Journal articles on the topic 'Postcolonial Army'

In 2017 the radical women’s rights group known as the Tambourine Army emerged in response to gender-based violence, sexual abuse, and structures of impunity in Jamaica. The group used hashtags, organized marches, and teach-ins to encourage women to speak out against their abusers, to break the silence surrounding sexual abuse, and to advocate for survivors. Situating the Tambourine Army within traditions of women’s protest and contemporary forms of cyberactivism in the Caribbean, this essay examines the ways the group enacted a sonic disruption to the public and cyber spheres. It chronicles the rise of the movement, explores the centrality of the digital in the members’ activism, and assesses the methods deployed in the group’s contestation of postcolonial ideals of respectability.

Abstract:In postcolonial Africa, the military has become an actor in politics, often in ways that can be described as unprofessional. This paper focuses on the manner in which the Zimbabwean National Army (ZNA) has become heavily politicized since independence, directly supporting the regime of President Robert Mugabe while denigrating the opposition political party. The military metamorphosed, to all intents, into an extension of President Mugabe’s political party, the ZANU-PF. I argue that even though the military is expected to subordinate itself to a civilian government, the ZNA is highly unprofessional, in- and outside the army barracks. The ways in which politics came to be mediated by army generals, as “war veterans” serving in the military, directly influenced not only how soldiers who joined the army in postindependence Zimbabwe were promoted and demoted, but how they lived their lives as soldiers in the army barracks. This article is based on fifty-eight life histories of army deserters living in exile in South Africa.

Current politics in Egypt has revived the idea of a strong connection between the army, the Egyptian people and its leaders. This imaginary was introduced by Egyptian cinema about the time of the 1952 revolution. In the early days of national independence, the Suez crisis of 1956 in particular holds the symbols and images needed to create the set of semantics supporting this imaginary. Based on theories on national and postcolonial imaginaries, I analyse two Egyptian films on the Suez crisis: Port Said from 1957 and Maliqat al-Bihar (Giants of the Sea) from 1960 including shorter references to other films from the period. By examining the postcolonial semantics of these films, I identify three elements that together retell the Egyptian nation. First, the Suez crisis is pictured as eliminating the colonial enemies due to the actions of strong leaders. Second, a pan-Arab alliance is installed. Third, enemies from within are disconnected from the true Egyptian assessed by loyalty to the nation. The result is a strong imaginary of the correlation between the army, people and in particular its leaders.

This study aims to describe the form of resistance to colonialism in the Red Eclipse novel . The theory used in this study is postcolonialism to see the forms of resistance contained in the novel. In postcolonial theory there are elements of resistance, namely passive resistance and radical resistance, namely hybridity, ambivalence, decolonization and anticolonialism carried out by characters in novels who experience colonialism. The method used in this study, namely a qualitative approach. Data from this study are in the form of words, sentences and paragraphs that describe colonialism in the novel . The data source in this study is the Red Eclipse novel written by Muhammad Sholihin. Data collection in this study uses documentation techniques. The step of analyzing by reading, interpreting and concluding. The results of this study were postcolonial not as something that came after colonialism and signaled the death of colonialism, but more loosely regarded as a resistance to colonial domination, and in the Red Eclipse novel there were two forms of resistance to colonialism namely passive resistance and radical resistance. Passive resistance is shown by the natives with the manifestation of themselves to refuse, namely a resistance that uses other means to maintain cultural identity and ownership. While Radical Resistance acts like an army or combat army, the struggle to liberate the nation from colonialism. organized movement plans, which are carried out by attacking directly.

This research paper is an attempt at describing and applying the postcolonial theory to the novel titled The American Granddaughter(2021) by the Iraqi novelist Inaam Kachachi. This is achieved by examining the main character in the novel, Zeina, who works as an interpreter for the American army. Zeina experiences a complex anxiety in America. Her anxiety has come from the differences between the Iraqi and American nationalities which mislead her to be a binational character in the work. She confronts trauma in the story and struggles to know where she really belongs. She wants to find her roots based on postcolonialism, identity crisis, heritage, tradition, and so on. These issues constitute all the causes of the traumatization that Zeina faces as she embarks on the journey of confirming her nationality.

This article reads Dalila Kerchouche’s Mon père, ce harki (My Father, this Harki) as a postcolonial filiation narrative, which blends memoir and biography, the personal and collective, the past and present. Lack of knowledge and a desire to see for herself the camps her parents and older siblings experienced prompts Kerchouche to adopt an investigative posture characterized by in situ exploration in conjunction with interviews and the consultation of archives. This allows the author to achieve a polyphonic account of the past. At the same time, her family serves as the prism through which she confronts the stigma attached to Harkis (Algerian soldiers hired by the French Army) and examines their unjust treatment in France.

The relations between Poland and Russia have been significantly affected by national liberation conflicts. After the 1863 January uprising, approximately 40,000 Poles were sent into remote parts of Russia. Bronisław Grąbczewski was a January insurgent’s son for whom history delivered a very different fate. As a young man, he voluntarily joined the tsar’s army, which allowed him to serve far from his motherland. Central Asia was his second home for almost twenty years as he explored it during numerous Russian expeditions, including the two he led himself. Travel diaries are his testimony of these expeditions which show the way he presents the Orient. The analysis of these diaries constitutes excellent material for postcolonial studies.

This article examines the cultural logic of mobilization in postcolonial South Korea, promoted through American cinematic representations. In early 1946, the U.S. Army Military Government in Korea started importing and distributing American propaganda films. These audiovisual textbooks for “free people” praised private car ownership and self-determined mobility, attracting audiences with scenes of automobiles and expressways. This might have encouraged audiences to imagine a self-regulating and untrammeled unit where they could choose their own destination, speed, and companions, symbolized in the ideal type of car-owning nuclear family. Such representational expressions of “maik'a” (my car) were closely linked with the global transition after World War II, such as the nuclearization of the family, the rise of the automobile industry, and the emergence of small screens at home. This shows how South Koreans were exposed to a new, liberal technology of government under U.S. hegemony, after the cessation of Japanese railway imperialism.

The research paper aims to give an accurate account of how Kirpal Singh/Kip in The English Patient by Michael Ondaatje copies the socio-cultural and linguistic norms of the Europeans (colonizers) unlike Kipling’s Kim who emulates the Eastern people (colonized) and their culture. They are examples of going through a long drawn process of growing up, looking into the mirror of mimicry. Kip joins the English army as a grown up, learns the need to show affinity to the new culture by way of imitation, adopting their ways to weave a comfort zone. Being different could be an assaulting fact for both sides, Kip is quick to realize that. But his childish view of looking down upon his native culture is the irony of mimicry. It wipes out the original being to rewrite a new identity. Kip leaves the small community sprouted accidentally in the Italian monastery, showing traces of a stricken conscience. Kim, by the virtue of living in close company of Indians, adopts their habits and manners without any qualm, in a most unconscious manner. He never worries to look or sound his original self which he has not experienced for long. Thus, a kind of reverse mimicry is his fate and character when we look at him as an outsider living as an Indian native. The ambivalence of their characters, presented by both, is an interesting aspect of mimicry. In the paper, we have used the views of postcolonial and cultural literary theorists on mimicry, deliberating upon how with the effect of both the processes, Kip and Kim, consciously or unconsciously, get their national identity peeled off, affixing new hybrid identity.

In the Cold War environment of the 1950s, Pakistan army sought an alliance with the United States and the United Kingdom while they searched for allies in the Middle East and South Asia. At the same time, the military-bureaucratic establishment of Pakistan denied a democratic constitutional regime in the country and slowly transformed East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, into an internal colony. In East Pakistan, the pro-democracy movement was headed by Awami League (AL), a board coalition of constitutional autonomist and radical socialists and communist. Within the AL, Maulana Bhashani, a radical cleric, and his left wigs followers read into the global politics of Cold War alignment between the Pakistan and the USA to be a critical hindrance toward the democratization of politely, but constitutional autonomists within AL remained committed toward the Cold War military alliance. This lead to a split in the AL Consequently, In the wake of Suez War, global politics impinged upon local political alignment as much as local political alignment informed and influenced global politics in Pakistan.

The article is devoted to the features of the formation and development of Africa in the postcolonial period. The authors study such fundamental issues as the formation of modern States in Africa, the formation of the ruling elite and its influence on the political and socio-economic system, the role of the army and ethnic conflicts in the process of state formation. The relevance of the research is due to the fact that Russian and foreign historical science has not yet formed a common opinion on how to assess the consequences of the colonial period for Africa. Pluralism of opinions, on the one hand, generates the discussion for research, on the other, introduces a destructive imbalance in the representation of the region. As a novelty of the study, it’s necessary to note the neo-patrimonial approach to studying the features of the postcolonial period in Africa. It identifies separate thematic blocks that help assess the impact of colonization on the development of countries on the continent. The article also considers the correlation between the traditional and westernized elements within African political culture. The borrowing of political institutions and statehood theories is also considered not only as a consequence of the colonial past, but also as the political choice of the first national leaders of Africa, in the framework of their aspiration to choose an effective development way and to find a balance between the tradition and modernization. The main purpose of the study is to assess the results of decolonization in the context of ethnic, military and political aspects of the formation of African States. The polemic nature of the principles of understanding the postcolonial period of African development has led to the need to use a functional approach as a methodological basis. This is due to the need to study the principles of functioning of the political system of the region, rather than individual states. The neo-patrimonialist approach also gave rise to the use of a comparative method to compare the main theoretical postulates with the real situation in Africa. A vast array of sources and literature in Russian and English is needed to reflect the multi-vector possibilities of research on African issues.

Resumen: Este ensayo interpreta las declaraciones de la Selva Lacandona emitidas desde 1994 por el Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional como un periplo que parte de una síntesis de la teología de la liberación y la guerrilla marxista latinoamericana a una postura expresada como la aglutinación de discursos que componen las culturas de la resistencia globales. Entiendo la primera como una ideología anticolonial, en la medida que concibe su lucha como un deseo de liberación de la dependencia de los países latinoamericanos de los imperialismos modernos. Podemos considerar la pluralidad de discursos en que el zapatismo ha desembocado, tras su vínculo con grupos diversos de resistencia, como una forma postcolonial de hacer política. Propongo aquí analizar la interlocución de los comunicados zapatistas como una política de redes cuyo centro se establece precisamente en Chiapas. Más que un punto de convergencia coyuntural, La Selva Lacandona pasa a ser un punto de quiasmo de una diversidad de agendas políticas que se han llamado altermundistas.Palabras clave: Zapatismo, colonialidad, liberación, autonomía, globalización, resistencia.Abstract: This essay interprets the Selva Lacandona Declarations, published since 1994 by the Zapatista Army of National Liberation as a journey departing from a synthesis of Liberation Theology and the Latin American Marxist guerrilla towards a posture expressed as the agglutination of discourses encompassing the global resistance cultures. I understand the first as an anticolonial ideology, as it deems its fight a Latin American liberation desire from dependency on modern imperialism. We can consider the plurality of discourses Zapatismo has become a postcolonial form of doing politics, after its link with a diversity of resistance groups. My aim here is to analyze the Zapatista communications with the web politics whose center is located in Chiapas. More than a convergence juncture the Selva Lacandona becomes a chiasm of a diversity of political agendas of the so-called alter-world.Keywords: Zapatismo, coloniality, liberation, autonomy, globalization, resistance.

