps and this article, based on personnel files and field reports archived at London’s Wiener Library and the London Metropolitan Archives, centres JRU aid workers as valuable objects of study in their own right, in line with increased historiographical interest in the backgrounds and world-views of postwar UNRRA operatives. Through an emphasis on materials related to and produced by individual JRU staff members and on the intimate and everyday character of their work, this article suggests that the JRU work among Jewish DPs in Germany was more substantive and consequential than has often been appreciated. More broadly, the work of the JRU is suggestive of the significance of humanitarian relief and reconstruction to postwar Jewish revival in Germany.