Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Post-conflict'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Post-conflict.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Post-conflict.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Harris, David John. "Post-conflict elections or post-elections conflict in Sierra Leone and Liberia." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.502439.
Full textAbstract:
In the post-Cold War world, a multi-party election is now almost always seen as the crucial culmination of a peace process after a protracted but inconclusive civil war. The inputs and outcomes of post-conflict elections in Africa, however, are far from homogenous. The breadth and relative strengths of candidates and the range of results that have emerged from four national polls in Sierra Leone and Liberia after similar highly destructive civil conflicts are testament to this conclusion. The varying degrees of stability and instability that have ensued are further evidence which has had enormous impacts on the countries concerned. Although in essence a domestic procedure to select a new political dispensation, outside forces also hold considerable influence. While the political capacity of nascent parties, often transformed from former military rebel groups, varies considerably and has huge repercussions on the elections, the shift to a more liberal international discourse has also had its effects, particularly in the criminalisation of former combatants and the arbitrary application of post-conflict 'justice'. Both factors intertwine to shape the candidates, results and outcomes of the polls. The post-conflict election serves to select a new government and leader, but its other important role must be to avoid a return to conflict. There is then an underlying need for political solutions and inclusivity in the peace process. Equally, the election has an important role in reconciliation, whether by starting the process of addressing grievances pent up over decades which played a considerable part in the outbreak of conflict, or conversely by frustrating any potential for positive political change that has emerged from the violence.
2
Drews, Christian. "Post-Conflict Peace-Building." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48478948.html.
Full text
3
Otitodun, Elizabeth. "Post-conflict reconstruction in Angola." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/30117.
Full textAbstract:
This study examined the main strategies adopted by the Angolan government in its post-conflict reconstruction efforts, and the extent to which these efforts have promoted durable peace in the country. The number of post-conflict countries on the continent is increasing, with 16 African countries already in the process of implementing peace agreements signed during the last decade. With research showing that up to 50 percent of post-conflict countries relapse into violent conflict within five to 10 years of signing a peace agreement, implementing practical and effective strategies to prevent a return to conflict becomes imperative. In the light of the limited experience of African countries in post-conflict situations, Angola presented an interesting case study. The oil and diamond rich country, emerging in 2002 from over 40 years of conflict, has been able to develop its own homegrown post-conflict reconstruction strategies. Notable progress in addressing some of its short-term post-conflict reconstruction priorities include, the successful resettlement of an estimated four million internally displaced persons (IDPs), and reintegrating more than half a million refugees and over 100 000 ex-combatants, into Angolan society. Progress in the areas of de-mining, as well as the rehabilitation of physical infrastructure, and increased enrolment in primary school education are other significant achievements. It is noteworthy that the Angolan government has, despite a lack of major international funding and overseas development assistance, been able to finance the majority of the expenses required for the country's reconstruction and re-Iaunching of the national economy. Importantly, the government's efforts have had some assistance in the form of oil-backed loans from China. Despite notable progress, such as the country's rapid economic growth, and being ranked 59th among the world's economies, Angola remains one of the most badly governed, corrupt, and unequal societies in the world. Credible improvements in the areas of good governance, socio-economic development, especially basic service delivery, and a more even distribution of the benefits of the country's oil wealth are vital in order to deliver significant peace dividends to the majority of the Angolan population. Making these improvements will be vital, and will influence considerably whether the country's post-conflict reconstruction efforts are ultimately successful.
4
Phiri, Madalitso Zililo. "Mozambique's post-conflict political economy :." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10943.
Full textAbstract:
Includes bibliographical references (p. 96-106).Mozambique is viewed by the donor community and multilateral institutions, such as the World Bank and IMF, as a success story of post-war construction and is used as a model to be emulated. The study proposes that, contrary to this belief, adjustment policies harm this poor economy. Also, neo-liberal economic policies have altered the role of state institutions, not eliminating state power, but redirecting it. This study challenges the neo-liberal claim that Mozambique's post-conflict political economy has been “revolutionary”. Economic reforms can benefit this economy, but alone, are insufficient to reduce poverty and economic dependence. The study found that, despite improvements in reducing the number of people living in poverty between 1992 and 2008, malnutrition, malaria, HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis and corruption are on the increase.