As the world condemns the genocide, Myanmar and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government denied it and refused to accept it and argued that it sanctioned under the rule of law. This paper problematises these questions:, What is the rule of law in Myanmar? And why do they deny it? This study is qualitative in which pages of transcripts of speeches perused to find themes, settings, and meanings attributed to problematising Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the rule of law in post-colonial Myanmar. These speeches delivered in public from 2016-2018. In analysing her speeches, the paper uses Foucauldian Discourse Analysis. On the part of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, it found that problematising her actions and silence over the Rohingya genocide influenced her late father’s role. She continued to claim that her military father is the father of the Burmese military. She had special relations in incarceration with the army generals during her house arrest. She focused on the democratic transition which she promised in the 2015 election. This study reveals that this rule of law has purely political narratives because the generals are not accountable. This paper subsumes ongoing legal reforms in Myanmar.

On January 1, 1994, the day when NAFTA entered into force, a group of indigenous appeared from the Lacandon jungle in Chiapas, occupied the city hall of San Cristóbal de las Casas, presented themselves as the Zapatista Army and announced: “We are the product of 500 years of fighting. [ ] But today we say: It is enough." This was the beginning of a rebellion which attracted international attention and is still going on today. Taking the announcement seriously, this article traces the history of 500 years from a legal perspective. By considering also the international dimension of this history, it shall be revealed that the reasons for the Zapatista revolt range from the Lacandon jungle through Chiapas, Mexico, Latin America, to the world and its global order. The article will focus on their demand for “land and freedom" which leads to the so-called agrarian question and the long history of bloody disputes about land, means of existence, natural resources, autonomy, sovereignty, power, dominance, oppression, life and death.The history of Mexican land law (sometimes as a legal reflection, sometimes as a result and sometimes as an origin of these disputes) shows with outstanding clarity international structures of hegemony. Foreign influence and legal transfer in accordance with European and U.S. economic interest have been shaping this area of law since colonization. On the other hand, history also gave birth to strong counter-hegemonic movements: the Mexican Revolution at the beginning of the 20th century and today the Zapatista rebellion.The objective of the article is the following: By putting the Zapatista struggle for land in the historical and global context, their “anti-systemic" or “postcolonial" quality shall be revealed. Against this background, the legal analysis of their rebellion shall be used to develop cornerstones of a postcolonial legal perspective. Hence, independent from the chronological order, the theoretical starting point is January 1, 1994. History will be approached as a memory that flashes on this day in the moment of uprising.

On 29 January 1986, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni was sworn in as President of the Republic of Uganda and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) and National Resistance Army (NRA) became the first guerrilla force to successfully overthrow a government in postcolonial Africa. Some thirty years after the NRM?s bush war was won, the Ugandan military, with President Museveni still at the helm, began officially waging what it calls a guerrilla war against its own citizens. The goal of Museveni?s second guerrilla war was not to bring forth yet another anti-imperial democratic revolution. It was instead designed to sustainably develop fisheries production in Lake Victoria, a task Museveni claims exclusive abilities to successfully steward for the benefit the Ugandan nation as a whole. Transformations in Lake Victoria?s fisheries ecology that predated the NRM?s rise to power, and indeed, predated the formal independence of the Ugandan state were shaped by and shape managerial logics that continue to justify violence against fishworkers in order to enact conventional conceptions of sustainability. Memories of tragedy and success bound up in national narratives of the 1981?1986 war for anti-imperial democratic revolution work to maintain managerial logics and regulatory regimes imposed by the former British colonial state.

AbstractTwentieth-century wars of decolonization were more than simple diplomatic and military affairs. This article examines how the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) relied upon technology to drive state-making and to make war during the struggle against the French (1945–1954). Wireless radios, in particular, provided embattled nationalists a means by which they could communicate orders and information across wide expanses of contested space in real time. Printing presses, newspapers, stationary, and stamps not only circulated information, but they also served as the bureaucratic markers of national sovereignty. Radios and telephones were essential to the DRV's ability to develop, field, and run a professional army engaged in modern—not guerilla—battles. The Vietnamese were victorious at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 in part because they successfully executed a highly complex battle via the airwaves. Neither the Front de libération nationale (FLN) fighting the French for Algeria nor the Republicans battling the Dutch for Indonesia ever used communications so intensely to drive state-making or take the fight to the colonizer on the battlefield. Scholars of Western states and warfare have long recognized the importance of information gathering for understanding such matters. This article argues that it is time to consider how postcolonial states gathered and used information, even in times of war.

UKRAINIAN THEMES IN POLISH CINEMA UNTIL 1989In postwar Poland three films were created that alluded directly to the fights of the Polish Communistic Army against the Ukrainian Uprising Army and the Polish Home Army, which took place in Bieszczady at the end of the Second War and in the following several months. These were: Sergeant Major Kaleń Ewa and Czesław Petelscy, 1961, The Ruptured Bridge Jerzy Passendorfer, 1962, Woolves’ Echos Aleksander Ścibor-Rylski, 1968. They were all made to create the myth of Bieszczady, to achieve a propaganda effect. They also all have a form close to that of the western which was a very popular genre in Poland in the time of their making. This form was to make the realization of the mythologizing and propaganda task easier. In Sergeant Major Kaleń the main topic is a military conflict between some troops of the Polish Communistic Army and Ukrainian insurgents just after the end of the Second World War. The movie was an attempt to show the complicated social-political situation of the period in the south-eastern edge of Poland — in Bieszczady. But it was an attempt strongly ideological and dishonest from the point of view of the historical and political truth. The movie has an interesting protagonist, it depicts quite suggestively some human types from Bieszczady of those times, but it is not just in showing “the Ukrainian question” as well as the Polish Home Army and its brave and tragic “cursed soldiers”. Although it should be pointed out that from the historical-political perspective the film is much more honest than the novel by Jan Gerhard Łuny w Bieszczadach [The Glow in Bieszczady] of which it was an adaptation. The Ukrainians and the soldiers of the Polish Home Army in the film by the Petelskis are cruel and ruthless, and only the soldiers of the Communist Polish army are good and honest people. The Ruptured Bridge is also an image touching upon the matter of Polish-Ukrainian struggles just before the end of the Second World War and shortly after that, but it is mainly a splendid film of adventure with some distinctive features of western and criminal-spy-sensational genre. It was based on the short story Śniegi płyną The Snows Are Flowing by Roman Bratny. This is a really good movie that is not as strongly soaked with communistic propaganda as the previous one that does not show the soldiers of UPA Ukrainian Uprising Army as monsters. It is rather universal in its message its epicenter is the beautiful — brave and heroic — attitude of a shire officer who is also an engineer. Similarly to Sergearnt Major Kaleń the literary prototype was much more historically and politically dishonest than its screen adaptation. In Bratny’s short story visible are some postcolonial accents. The Ukrainians are showed as a society culturally retarded, primitive, wild, while Passendorfer’s film seems to suggest that this possible cultural latency of Ukraine was caused by the historical faults of Russia and Poland that in the past had treated Ukraine as their colony. Besides Passendorfer shows this “wildness” of the Ukrainian soldiers in some romantic aura of “Ruthenian falcons”. In turn, Woolves’ Echos is an unpretentious adventure film, lacking political-historical ambitions, successfully shot from its beginning to an end in a western convention. The plot takes place in Bieszczady, a few years after the Second World War. When we measure the gravity of problems separating Poles and Ukrainians after WWII, problems which had never been solved or explored in the Polish People’s Republic, then Woolves’ Echos appears to be compromising for the director, producers and for the Polish People’s Republic’s film authorities of those times. Tadeusz Lubelski once wrote: “The authors [of the movie] did not see to any authentication of the complicated story matters, the most important of which was the real conflict on the Polish-Ukrainian frontier”. Two more movies with clear Ukrainian motives were made in the later years of film development in the Polish People’s Republic. Mr. Wołodyjowski Jerzy Hoffman, 1969 and Mazepa Gustaw Holoubek, 1975. The first one was an adaptation of a novel with the same title, written by Henryk Sienkiewicz. The second movie was a film adaptation of a romantic drama written by Juliusz Słowacki also with the same title. In Sienkiewicz’s novel, the last volume in his trilogy which is very significant for the shape of cultural and historical relations between Poles and Ukrainians, we can find a few very pro-Ukrainian-and-Polish motives e.g. a widely depicted beautiful story of a difficult Polish-Ukrainian relation between Muszalski and Dydiuk — from consuming hatred up to fervent friendship. In Holoubek’s Mazepa, in turn, the pro-Ukrainian/pro-Ruthenian accent is strongly visible. Eponymous Mazepa — in the time of the action of Słowacki’s play and — of course — film, being a pageboy of the Polish King Casimir — is along with the protagonist Zbigniew the most noble and upstanding character in the movie. They are both also the most tragic heroes of the play, personalizing the sacrifice of young people — the Poles and the Ruthenians — that the lordly Poland quite often made in its history to last in its colonial shape.Translated by Sławomir Bobowski

UKRAINIAN THEMES IN POLISH CINEMA UNTIL 1989In postwar Poland three films were created that alluded directly to the fights of the Polish Communistic Army against the Ukrainian Uprising Army and the Polish Home Army, which took place in Bieszczady at the end of the Second War and in the following several months. These were: Sergeant Major Kaleń Ewa and Czesław Petelscy, 1961, The Ruptured Bridge Jerzy Passendorfer, 1962, Woolves’ Echos Aleksander Ścibor-Rylski, 1968. They were all made to create the myth of Bieszczady, to achieve a propaganda effect. They also all have a form close to that of the western which was a very popular genre in Poland in the time of their making. This form was to make the realization of the mythologizing and propaganda task easier. In Sergeant Major Kaleń the main topic is a military conflict between some troops of the Polish Communistic Army and Ukrainian insurgents just after the end of the Second World War. The movie was an attempt to show the complicated social-political situation of the period in the south-eastern edge of Poland — in Bieszczady. But it was an attempt strongly ideological and dishonest from the point of view of the historical and political truth. The movie has an interesting protagonist, it depicts quite suggestively some human types from Bieszczady of those times, but it is not just in showing “the Ukrainian question” as well as the Polish Home Army and its brave and tragic “cursed soldiers”. Although it should be pointed out that from the historical-political perspective the film is much more honest than the novel by Jan Gerhard Łuny w Bieszczadach [The Glow in Bieszczady] of which it was an adaptation. The Ukrainians and the soldiers of the Polish Home Army in the film by the Petelskis are cruel and ruthless, and only the soldiers of the Communist Polish army are good and honest people. The Ruptured Bridge is also an image touching upon the matter of Polish-Ukrainian struggles just before the end of the Second World War and shortly after that, but it is mainly a splendid film of adventure with some distinctive features of western and criminal-spy-sensational genre. It was based on the short story Śniegi płyną The Snows Are Flowing by Roman Bratny. This is a really good movie that is not as strongly soaked with communistic propaganda as the previous one that does not show the soldiers of UPA Ukrainian Uprising Army as monsters. It is rather universal in its message its epicenter is the beautiful — brave and heroic — attitude of a shire officer who is also an engineer. Similarly to Sergearnt Major Kaleń the literary prototype was much more historically and politically dishonest than its screen adaptation. In Bratny’s short story visible are some postcolonial accents. The Ukrainians are showed as a society culturally retarded, primitive, wild, while Passendorfer’s film seems to suggest that this possible cultural latency of Ukraine was caused by the historical faults of Russia and Poland that in the past had treated Ukraine as their colony. Besides Passendorfer shows this “wildness” of the Ukrainian soldiers in some romantic aura of “Ruthenian falcons”. In turn, Woolves’ Echos is an unpretentious adventure film, lacking political-historical ambitions, successfully shot from its beginning to an end in a western convention. The plot takes place in Bieszczady, a few years after the Second World War. When we measure the gravity of problems separating Poles and Ukrainians after WWII, problems which had never been solved or explored in the Polish People’s Republic, then Woolves’ Echos appears to be compromising for the director, producers and for the Polish People’s Republic’s film authorities of those times. Tadeusz Lubelski once wrote: “The authors [of the movie] did not see to any authentication of the complicated story matters, the most important of which was the real conflict on the Polish-Ukrainian frontier”. Two more movies with clear Ukrainian motives were made in the later years of film development in the Polish People’s Republic. Mr. Wołodyjowski Jerzy Hoffman, 1969 and Mazepa Gustaw Holoubek, 1975. The first one was an adaptation of a novel with the same title, written by Henryk Sienkiewicz. The second movie was a film adaptation of a romantic drama written by Juliusz Słowacki also with the same title. In Sienkiewicz’s novel, the last volume in his trilogy which is very significant for the shape of cultural and historical relations between Poles and Ukrainians, we can find a few very pro-Ukrainian-and-Polish motives e.g. a widely depicted beautiful story of a difficult Polish-Ukrainian relation between Muszalski and Dydiuk — from consuming hatred up to fervent friendship. In Holoubek’s Mazepa, in turn, the pro-Ukrainian/pro-Ruthenian accent is strongly visible. Eponymous Mazepa — in the time of the action of Słowacki’s play and — of course — film, being a pageboy of the Polish King Casimir — is along with the protagonist Zbigniew the most noble and upstanding character in the movie. They are both also the most tragic heroes of the play, personalizing the sacrifice of young people — the Poles and the Ruthenians — that the lordly Poland quite often made in its history to last in its colonial shape.Translated by Sławomir Bobowski

Abstract This article analyzes the progression from traditional to current pastoralist practices and the contemporary diversification of livelihoods of the Jie group of the Karimojong in the Kotido district in Karamoja (Uganda). the focus is on changes of land use, framed by the commons debate. We identify factors that have forced the Karimojong to abandon their traditional mobile pastoral lifestyle and to adopt new income-generating activities, including charcoal production and brick-making, which may have detrimental effects on local forest and soil cover. These have included repeated enclosure of common grazing lands by colonial and postcolonial governments. We conducted empirical research (interviews and focus group discussions) in 2012. They confirm the superiority of traditional pastoralist practices (in terms of safeguarding sustained productivity of pastures) compared to the current situation. An important factor leading to current unsustainable pastoralist practice involved the mass acquisition of firearms by the Karimojong in the 1970s and 1980s, violent cattle raiding and subsequent unequal disarmament and establishment of army-controlled cattle herding. This radical enclosure of the commons by the government, linked to impoverishment of a large part of the population in terms of cattle numbers, has necessitated the emergence of new, potentially environmentally detrimental livelihoods for the Jie. However, the escalation of the firearm crisis cannot be seen in isolation from a century of commons enclosure by governments, curtailing traditional practices and leading to insecurity and impoverishment of the Karimojong. The situation is exacerbated by current policies of the Ugandan government, geared to agricultural sedentarization, which may be unsustainable given the local natural and climatic conditions. Key Words: Pastoralism, Karamoja, environmental degradation, commons, political ecology, colonialism

In recent decades, female descendants of harkis - indigenous Algerian men employed as auxiliary soldiers in the French army during the Algerian War - have privileged the literary text as a site of reconstruction of silenced familial and collective (hi)stories, and of reconnection with their effaced ancestral heritage. This article examines representations of physical, affective, and imaginative “returns” in two literary works by members of different harki (post)generations: France: Récit d’une enfance (2006) by Zahia Rahmani, a daughter of a harki, and L’Art de perdre (2017) by Alice Zeniter, a harki’s granddaughter. It is argued that these multivocal narratives problematize straightforward understandings of belonging and inheritance to interrogate the reparative potential of return - whether real or imagined, spatial or temporal - and to confront the ongoing effects of (neo)colonial narratives and power structures. Both texts present the notion of return as simultaneously intimate and broad in scope, resulting at once from external pressures and personal necessity, and capable of healing certain wounds while resisting definitive closure. Invoking the frequently gendered role of storytelling in Arabo-Berber societies, the novels also establish dialogues and connections with disparate histories, memories, and literary texts, allowing their protagonists to transcend and deconstruct static, assigned identities. The texts’ filiative and affiliative returns across time and space are shown to reflect Marianne Hirsch’s conception of the existence of vertical and horizontal forms of “postmemory” (2012) and Michael Rothberg’s notion of “rhizomatic networks” (2009). It is argued that it is precisely the notion of return which emerges as a creative organizing principle, allowing Rahmani and Zeniter to negotiate aspects of transgenerational trauma, absence, and loss, while also turning their intimate, self-reflexive quests outwards to critique and rewrite pre-established narratives and to inscribe their texts within current interrogations of commemoration and reparation in postcolonial contexts.

Myanmar and Japan have had an important shared history since the Pacific War, when Japan occupied the British colony of Burma and established the country's first postcolonial state and army. The period from 1941 to 1945 also witnessed the “militarization” of Myanmar as the country was turned into a battlefield by the Japanese, the Allies and indigenous insurgents. After independence from Britain in 1948, the Union of Burma continued to suffer insurgency and became a deeply conflicted society, especially under the isolationist socialist regime of General Ne Win (1962–1988). However, Japan played a major role in Myanmar's economic development through its allocation of war reparations and official development assistance (ODA), especially yen loans. During the period of martial law from 1988 to 2011, Tokyo exercised some self-restraint in giving aid due to pressure from its major ally, the United States, with its human rights agenda. However, with the transition from junta rule to constitutional government in 2011 came a dramatic increase in Japanese ODA, as Tokyo forgave large amounts of debt and invested in ambitious new special economic zones (SEZ). Japan will no doubt benefit from Myanmar as close ties are expanded: Not only will Japanese companies profit, but Japan will have access to Myanmar's raw materials and gain ability to compete more effectively with an economically expansive China. On Myanmar's side, though, it is unlikely that anyone other than the military and crony capitalist elites will benefit from the flood of new yen loans and infrastructure projects. This paper argues that without a political resolution of Myanmar's many conflicts, including the establishment of genuinely open political institutions, the aid of Japan (and other countries) is likely to make these deep-rooted social and ethnic conflicts even worse.

In 2009, in Lagos, Portugal, the remains of 158 bodies of fifteenth-century enslaved Africans were unearthed. In 2016, Lagos City Council inaugurated a slavery-themed exhibition in collaboration with the Portuguese Committee of UNESCO’s Slave Route Project. Through an analysis of the exhibition’s rhetoric and poetics, I argue that the former is yet another instance of Lusotropicalism, a theoretical construct developed by Gilberto Freyre throughout the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s to support the construct of Brazil as a racial democracy, and appropriated by Portugal to support the “benign” character of its colonial system. As a consequence, slavery and Portugal’s role in the transatlantic slave trade, although apparently brought into the light in this exhibition, are in fact hidden in plain sight because both the rhetorical and poetic devices at play conspire to evade addressing the colonial order and its historical consequences, both past and present.

In February 2016, students at Jesus College, Cambridge voted unanimously to repatriate to Nigeria a bronze cockerel looted during the violent British expedition into Benin City in 1897. The college, however, decided to temporarily relocate Okukor to the University’s Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. This article outlines the discussions that occurred during this process, exploring how the Museum was positioned as a safe space in which uncomfortable colonial legacies, including institutionalized racism and cultural patrimony rights, could be debated. We explore how a stated commitment to postcolonial dialogue ultimately worked to circumvent a call for postcolonial action. Drawing on Ann Stoler’s and Elizabeth Edwards’s discussions of colonial aphasia, this article argues that anthropology museums risk enabling such circumvention despite confronting their own institutional colonial legacies.

On 10 January 2022, the French Senate adopted a proposed law on the circulation and return of cultural objects owned by public collections (Sénat 2022). This may be considered the first step toward repatriation legislation. This law needs to be analyzed, voted on, and possibly amended by the National Assembly before it comes back to the Senate and is finally approved. Assuming the law will be finally voted in, this will be a milestone in the process of clarifying the role and the status of human remains in museums collections.

AbstractWhat are the politics of, and prospects for, contemporary weapons control? Human rights and humanitarian activists and scholars celebrate the gains made in the UN Arms Trade Treaty as a step towards greater human security. Critics counter that the treaty represents an accommodation with global militarism. Taking the tensions between arms transfer control and militarism as my starting point, I argue that the negotiating process and eventual treaty text demonstrate competing modes of militarism. Expressed in terms of sovereignty, political economy, or human security, all three modes are underpinned by ongoing imperial relations: racial, gendered, and classed relations of asymmetry and hierarchy that persist despite formal sovereign equality. This means human security is a form of militarism rather than the antithesis of it. Drawing on primary sources from negotiations and participant observation with actors involved in the campaign for the ATT, the argument challenges the idea that human security has scored a victory over militarism. It also complicates our understanding of the nature of the accommodation with it, demonstrating the transformation as well as entrenchment of contemporary militarism. The argument reframes the challenges for controlling weapons circulation, placing the necessity for feminist, postcolonial anti-militarist critique front and centre.

This article examines the sense of insecurity experienced by former Burundian refugees following their acquisition of legal citizenship in Tanzania. Using the concept of ontological security, it explores the strategies devised by the new citizens and their former refugee selves to negotiate a normative and stable identity in Tanzania, a country with a postcolonial history of contested citizenship and depoliticized ethnicity. Our argument is that the fluidity of identity, when associated with mobility, is vilified by policy-makers and given insufficient attention in the literatures on ethnicity and refugees in Africa, yet is important for generating a sense of belonging and a meaningful life away from a troubled and violent past. This fluidity of identity offers a significant mechanism for belonging even after the acquisition of formal citizenship.

This article examines the sense of insecurity experienced by former Burundian refugees following their acquisition of legal citizenship in Tanzania. Using the concept of ontological security, it explores the strategies devised by the new citizens and their former refugee selves to negotiate a normative and stable identity in Tanzania, a country with a postcolonial history of contested citizenship and depoliticized ethnicity. Our argument is that the fluidity of identity, when associated with mobility, is vilified by policy-makers and given insufficient attention in the literatures on ethnicity and refugees in Africa, yet is important for generating a sense of belonging and a meaningful life away from a troubled and violent past. This fluidity of identity offers a significant mechanism for belonging even after the acquisition of formal citizenship.

During the Egyptian revolution in January 2011, the antiquities museum in Tahrir Square became the focus of press attention amid claims of looting and theft, leading Western organizations and media outlets to call for the protection of Egypt’s ‘global cultural heritage’. What passed without remark, however, was the colonial history of the Cairo museum and its collections, which has shaped their postcolonial trajectory. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Cairo museum was a pivotal site for demonstrating control of Egypt on the world stage through its antiquities. More than a century later, these colonial visions of ancient Egypt, and its place in museums, continue to exert their legacy, not only in the challenges faced by the Egyptian Antiquities Museum at a crucial stage of redevelopment, but also in terms of museological practice in the West.

This article examines the ways in which both colonial and postcolonial migration regimes in Kenya and Tanzania have reproduced forms of differential governance toward the mobilities of particular African bodies. While there has been a growing interest in the institutional discrimination and “othering” of migrants in or in transit to Europe, comparable dynamics in the global South have received less scholarly attention. The article traces the enduring governmental differentiation, racialization, and management of labor migrants and refugees in Kenya and Tanzania. It argues that analyses of contemporary policies of migration management are incomplete without a structured appreciation of the historical trajectories of migration control, which are inseparably linked to notions of coloniality and related constructions of (un)profitable African bodies. It concludes by recognizing the limits of controlling Africans on the move and points toward the inevitable emergence of social conditions in which conviviality and potentiality prevail.

This article examines the changing relationship between museums and heritage using a number of Dutch cases. It argues that if heritage was once defined as being museological in character, this order of precedence is under revision as museums themselves are recursively transformed by heritage dynamics. Such dynamics include the display of renovation work-in-progress; the enhancement of historical collections by relocation to prominent new sites and buildings; the transformation of old industrial sites into new art and public spaces; and a mutual reinforcement between the urban landscape setting and the institutions that compose it by virtual means. Postcolonial heritage practices worldwide enfold museums in a further set of transformatory dynamics: these include claims on cultural property that was removed in colonial times, but also the strategic transformation of cultural property into heritage for didactic purposes. Museums are subject to the recursive dynamics of heritage, which are turning them inside out.

In this article I explore how socially engaged artistic practice draws upon hybridity as a methodological approach advancing social justice. Through the case study of Theaster Gates’s To Speculate Darkly (2010), a project commissioned by the Chipstone Foundation of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and shown at the Milwaukee Art Museum, I consider how socially engaged practice mobilizes continually shifting notions of postcolonial hybridity to help museums make meaningful symbolic reparations toward equality and inclusivity. The research is based on interviews I conducted with Gates and with the director and the curator of the Chipstone Foundation. The article will demonstrate that, with hybridity, artists have the potential to subvert hegemonic power structures and to inspire reconciliations between museums and communities. While such reconciliations generally involve complex processes with no clear end point, the evolving concept of hybridity is an effective vehicle to foster pluralistic institutions, cultural organizations characterized by practices built upon shared authority, reciprocity, and mutual trust. Theaster Gates refers to the methodology of hybridity as ‘temple swapping’, an exchange of values between seemingly unlike groups, in his case the black church and the museum, to explore their interconnections and relational sensibilities. Temple swapping, I aim to show, is a valuable metaphor through which to examine socially engaged artistic practice and its implications for museum ethics.

Violent death in postcolonial proseIn the years 1953–1960 Rudolf Dobiáš was imprisoned for his anti-state activities for 7 years, most of which he spent in uranium mines in Jáchymov. Both his non-fiction and prosaic work are based on his personal experience and they also concern the executions of young people. He described in detail the sentencing of three graduates of a grammar school in Trenčín, who were given the death penalty and were executed in February 1951. At the Higher Military Court in Trenčín he discovered the writings of a lieutenant of the Czechoslovak People’s Army, Tomáš Chovan. He was sentenced by the State Court in Bratislava to the death penalty for treason and spying. He was executed in November 1951 at the age of 25. His farewell to his family is presented in the story Younger Brother Mladší brat, which is one of the best works of Dobiáš. Ľuboš Jurík also wrote a biographical novel entitled The Death of a Minister Smrť ministra. It is about the Slovak communist politician Vladimír Clementis 1902–1952, who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the years 1948–1950. Clementis was imprisoned in 1951 to face a fabricated accusation. He was given the death penalty too. Jurík’s novel is composed of an interview with a fictive figure — the advocate. Just before the execution, he talks to him about the whole life of the politician Clementis. In the spirit of Stalinism, it was his ex-party colleagues and friends who were behind the execution. Jurík wrote a book about Alexander Dubček as well, entitled A Year Longer Than a Century Rok dlhší ako storočie, in which he asks whether the end of the symbol of Prague Spring was violent or not. There is evidence that it could have been so. Gwałtowna śmierć w postkolonialnej prozieRudolf Dobiáš, skazany za działalność antypaństwową, lata 1953–1960 spędził w więzieniu, z czego większą część w kopalniach uranu w Jáchymowie. Swoje doświadczenia opisuje we wspomnieniach, a także w tekstach prozatorskich, w których pojawia się motyw egzekucji młodych ludzi. Dobiáš szczegółowo opisał skazanie na śmierć trzech absolwentów gimnazjum w Trenczynie i ich egzekucję w lutym 1951 roku. W Wyższym Sądzie Wojskowym w Trenczynie pojawiły się również akta porucznika Czechosłowackiej Armii Ludowej Tomáša Chovana, którego sąd w Bratysławie skazał na karę śmierci za zdradę państwa i szpiegostwo. W listopadzie 1951 roku w wieku 25 lat Chovan został stracony. Dobiáš opisał pożegnanie porucznika z rodziną przed śmiercią w opowiadaniu Młodszy brat Mladší brat, które można zaliczyć do jego najlepszych utworów. Z kolei Ľuboš Jurík jest autorem biograficznej powieści pod tytułem Śmierć ministra Smrť ministra o słowackim komunistycznym polityku Vladimirze Clementisie 1902–1952, który w latach 1948–1950 pełnił funkcję ministra spraw zagranicznych Czechosłowacji. Clementis w 1951 roku został uwięziony i podczas procesu pokazowego skazany na karę śmierci. Autor skonstruował powieść w sposób następujący: adwokat jako postać fikcyjna rozmawia z Clementisem tuż przed egzekucją i podczas tej rozmowy czytelnik poznaje całe życie słowackiego polityka. Co typowe dla czasów stalinizmu, duży udział w skazaniu polityka na śmierć mieli jego partyjni towarzysze i przyjaciele. Jurík opublikował również książkę o Aleksandrze Dubčeku Rok dłuższy niż wiek Rok dlhší ako storočie, w której pojawia się pytanie, czy śmierć Dubčeka — symbolu praskiej wiosny — też mogła być spowodowana przez osoby trzecie, ponieważ istnieją na to pewne dowody.

It would be churlish (as well as difficult), when my own work is treated so generously in this article, to object to its thrust too strongly. But agreement does not make for much of a dialogue! Let me state my agreements briefly, then.1.Versluys has nailed the terminological impasse: ‘Romanization’ is far worse than Romanization, because it has all the sins of the former without its conviction. But I have less sympathy for those TRAC speakers ‘ordered’ not to use the concept by their supervisors. If they can answer the many criticisms made of the concept, and make it work for them on their material, let them demonstrate this. If not, they need to find something better.2.Versluys also seems to me quite correct that some postcolonial approaches have often ended up in an unsatisfactory anti-colonialism. Yvon Thébert (1978) made a similar objection when he asked whether Bénabou (1976) had decolonized the history of Africa in the Roman period or simply turned it on its head. Denouncing ancient imperialism, colonialism and racial and sexual abuse might make us feel more comfortable, but it does not improve our analysis. I would add that it has also allowed British Romanists to return to a very traditional preoccupation: rewriting the Roman chapters of ‘our island's story’ in dialogue with contemporary imperial preoccupations.3.Versluys argues that we should ‘focus on “cultural transformation taking place in the context of empire” rather than on “imperialism and colonialism”’ (p. 8). This too makes very good sense. But I wonder what the word ‘cultural’ adds to this programme? Does it operate to exclude the study of other kinds of change (economic? technological? agricultural?). I doubt that this is what Versluys advocates and cannot see the advantage of arbitrarily demarcating one sphere of life as ‘cultural’ and excluding discussion of other changes. And I doubt that it would be possible to do this in any case. How would we talk about bathing without aqueducts, engineering and hydrology, as well as euergetism, notions of the body and foodways? Or about wine without thinking about techniques of agriculture, exchange systems and so on. If the abundant recent literature on entanglement – along with Hodder (2012) I am thinking particularly of Thomas (1991), Dietler (2010) and Garrow and Gosden (2012) – has taught us nothing else, it is that we cannot easily separate ‘the cultural’ from the rest of life. Or does ‘cultural’ give holistic accounts of change a particular flavour? Or does it designate some particularSchwerpunktefor study? I have more sympathy with this position, but I suspect that it now obstructs more than it illuminates our projects. Now that ‘culture’ is no longer the final chapter of a book which has already dealt with conquest, administration, politics, the army, agriculture, manufacture and trade, town and country, and late antique decline (the traditional format of volumes in the genre ‘provincial history’), perhaps we no longer need to signal so strongly that culture is all-encompassing and can simply study together the whole set of changes with which we are concerned?All the same, I am wary of signing up at once to Romanization 2.0. My commentary is an attempt to articulate my reasons for this reluctance.

AbstractThe emergence of postcolonial criticism makes the voice of Africans’ colonial experience heard and seriously considered. In some ways, this voice is a little bit different from what the European poets or novelists have expressed in their literary texts. For most Europeans, colonialism is perceived as a civilizing force that benefits and progresses to the colonized African societies, primarily through one of its arms: Christianity. Although this religion, as most missionaries propose, has nothing to do with the worldly affair, such as a lust for natural resources and colony, it becomes an important cultural element to help the Europeans conquer the colonized African natives. During the era of colonialism, Christianity in Western discourse is perceived as a means of setting the African natives free from the barbaric traditional belief and savage way of life. Through Christianity, the colonized African natives are educated and taught to live a more modern and civilized life. However, some African writers at times give a different perspective on Christianity. This article explores how Christianity is portrayed through the characters and conflicts in Arrow of God (1964), a novel written by a Nigerian named Chinua Achebe. This portrayal can lead to a postcolonial discourse the novel intends to propose. Keywords: Christianity, colonialism, postcolonial criticism, postcolonial discourse Abstrak Munculnya kritik sastra poskolonial menjadikan suara yang mengekspresikan pengalaman kolonialisme dapat didengar dan sungguh-sungguh dapat diberi perhatian. Suara ini dalam beberapa hal agak eberbeda dengan apa yang disampaikan oleh novelis dan penyair Eropa dalam karya-karya mereka. Bagi kebanyakan orang Eropa, kolonialisme dipandang sebagai kekuatan pemberadaban yang dapat memberikan keuntungan dan kemajuan bagi masyarakat Afrika yang terjajah, terutama melalui salah satu tangan kanannya, yaitu agama Kristen. Meskipun agama ini tidak terkait dengan urusan nafsu dunia, seperti keinginan untuk menguasai sumber daya alam maupun tanah koloni seperti yang sering dikatakan oleh para misionaris, agama ini menjadi elemen penting untuk membantu kaum kolonial Eropa manaklukkan orang-orang pribumi Afrika. Selama masa kolonial, agama Kristen dalam wacana Barat dipandang sebagai media untuk membebaskan orangorang Afria dari kepercayaan tradisional yang barbar dan cara hidup yang tidak beradab. Melalui agama ini, orang-orang pribumi Afrika dididik dan diajar untuk menghidupi kehidupan yang lebih modern dan beradab. Namun demikian, beberapa sastrawan Afrika memberikan perspektif yang berbeda terhadap agama Kristen. Artikel ini akan mengeksplorasi bagaimana agama Kristen digambarkan melalui tokoh dan konflik dalam novel Arrow of God (1964) karya sastrawan Nigeria, Chinua Achebe. Gambaran ini akan menuntun pembaca pada wacana poskolonial yang dibangun oleh novel ini. Kata kunci: Agama Kristen, kolonialisme, kritik sastra poskolonial, wacana poskolonia

Jean-Pierre Jeunet’s 2009 film Micmacs à tire-larigot, a scathing critique of the global arms industry, depicts a ragtag bunch of misfits who live beneath a refuse dump and give a new lease of life to discarded objects, endowing them with what might be called ‘reuse value’. Unlike exchange value, which obscures the past labour that produced the commodity, reuse value enfolds history into an object, reflecting the past use to which it was put, and making of it an exteriorized, prostheticised form of human memory. Reused objects signify two eras at once: that in which they were manufactured (thus the African ethnographer’s antique typewriter evokes the colonial past), and the era in which they are being reused (the not-so-postcolonial present). Coextensive with this animation of disused objects through their endowment with memory is the reification of human beings, who become reduced to an assemblage of inanimate objects as they are alternately blown up in dirty wars or collected by a wealthy arms manufacturer in the form of celebrity body parts. The double-edged nature of the re(f)use economy, which both privileges resistance and underlines the posthuman dissolution of the boundaries between people and objects, points up the pharmacological dimension (at once destructive and potentially positive) of globalisation.

-Swithin Wilmot, Rupert Charles Lewis, Walter Rodney's intellectual and political thought. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1988. xvii + 298 pp.-Peter Wade, Robin D. Moore, Nationalizing blackness: Afrocubanismo and artistic revolution in Havana, 1920-1940. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1997. xiii + 322 pp.-Matt D. Childs, Ada Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba: Race, nation, and revolution, 1868-1898. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999. xiii + 273 pp.-Luis Martínez-Fernández, Joan Casanovas, Bread, or bullets! Urban labor and Spanish colonialism in Cuba, 1850-1898. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press,1998. xiii + 320 pp.-Gert J. Oostindie, Oscar Zanetti ,Sugar and railroads: A Cuban history, 1837-1959. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998. xxviii + 496 pp., Alejandro García (eds)-Kelvin Santiago-Valles, Teresita Martínez-Vergne, Shaping the discourse on space: Charity and its wards in nineteenth-century San Juan, Puerto Rico. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999. xv + 234 pp.-Rosemarijn Hoefte, Madhavi Kale, Fragments of empire: Capital, slavery, and Indian indentured labor migration in the British Caribbean. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998. 236 pp.-Catherine Benoît, Jean Benoist, Hindouismes créoles - Mascareignes, Antilles. Paris: Éditions du CTHS, 1998. 303 pp.-Christine Ho, Walton Look Lai, The Chinese in the West Indies 1806-1995: A documentary history. The Press University of the West Indies, 1998. xxxii + 338 pp.-James Walvin, Roger Norman Buckley, The British Army in the West Indies: Society and the military in the revolutionary age. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1998. 464 pp.-Rosanne M. Adderley, Howard Johnson, The Bahamas from slavery to servitude, 1783-1933. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1996. xviii + 218 pp.-Mary Turner, Shirley C. Gordon, Our cause for his glory: Christianisation and emancipation in Jamaica. Kingston: The Press University of the West Indies, 1998. xviii + 152 pp.-Kris Lane, Hans Turley, Rum, sodomy, and the lash: Piracy, sexuality, and masculine identity. New York: New York University Press, 1999. lx + 199 pp.-Jonathan Schorsch, Eli Faber, Jews, slaves, and the slave trade: Setting the record straight. New York: New York University Press, 1998. xvii + 367 pp.-Bonham C. Richardson, Bridget Brereton ,The Colonial Caribbean in transition: Essays on postemancipation social and cultural history. Barbados: The Press University of the West Indies; Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1999. xxiii + 319 pp., Kevin A. Yelvington (eds)-Ransford W. Palmer, Thomas Klak, Globalization and neoliberalism: The Caribbean context. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998. xxiv + 319 pp.-Susan Saegert, Robert B. Potter ,Self-help housing, the poor, and the state in the Caribbean. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1997. xiv + 299 pp., Dennis Conway (eds)-Peter Redfield, Michèle-Baj Strobel, Les gens de l'or: Mémoire des orpailleurs créoles du Maroni. Petit-Bourg, Guadeloupe: Ibis Rouge, 1998. 400 pp.-Donald R. Hill, Louis Regis, The political calypso: True opposition in Trinidad and Tobago 1962-1987. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1999. xv + 277 pp.-A. James Arnold, Christiane P. Makward, Mayotte Capécia ou l'aliénation selon Fanon. Paris: Karthala, 1999. 230 pp.-Chris Bongie, Celia M. Britton, Edouard Glissant and postcolonial theory: Strategies of language and resistance. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999. xiv + 224 pp.-Chris Bongie, Anne Malena, The negotiated self: The dynamics of identity in Francophone Caribbean narrative. New York: Peter Lang, 1999. x + 192 pp.-Catherine A. John, Kathleen M. Balutansky ,Caribbean creolization: Reflections on the cultural dynamics of language, literature, and identity., Marie-Agnès Sourieau (eds)-Leland Ferguson, Jay B. Haviser, African sites archaeology in the Caribbean. Princeton NJ: Markus Wiener; Kingston: Ian Randle, 1999. xiii + 364 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Peter Meel, Tussen autonomie en onafhankelijkheid: Nederlands-Surinaamse betrekkingen 1954-1961. Leiden NL: KITLV Press, 1999. xiv + 450 pp.-Edo Haan, Theo E. Korthals Altes, Koninkrijk aan zee: De lange vlucht van liefde in het Caribisch-Nederlandse bestuur. Zutphen: Walburg Pers. 208 pp.-Richard Price, Ellen-Rose Kambel ,The rights of indigenous people and Maroons in Suriname. Copenhagen: International work group for indigenous affairs; Moreton-in-Marsh, U.K.: The Forest Peoples Programme, 1999. 206 pp., Fergus Mackay (eds)

Ann Taylor Allen, The Transatlantic Kindergarten: Education and Women’s Movements in Germany and the United States (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).Christoph Becker-Schaum, Philipp Gassert, Martin Klimke, Wilfried Mausbach, and Marianne Zepp, ed., The Nuclear Crisis. The Arms Race, Cold War Anxiety, and the German Peace Movement of the 1980s (New York: Berghahn Books, 2016).Armin Grünbacher, West German Industrialists and the Making of the Economic Miracle: A History of Mentality and Recovery (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017).Dan Bednarz, East German Intellectuals and The Unification of Germany (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017).Cornelia Wilhelm, ed. Migration, Memory, and Diversity: Germany from 1945 to the Present (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017).Britta Schilling, Postcolonial Germany: Memories of Empire in a Decolonized Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).Jenny Wüstenberg, Civil Society and Memory in Postwar Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017).John J. Kulczycki, Belonging to the Nation: Inclusion and Exclusion in the Polish-German Borderlands 1939-1951 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016).

‘Iraq in 1939’ makes an argument that this pivotal year in the history of the Greater Mediterranean was also pivotal for Iraq. The European contest among fascism, communism and liberalism, had strong echoes in Iraq. Whereas the existing historiography paints Arab Iraq as deeply influenced by fascism, the author found no evidence for this allegation. Iraqis were reported in the British archives to have been disgusted by Hitler's invasion of Poland as a form of colonialism. Italy's own colonial enterprise in Libya tarnished its image among Arabs, and the Iraqi monarch expressed unease about a Yemeni arms deal with Italy. Germany was not at that point interested in Arab nationalism, and still hoped for a British alliance of Aryans. The reach of German radio broadcasts has been exaggerated, and prominent Iraqi poets and political societies roundly condemned fascism. The Communist movement in Iraq was still in its infancy in 1939, and a left-leaning military dictatorship had recently been overthrown in favor of a return to constitutional monarchy. The victor in 1939 was the relatively pro-British liberal government of Nuri al-Sa'id. The Arab nationalists in the officer corps, however, did wish to use the rise of the Axis as a lever to escape the onerous postcolonial British dominance stipulated in the 1930 treaty. Although they did not seek an Axis alliance, merely a neutrality as between it and Britain, this attempt to move away from London's embrace set them on a collision course with Britain, which reoccupied the country only two years later. The war-time British interpretation of Iraqi elites' flirtation with a Turkish-style neutrality as an embrace of Nazism has too long influenced later historians, and needs to be abandoned in light of the evidence in the British archives themselves.

AbstractSomalia has been without a government for the past thirteen years. After the ousting of Siyaad Barre in 1991 observers were left with the question why a promising, even democratic, society sharing the same ethnicity, one religion, a common language and a predominantly pastoral culture was overtaken by a devastating civil war. Analysts stressed the significance of kinship and clan politics in the maintenance of sustained conflict. They argued that Somalia's state collapse must be placed in a historical context taking into consideration the cultural heritage of Somali society and the legacy of the colonial past. The purpose of the article is twofold: first, it seeks to explore an alternative explanation for the breakdown of Barre's dictatorial regime; and second, to analyse the social consequences of political and economic exclusion that followed the state collapse. The paper argues that Somalia's state failure can be explained by the unjust distribution of new sources of wealth in postcolonial Somalia. This modernisation process was accompanied by violent clashes and continued insecurity. The breakdown of the former regime did not create a representative government. Instead, faction leaders fought for political supremacy at the cost of the lives of thousands of civilians. In the absence of a functioning government that could guarantee security and protection, clan loyalties gained importance. Clan affiliation became a condition of being spared from violence. Unjust distribution of pockets of wealth, such as the high‐potential agricultural land in the riverine areas in southern Somalia, led to localised clashes. It will be argued that horizontal inequalities, or inequalities between groups, are based on both material and imagined differences. Somali faction leaders use these differences instrumentally, to maintain and to exercise power. Irrespective of the existence of invisible and physical markers, it is important to understand what existing social boundaries mean to their participants. A localised clan conflict in Lower Shabelle between the Jido and the Jareer clan families illustrates the consequences of social and economic exclusion. Groups who felt excluded from economic and political life, such as the Jareer, took up arms. Violence became a means of being heard and taken seriously in the current Somali peace talks in Kenya.

This paper studies the postcolonial approach in the novel The Glass Palace, written by Amitav Ghosh, one of the well-known writers in Indian English literature. This research is an attempt to analyse The Glass Palace through the systematic investigation of postcolonial discourse. The present study assesses the novel through close reading, considering the theories and terms given by various postcolonial theorists such as Edward Said, Gayatri Spivak, Homi K. Bhabha, Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, Helen Tiffin, and Frantz Fanon. The colonial period lasted until 1947 in India, and the end of the 20th century marked the end on colonisation in most of the colonised countries of Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. After India got independence from British rule, writers like Salman Rushdie, Amitav Ghosh, Shashi Tharoor, Vikram Seth commenced new drifts in their writings by intertwining history with fiction. Historical events and imperialism were there in most of their fiction. In The Glass Palace, too, the author has blended two genres, history and fiction. Historical personages and events reflected in the novel like Invasion of British Army over Burma in 1885, Indian Rebellion of 1857, The Quit India Movement in 1942, and The Second World War in 1939-45, Riots in India, Ghadar Movement; and the personages like The royal family of Konbaung dynasty, Mahatma Gandhi, Dadasaheb Ambedkar, Taraknath Das, Lala Har Dayal are some real historical figures in the novel. In this critique of post-colonialism, theories given by postcolonial theorists in the field of postcolonial studies are scrutinised, i.e. hegemony, subaltern, exile and displacement, diaspora, mimicry, hybridity, ambivalence, and otherness.

Amitav Ghosh opposes the “agonistic” or “reconciliatory” strand in postcolonial studies espoused amongst others by Bhabha. By fusing postcolonialism with postmodernism, this school of postcolonial thought rejects resistance and reconfigures the historical project of invasion, expropriation and exploitation as a symbiotic encounter. As a staunch anti-colonialist, what Ghosh presents in his writing is the ubiquity of the Eurocentrism of the colonized. The Glass Palace represents how colonial discourses (primarily the military discourse) have molded native identity and resulted in severe vulnerability and existential crisis. Self-alienation is apparent in the characters of the Collector, a Britain-trained colonial administrator and the soldier, Arjun, who has been transformed into a war-machine in the hands of British military discourse. The narrative attempts to revisit and reframe the colonial past by questioning the ideological, epistemological and ontological assumptions of the imperial powers, the masks of conquest. The community of the disillusioned soldiers of the British Indian army presented in The Glass Palace is one that challenges, provokes, threatens, but also enlivens, is a community of disagreement, dissonance, and resistance. Popular or insurgent nationalism thus reclaims or imagines forms of community and challenges colonial rule giving shape to a collective political identity. This article also intends to trace the failures of Burmese nationalism after a series of insurrections on ethnic grounds belied the aspirations of the postcolonial nation state.

Kim Saryang (real name: Kim Sich’ang, 1914–1950) was among the Korean authors of the 1930s and 1940s who wrote frequently on the issues related to the Korean ethnonational identity, both in Korean and in Japanese. In May 1945, when dispatched on a lecture tour to the Japanese army units stationed in North China, he used this opportunity to escape and join the Chinese Communist Eighth Route Army guerrillas in the Taihang Mountains. His China diary, Ten Thousand Li of a Dull-Witted Horse (Nomamalli, serialized in Seoul-based journal Minsŏng in 1946–47 and published in book form in Pyongyang in 1947), was written in his new status as a North Korean writer; the book is the main object of analysis in this article. The diary was an attempt to systemize the memories of the joint Sino-Korean anti-Japanese struggle, with the continuous process of building new, Socialist subjectivities in Communist-controlled parts of China and Korea. The article deals with the ways in which the new, postcolonial and Socialist Korean identity-in-making are both reflected in Kim’s rendering of his battlefield observations and remembrances and further given form through the act of writing on the armed anti-Japanese resistance—in broad meaning, the foundational background of what further was to become North Korean history. At the same time, the article emphasises the role Socialist international ideology played in the articulation of Kim’s narrative.

The world wars definitively changed the relations with the state of the peoples of India’s northeastern frontier. The wars were both fought on their terrain (with the invasion of the Japanese army) and led to the recruitment of people from the region to serve in the British Army. The contemporary Anglophone Indian novel documents the lingering effects of this militarization in the many insurgencies that have fragmented the region in the postcolonial era. Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss (2006) depicts the Gorkhaland uprising of the 1980s in the Kalimpong district of West Bengal, which demanded a separate state, while Easterine Kire’s Bitter Wormwood (2011) describes the Naga peoples’ traditional way of life against the backdrop of attempts to declare independence from the Indian state. In this article I argue that these novels capture how these secessionist movements use the experience of the world wars to craft a political identity based on military brotherhood to claim independence from the Indian state. These movements thus undertake a complex reworking of the valences of the figure of the “soldier”, central to so many accounts of national integrity. At the same time, reproducing the nationalist logic of the Indian state, these novels more readily recognize an “indigenous” identity based on a claim to the land as the political basis of nationhood. Hence, these novels about secessionist struggles reveal how certain narratives of nation formation become the only legitimate means for making claims for political rights and independent statehood over the course of the twentieth century.

Historians have focused on the origin of the Nigeria-Biafran War (1967–70) and the conflict's impact on Nigeria's local and international policies. But no study has adequately interrogated the Biafran legal system. In his groundbreaking monograph, A History of the Republic of Biafra: Law, Crime, and the State in the Nigerian Civil War, Samuel Fury Childs Daly examines how armed robbery and fraud increased during the war and in postwar Nigeria. Drawing on court records, diplomatic records, and oral interviews, the author argues that Biafran citizens and state representatives broke the law to survive economic and political hardships. Many forged documents to avoid conscription into the army or impersonated soldiers to procure food. In some cases, individuals committed crime for self-aggrandizement or vengeance. Daly asserts that Nigeria’s experience with crime, especially fraudulent acts like advance-fee fraud, can be traced to the criminal behaviors that exploded during and after the war. In other words, the illegal acts undertaken by ordinary people in Biafra to cope with unemployment and poverty became part of everyday life in postwar Nigeria. A History of the Republic of Biafra contributes to histories of law, military, postcolonial states in Africa, and the Nigerian Civil War.

This article examined the notion of colonial anxiety through the concept of space in the colonial setting, particularly through the usage of signifiers found in colonial literature. The four case studies used are Burmese Days by George Orwell, Max Havelaar by Multatuli, Kim by Rudyard Kipling, and Midnight’s Children by Salman Rushdie. These have been investigated in terms of the supposed sanctuary and feeling of unease that the private colonial spaces they present offer to their characters. In this way, it has been argued that private colonial spaces can be discussed in terms of both positive and negative signifiers for those using them. Highlighting the effect of colonial anxiety, this piece is primarily interested in the negative connotations and how the characters deal with these challenges. The emphasis on space focuses on individual locations and structures and how they impacted those inhabiting them, aiming to flag active signifiers of anxiety in terms of space, which connect to the wider debate into colonial anxiety at the literary level. References Author, (2021). Bijl, Paul, Emerging Memory: Photographs of Colonial Atrocity in Dutch Cultural Remembrance. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2015. Blunt, Alison. “Imperial Geographies of Home: British Domesticity in India, 1886-1925”, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 24(4), (1999). 421-440. Bosma, Ulbe, “The Cultivation System (1830-1870) and its Private Entrepreneurs on Colonial Java’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies”, 38(2), (Jun., 2007). 275-291. Claiborne Park, Clara. “Artist of Empire: Kipling and Kim”, The Hudson Review, 55(4), (Winter, 2003). 537-561. Dawson, Jennifer. “Reading the Rocks, Flora and Fauna: Representations of India in Kim, A Passage to India and Burmese Days.” Journal of South Asian Literature, 28(1/2), Miscellany, (Spring / Fall, 1993). 1-12. Dayal, Samir. “Talking Dirty: Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children”, College English, 54(4), (Apr., 1992). 431-445. Didicher, Nicole E. “Adolescence, Imperialism, and Identity in “Kim” and “Pegasus in Flight”, Mosaic: An Interdisciplinary Critical Journal, 34(2), A Special Issue: Children’s Literature, (June, 2001). 149-164. Fanon, Frantz. Black Skin, White Masks, Richard Philcox (ed). London: Penguin Books, 2021. Feenberg, Anne-Marie. “Max Havelaar: An Anti-Imperialist Novel”, MLN, 112(5), Comparative Literature Issue, (Dec., 1997). 817-835. Fraser, John. “The Role of La Martiniere College in the Siege of Lucknow”, Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, 65(261), (Spring, 1987). 5-19. Freud, Sigmund. Inhibitions, Symptoms and Anxiety, Strachey, Alix (trans), Martino Publishing, (Eastford, CT, 2013). Glover, William J. “Constructing Urban Space as ‘Public’ in Colonial India: Some Notes from the Punjab”, Journal of Punjab Studies, 14(2), (Fall 2007). 211-224. Gopinath, Praseeda, ‘An Orphaned Manliness: The Pukka Sahib and the End of Empire in “A Passage to India” and “Burmese Days.” Studies in the Novel, 41(2), (Summer, 2009). 201-223. Guha, Ranajit. “Not at Home in Empire.” Critical Inquiry, 23(3), Front Lines / Border Posts, (Spring, 1997). 482-493. Hogan, Patrick Colm. “Midnight’s Children: Kashmir and the Politics of Identity.” Twentieth Century Literature, 47(4), Salman Rushdie, (Winter, 2001). 510-544. Johnson, Jamie W. “The Changing Representation of the Art Public in “Punch”, 1841-1896.” Victorian Periodicals Review, 35(3), (2002). 272-294. Johnson, Robert. “What was the Significance of Gender to British Imperialism.” in Robert Johnson, British Imperialism, Palgrave MacMillan (Basingstoke, 2003). 122-131. Kahane, Reuven. “Multicode Organizations: A Conceptual Framework for the Analysis of Boarding Schools.” Sociology of Education¸61(4), (Oct., 1988). 211-226. Kane, Jean M. and Salman Rushdie. “The Migrant Intellectual and the Body of History: Salman Rushdie’s Midnight’s Children.” Contemporary Literature, 37(1), (Spring, 1996). 94-118. Karamcheti, Indira. “Salman Rushdie’s “Midnight’s Children” and an Alternate Genesis.” Pacific Coast Philology, 21(1/2), (Nov., 1986). 81-84. Kets-Vree, Annemarie. “Dutch Scholarly Editing: The Historical-Critical Edition in Practice.” Text, 13, (2000). 131-149. Kipling, Rudyard, Kim. London: The Folio Society, 2016. Lee, Robert A. “Symbol and Structure in Burmese Days: A Revaluation.” Texas Studies in Literature and Language, 11(1), (Spring, 1969). 819-835. Liddle, Joanna and Rama Joshi. “Gender and Imperialism in British India.” Economic and Political Weekly, 20(43), (Oct. 26, 1985). 72-78. Lubina, Michal. “Overshadowed by Kala.” Politeja, 40, Modern South Asia: A Space of Intercultural Dialogue, (2016). 435-454. Multatuli, Max Havelaar, or The Coffee Auctions of the Dutch Trading Company, Nahuÿs, Alphonse (trans). Edinburgh: Edmonston & Douglas, 1868. O’Reilly, Michael F. “Postcolonial Haunting: Anxiety, Affect, and the Situated Encounter.” Postcolonial Text, 3(4), (2007). 1-15. Orwell, George, Burmese Days. London: Penguin Books, 2009. Parry, Ann. “Recovering the Connection Between Kim and Contemporary History,” in Kim: A Norton Critical Edition, Rudyard Kipling (Author), Zohreh T. Sullivan (ed), Norton, (New York, 2002). Patel, Vikram, Mutambirwa, Jane and Nhiwatiwa, Sekai. “Stressed, Depressed, or Bewitched? A Perspective on Mental Health, Culture, and Religion.” Development in Practice, 5(3), (Aug., 1995), 216-224. Rege, Josna E. “Victim into Protagonist? “Midnight’s Children” and the Post-Rushdie National Narratives of the Eighties.” Studies in the Novel, 29(3), Postcolonialism, History, and the Novel, (Fall, 1997). 342-375. Riedi, Eliza. “Women, Gender, and the Promotion of Empire: The Victoria League, 1901- 1914.” The Historical Journal, 45(3), (Sept., 2002). 569-599. Rushdie, Salman, Midnight’s Children. London: Vintage Books, 2006. Scott, Nick. “The Representation of the Orient in Rudyard Kipling’s “Kim”’, AAA: Arebeiten aus Anglistik und Amerikanistik, 39(2), (2014). 175-184. Sharma, Jyoti Pandey. “Sociability in Eighteenth-Century Colonial India: The Nabob, the Nabobian Kothi, and the Pursuit of Leisure.” Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, 31(1), (Fall 2019). 7-24. Targosz, Tobiasz (Author) and Zuzanna Slawik (Trans). “Burmese Culture Suring the Colonial Period in the Years 1885-1931: The World of Burmese Values in Reaction to the Inclusion of Colonialism.” Politeja, 44, Jagiellonian Cultural Studies Human Values in Intercultural Space (2016). 277-300. Upstone, Sara. “Domesticity in Magical-Realist Postcolonial Fiction: Reversals of Representation in Salman Rushdie’s “Midnight’s Children”.” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies, 28(1/2), Domestic Frontiers: The Home and Colonization (2007). 260-284. Vann, Don J., Van Arsdel and Rosemary T. “Outposts of Empire.” in Periodicals of Queen Victoria’s Empire: An Exploration, J. Don Vann & Rosemary T. Van Arsdel (eds), University of Toronto Press, (Toronto, 1996). 301-332. Ward, Megan. “A Charm in Those Fingers: Patterns, Taste, and the Englishwoman’s Domestic Magazine.” Victorian Periodicals Review, 41(3), (Fall, 2008). 248-269. Wilson, Jon E. The Domination of Strangers: Modern Governance in Easter India, 1780-1835, Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan, 2010. Zook, Darren C. “Searching for Max Havelaar: Multatuli, Colonial History, and the Confusion of Empire.” MLN, 121(5), Comparative Literature Issue, (Dec., 2006). 1169-1189.

At the heart of the conundrum of regional integration in Africa is the very conceptual basis of the idea and its agendas. In southern Africa, the agenda has for decades been about fighting poverty and enabling a good life for the citizens of the region, but the so-called developmental regional integration agenda is undermined by the lack of coherence and synergy between the security and development arms of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The former has the Strategic Indicative Plan of the Organ of Security Cooperation and Defence (SIPO) and the development efforts are guided by the Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP). Both claim to pursue human security by placing the plight of ordinary citizens at the centre of all efforts, yet in reality this shared aspiration has not provided a basis conceptually speaking, nor practically, for a deep cohesion in the manner in which SADC pursues its overriding goals. This article provides a critical analysis of the evolution of the concept and it also anticipates how it will evolve into a holistic idea in southern Africa. It identifies major obstacles to the achievement of the goal and offers possible solutions to the conceptual confusion that confounds the idea of human security by suggesting a comprehensive understanding of the concept and how it might apply in southern Africa.

Representation of Aboriginality in National Geographic In trafficking images of cultural difference, National Geographic has an unrivalled worldwide reach to over 37 million people per issue. Over the past 25 years, 48 photographs of Aboriginal Australians have appeared in 11 articles in the magazine. This article first examines how the magazine has exoticised, naturalised and sexualised Aboriginal Australians. By deploying the standard evolutionary model, National Geographic typically represents Aboriginal Australians as Black savages relegated to the Stone Age. In the remote outback "Arnhem Land Aboriginals Cling to the Dreamtime" (Scollay & Tweedie 645). In "Journey into Dreamtime" (Arden & Abell 8) an Aboriginal man is "triumphant with his kill of a wild turkey [and] leads a small group of Aborigines who have returned to some of the old ways of their nomadic ancestors in the Great Sandy Desert". The article concludes that the Stone Age encounter with modernity depicted in the magazine became a journey through time from location past to location present. Exoticisation The world of the Aboriginal Australians is male through the eyes of National Geographic. This stems from the Western cultural pattern that assigns things masculine to the cultural and things feminine to the natural realm (Ortner). The male Aboriginal performer of an initiation ritual in "Leapingin tribute" (Scollay & Tweedie 656-7) is represented as rooted in tradition and living in a sacred yet superstitious world. Portraits abound of men with painted faces, as in "Surging energy" (Scollay & Tweedie 648). Male finery and self-display become salient markers, Aboriginal "Boys summon courage" in male initiation focussing on bloodletting (Scollay & Tweedie 656). Such images convey the impression that the region is one of nature, taboo, danger and adventure and that it is a land out of time. The enchantment with ritual stems from it being a key to the past and indicative of photographer and writer having travelled through space to travel through time, similar to the connection made by Victorian evolutionary anthropologists last century (see Fabian). Naturalisation The naturalised Aboriginal Australians appearing in National Geographic are characterised by having timeless societies and personalities, what Wolf identifies as people without history. Routine location narratives naturalise Aboriginal Australians through their remote landscapes and seascapes ("blazing bushfire", Scollay & Tweedie 652-3; "conjuring an image as old as his ancestors", "scorched in one season, sodden in the next" Newman & Abell 3-9). In the West the cultural appropriation of nature is the object of labour, whereas for Aboriginal Australians it is the subject of labour. Aboriginal men are hunters ("triumphant with his kill", Arden & Abell 9; "the earth and sea of their own accord furnish them with all the things necessary for life", Newman & Abell 14-5). Thus, in National Geographic the productive world of work further naturalises the Aboriginal 'Other'. Sexualisation Naked Black women provide the hallmark National Geographic imagery of the sexualized 'Other'. By purveying the nude Aboriginal female, the magazine develops Western ideas about race, gender and sexuality, subcategorised in each case as black, female and unrepressed (Lutz & Collins 115). Women are white, men are Black and Black women are invisible in popular visual representations of motherhood in Western culture. In trafficking in photographs of Black women for an overwhelmingly white readership, National Geographic is clearly linking narrative threads of gender and race (Lutz & Collins166). As the readers' gaze focusses on the Aboriginal child they become the site for dealing with racial anxieties through creating the Black love object ("an appetite for learning", Scollay & Tweedie 654; "mud mates", Ellis & Austen 8-9). National Geographic's nickname for mother-child photos is 'tits and tots' (Meltzer) and they are a romantic staple in the magazine. Aboriginal mothering in "marriages of diplomacy" is idealised as the foundation of human social life (Scollay & Tweedie 650-1). However, with "seven of Johnny Bungawuy's 11 wives and a handful of his 52 children" this marriage is exotic enough to make cultural difference an issue because it depicts the unusually large number of plural marriage partners available to Aboriginal men in their practice of polygyny. The attribution of erotic qualities and sexual license to Aboriginal women is a result of displaying their bodies for close examination. The naked Aboriginal women in "marriages of diplomacy" represent the nude stylised as ethnographic fact (Scollay & Tweedie 650-1). The addition of a woman in the "marriages of diplomacy" photograph commoditises the practice of polygyny and illustrates that women have traditionally been seen as objects to be possessed, owned and adornments to the lives of men (Pollack). Location Past to Location Present Idealisation of the Aboriginal 'Other' allows for detemporalisation to be played out in alluring images of a simpler, natural Aboriginal world only now tentatively facing the throes of modernisation. Social Darwinism counterpoises superstition/ritual with science/technology and darker skin/exotic clothes with lighter skin/Western clothes. The Aboriginal guide bearing a "striking resemblance to his counterpart on the Burke-Wills journey" facilitates a form of ancestor worship that relates to what Rosaldo calls imperialist nostalgia for the passing of what we ourselves have destroyed (Judge & Scherschel 165). Photographs of the Aboriginal Australians are organised into a story about cultural evolution couched in normative discourse of modernisation and development as progress. In photographs contrasting the premodern with the modern the commodity stands for the future: "soda, soap, and spears in the arms of an [Aboriginal] father and daughter demonstrate their coexistence with white society" (Scollay & Tweedie 662). While for the Aboriginal father in "keeping faith with past and future" his "son enters an era that will inevitably propel his people into modern society" (MacLeish & Nebbia 171). Commodities in these contrasting representations are to be seen simply as a stage on the way to Westernisation. Dynamism, change and agency are apportioned to the Western centre, while Aboriginal Australians are just responding to the onslaught of modernisation on the periphery. Aboriginal masculinisation of modernity is situated in a series of photographs depicting the expansive frontier outback where Aboriginal stockmen are content to muster the cattle of white station owners. In "boiling the red dust" the Aboriginal stockman strums his guitar but sometimes "lapses into tradition and roams on walkabout" (Walker & Scherschel 457). Another Aboriginal stockman, in "saga of beef or bust", "uses his tracking ability to run down strays and cleanskins -- unbranded beasts" (MacLeish & Nebbia 161). "Other than his boots and a jug of water all he owns is rolled into the swag", the Aboriginal stockman must compete with the modern helicopter ("pesky as a giant fly", MacLeish & Stanfield 165); alternatively, "with a wager on the line, an Aboriginal stockman whoops it up at the annual Bedourie Race Meeting" (Ellis & Austen 3). The idealised image is one of the rugged yet happy lives of the Aboriginal stockman in transition to modernity. Social evolutionary theory "saw women in non-Western societies as oppressed and servile creatures, beasts of burden, chattels who could be bought and sold, eventually to be liberated by 'civilisation' or 'progress', thus attaining the enviable position of women in Western society" (Etienne & Leacock 1). Aboriginal feminisation of modernity is told through stories about the premodern helpmate to husband work of Aboriginal women. "Sharing a 'cuppa' at the start of their day" is gendered with vulnerability, primitivity, superstition and the constraints of tradition (Newman & Abell 24-5). The ambivalent message represented in "sharing a 'cuppa' at the start of their day" is complicated by the Aboriginal woman's stockman partner being white. Western ideological understanding of women's work has changed since WWII from helpmate to husband to self-realisation and independence (Chafe). However, images of Aboriginal women in modern work are conspicuously absent. Dispossessed Aboriginal prospectors earn money by 'yandying' ("Paddy Blair's no Irishman", MacLeish & Stanfield 166) -- "winnowing by tossing handfuls of ore into the wind to separate dirt from tin or gold" and 'noodling' -- "poking through rubble" ("selling water and renting bulldozers", Moore & Tweedie 569). Abject "down-and-outs addicted to cheap, poisonous wood alcohol" end up as dispossessed fringe-dwelling 'goomies' in Redfern ("matron saint", Starbird & Madden 224-5). Resistance through situationally motivated undertaking by Indigenous people against expropriation of land and resources is rarely represented in the media (see Drinnon), and National Geographic first attempts such a representation in the 1980s with "heads of several clans" (Scollay & Tweedie 653). Aboriginal men attempt to block a government mining survey crew. But the six Aboriginal men gaze off in different directions and only one is clearly focussed on something in the frame, thus the assembled men assume a disconnected, uncoordinated look. In the 1990s National Geographic story "The Uneasy Magic of Australia's Cape York Peninsula", Aboriginality is equated with caring for the land (Newman & Abell). Aboriginal peoples of Cape York Peninsula are portrayed as conservators valuable for their preservation of biocultural diversity ("the richlytextured landscape", Newman & Abell 17). Aboriginal "white sand people" of Cape York Peninsula are "on a sacred mission" when they "return an ancestor's skull to their homeland at Shelbourne Bay (Newman & Abell 32-3). After years of frustrated efforts to win back their lost domain, the peninsula's native people are at last gaining ground". Aboriginal Australian uses of land and resources are idealised as non-destructive and caring in contrast to rapacious postcolonial development aggression. National Geographic images of Aboriginal Australians have moved from the exoticised, naturalised and sexualised location past. Images in the location present of Cape York mirror the postcolonial transition from Aboriginal dispossession informed by terra nullius to their contemporary empowerment informed by native title. References Arden, H., and S. Abell. "Journey into Dreamtime: The Land of Northwest Australia." National Geographic 179 (Jan. 1991): 8-42. Chafe, W. "Social Change and the American Woman, 1940-70". A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America. Eds. W. Chafe and H. Sitkoff. New York: Oxford UP, 1983. 157-65. Drinnon, R. Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian Hating and Empire Building. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1980. Ellis, W., and D. Austen. "Queensland: Broad Shoulder of Australia." National Geographic 169 (Jan. 1986): 2-39. Etienne, M. and E. Leacock, eds. Women and Colonisation: Anthropological Perspectives. New York: Praeger, 1980. Fabian, J. Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes Its Object. New York: Columbia UP, 1983. Judge, J., and J. Scherschel. "The Journey of Burke and Wills: First across Australia." National Geographic Feb. (1979): 52-91. Lutz, C., and J. Collins. Reading National Geographic. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1993. MacLeish, K., and T. Nebbia. "The Top End Down Under." National Geographic Feb. (1993): 143-73. MacLeish, K. and J. Stanfield. "Western Australia: The Big Country." National Geographic Feb. (1975): 147-87. Meltzer, M. Dorothea Lange: A Photographer's Life. NewYork: Farrar Straus Giroux, 1978. Moore, K., and P. Tweedie. "Coober Pedy: Opal Capital of Australia's Outback." National Geographic Oct. (1976): 560-71. Newman, C., and S. Abell. "The Uneasy Magic of Australia's Cape York Peninsula." National Geographic June (1996 ): 2-33. Ortner, S. "Is Female to Male as Nature Is to Culture?" Woman, Culture, and Society. Eds. M. Rosaldo and L. Lamphere. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1974. 67-88. Pollack, G. "What's Wrong with Images of Women?" Looking On: Images of Femininity in the Visual Arts and the Media. Ed. R. Betterton. London: Pandora, 1987. 40-8. Rosaldo, R. Culture and Truth. Boston: Beacon P, 1989. Scollay, C., and P. Tweedie. "Arnhem Land Aboriginals Cling to the Dreamtime." National Geographic Nov. (1980): 645-61. Starbird, E., and R. Madden. "Sydney: Big, Breezy, and a Bloomin' Good Show." National Geographic Feb. (1979): 211-36. Walker, H., and J. Scherschel. "South Australia, Gateway to the Great Outback." National Geographic April (1970): 441-81. Wolf, E. Europe and the People without History.Berkeley: U of California P, 1982. Citation reference for this article MLA style: David Hyndman. "Postcolonial Representation of Aboriginal Australian Culture: Location Past to Location Present in National Geographic." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.2 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/geo.php>. Chicago style: David Hyndman, "Postcolonial Representation of Aboriginal Australian Culture: Location Past to Location Present in National Geographic," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 2 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/geo.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: David Hyndman. (2000) Postcolonial representation of Aboriginal Australian culture: location past to location present in National Geographic. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(2). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0005/geo.php> ([your date of access]).

Subaltern is the postcolonial approach to study international relation from the week states’ perspective. It is the offspring of realism which focuses on internal vulnerability is a major source of insecurity. The paper is applied as a framework to explain security threats in Ethiopia and reviewed papers that are writing on Ethiopian national security. This term paper reviewed and classified the Ethiopian security threats as internal and external. By consulting the bulk of literature and my daily academic talk with colleagues; Poverty, famine, recurrent and drought, National integrity (consolidating Ethnic conflict federalism), The danger of succession and state failure, Democratization and election issues are identified as Internal security threats. On the other hand Terrorism, Proliferation of arms, Fragile Relation with Neighboring governments, Nile politics and neighboring countries’ spreading civil wars are claimed to be External security threats. To sustain the sparkle of democracy and development achieved throughout the last decades, it is imperative to work aggressively and focus on the country’s internal vulnerability

Forgée au départ par Antonio Gramsci (Liguori 2016) la notion de « subalterne », définie comme relation de subordination, renvoie au départ de l’année 1988, aux subaltern studies qui proposent sous l’instigation de l’historien Ranajit Guha (1997) d’analyser la place et les groupes subalternes dans l’histoire moderne de l’Inde. Ces études accorderont une place importante à l’analyse des discours pour y appréhender les voix bâillonnées des individus appartenant aux groupes se situant à la base de la pyramide sociale, considérés comme les agents du changement social et politique. Elles développeront une critique de l’historiographie nationaliste et anti-coloniale dans le même temps qu’elles essaieront de restituer la capacité des « sans-voix » marginalisés comme les paysans pauvres, les femmes, les intouchables, et d'autres voix. De nos jours, les subaltern studies sont englobées par les théories postcoloniales qui émergent dans les années 1990 en Asie du Sud. Celles-ci questionnent la perspective du colonisateur sur les colonisés et accusent la pensée occidentale d’imposer, aux élites intellectuelles et aux classes populaires des pays du Sud, une conception éloignée des réalités locales. Cette hégémonie intellectuelle tend donc à limiter l’expression des subalternes et à en réduire la diversité issue d’un grand nombre de communautés locales, ce qui a des conséquences désastreuses sur la communication Nord-Sud. Les subaltern studies, portées à l’origine par des intellectuels d’Asie du Sud (Guha et Spivak 1988), se déploient notamment vers le Nord, nommément dans l’espace anglo-saxon, mais également dans les pays de l’Amérique latine. Dans ce dernier champ, elles ont contribué, entre autres, à mettre en exergue, les effets négatifs de la mondialisation. Les travaux critiques d’Edgardo Lander et d’Aníbal Quijano (2005) se concentrent sur l’analyse de la colonialité du pouvoir et du savoir, ainsi que sur la critique de l’eurocentrisme, compris comme une perspective binaire et dualiste de la connaissance qui est venue à s’imposer mondialement de manière hégémonique au fur et à mesure de l’expansion européenne sur la planète. Au Brésil, à travers le prisme de la critique postcoloniale, Claudia Miranda (2006), se penche, sur les discours des intellectuels afrodescendants, jugés en situation de subalternité, qui se mettront en évidence à l’occasion de la lutte pour la démocratisation et de la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques d’action positive en faveur de l’accès des Noirs à l’enseignement supérieur. La production d’études subalternes dans le monde francophone est, quant à elle, récente et moins abondante. Néanmoins, il faut mentionner l’existence dans ce champ de courants de pensée antérieurs qui participent bien avant les années 1980 à la critique de la situation des colonisés en Afrique et dans les départements d’outre-mer. Citons à ce titre, les critiques effectuées par les chantres de la négritude que sont Léopold Sédar Senghor (1964, 1977), Aimé Césaire (2004[2004]) ou encore Frantz Fanon (2001[1952]) même si celles-ci ne viennent pas à s’appuyer expressément sur la notion de « subalternité ». C’est dans cette large perspective que la « subalternité » découle de deux phénomènes historiques : la décolonisation et la mondialisation. Même s’ils ne sont pas concomitants, leurs effets politiques, économiques et sociaux impliquent différents groupes subalternes au Nord comme au Sud, notamment les réfugiés, les émigrés, les minorités ethniques ou sexuelles opprimées, voire les femmes soumises aux diktats de cultures machistes. Après avoir été adopté et enrichi par des penseurs du Sud, le terme est aujourd’hui devenu un concept adapté aux deux hémisphères. Outre la restriction au droit à la parole — donc au pouvoir d’énonciation —, ce qui rapproche les subalternes du Nord et du Sud, c’est leur bas niveau de revenu, qui les prive d’aisance matérielle; leur qualité de vie, leur bien-être et leurs libertés qui sont donc moindres que ceux des autres groupes nationaux. Ces restrictions les enferment dans la spirale décrite par Amartya Sen (2010) : la limitation de la liberté économique réduit les libertés sociales, ce qui entraîne une nouvelle perte de liberté économique. Ce cercle vicieux affaiblit les subalternes, les opprime et les maintient dans un silence qui réduit leur capacité d’action. La liberté de parole libère une énergie et une puissance singulières pour dénoncer et abolir les servitudes. Participer aux débats et aux décisions collectives suppose l’existence d’une reconnaissance mutuelle fondée sur la liberté d’expression et la perception d’une égale dignité. L’égalité de parole découle précisément de l’expérience de l’égale dignité, comme, par exemple, dans la reconnaissance d’une même qualité d’honneur chez les anciens Spartiates ou d’une même valeur chez les citoyens athéniens, et dans l’usage de la palabre chez les sages et chefs de villages africains. Pour les groups subalternes, la liberté de parole est donc une arme de libération contre les discours qui les ignorent et contre les pratiques et les dispositifs qui les réduisent au silence. Face à l’immédiatisme du journalisme et de l’économie, l’anthropologie a, sur ce thème, l’avantage du temps de la réflexion, de l’enquête approfondie et de la comparaison. L’étude ethnographique, la reconstruction des récits de vie et l’analyse de discours permettent une nouvelle approche des relations politiques, sociales et culturelles Nord-Sud. Habitués à la prise de distance face à leur propre culture, les anthropologues sont particulièrement bien outillés pour porter un regard neuf sur les pratiques de discrimination et d’exclusion et le sentiment d’abandon vécu par les groupes subalternes (difficultés de se faire entendre et voir leurs problèmes pris en charge par les pouvoirs publics) dans les pays du Nord comme du Sud. Rien d’extraordinaire donc à ce que les anthropologues, d’où qu’ils soient, viennent à s’emprunter concepts et arguments et à communiquer davantage.