5
Riley, Donald J. "Post-conflict justice : issues and approaches." Thesis, (240 KB), 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FRiley.pdf.
Full text
6
Warning, Jessica. "Women's organizations in post-conflict redevelopment." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=ucin1212083130.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Master of Community Planning)--University of Cincinnati, 2008.Committee/Advisors: Jan Fritz PhD (Committee Chair), Amy Lind PhD (Committee Member). Title from electronic thesis title page (Sep.2, 2008). Includes abstract. Keywords: Women's organizations; post-conflict; Redevelopment efforts; Grassroots organizaitons. Includes bibliographical references.
7
Percival, Valerie. "Health reform in post conflict Kosovo." Thesis, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (University of London), 2008. http://researchonline.lshtm.ac.uk/682374/.
Full textAbstract:
The international community undertakes complex interventions in states emerging from war. These interventions include broad efforts to reform the political and institutional structures of the state. After the United Nations took political control of Kosovo in June 1999, it embarked on such a reform program, extremely ambitious in nature. This thesis examines the efforts to rehabilitate and reform the health sector. The immediate post-conflict environment in Kosovo was extremely chaotic. Hundreds of millions of dollars poured into the province, funding the operations of several hundred non-governmental organisations. The initial efforts of the international community in the health sector were focused on coordinating resources and the activities of these organisations. However, Kosovo' s health system was in clear need of widespread reform. The system had been devastated by years of neglect and months of conflict. A reform program was undertaken, with the objectives of establishing a primary care based system, increasing the quality of secondary and tertiary care, modernizing the public health system, and ensuring a cost-effective, equitable health system. By 2004, the reform program had largely failed to meet these objectives. This study examines the reasons that health reform was so difficult utilizing a combination of methods, i.e. a review of literature on peacebuilding, health and conflict, and health reform; analysis of the implementation of reform utilizing primary evidence such as policy documents and health data; and interviews with key stakeholders. Results show two important lessons for other post-conflict interventions. First, the reform program neglected building the capacity of government institutions. If the state does not have the capacity to implement reforms, the sustainability of the health reform process will be undermined. And second, the Kosovo reform program failed to build the foundation for reform before initiating ambitious projects to modernize the health sector.
8
WARNING, JESSICA. "Women's Organizations in Post-conflict Redevelopment." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1212083130.
Full text
9
Elmi, Mohamed Abdi. "Post Conflict National reconciliation in Somalia." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100965.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT This study sets out the understanding of the type of reconciliation approach used in Somalia, the participating leaders’ understanding, attitudes and actions towards the reconciliation as well as the role of civil society involved in the reconciliation in Somalia. the study used a qualitative abductive desk research methodology. The results based on secondary data drawn from the literature while the analysis has been used on John Paul Lederaches’ reconciliation approaches pyramid. The main findings explain that one level approach of reconciliation has been employed in Somalia, the former leaders' understanding, attitudes and actions have contributed to deepen the conflict, while the current leader's understanding, attitudes and actions seems to help promote national reconciliation in the country and the civil society role has been gradually mounting as the country has been under post conflict peacebuilding. The study identified three main issue are among the determinants of the reconciliation failure in Somalia firstly Somali protracted conflict would not have resisted if for example, the UN and international community had learned from the successful pragmatic reconciliations in the country. Secondly, it was also noted that as long as the supremacy of the clan politics continued, the role of civil society especially women would be compromised. And finally, the risk of reconciliation is greater in the involvement of the unscrupulous leaders.
10
Girod, Desha Mercedes. "Foreign aid and post-conflict reconstruction /." May be available electronically:, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
Full text
11
Demukaj, Venera. "AID Effectiveness in Post-Conflict Countries." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2011. https://hdl.handle.net/11572/367667.
Full textAbstract:
Since the end of the Cold War, post-conflict countries have attracted widespread economic assistance and policy advice from donor community to support their recoveries from war, to rebuild institutional capacities, and to restore their human and social capital. Yet, donor responses to post-conflict countries are uneven and some countries have received substantial amounts of assistance in the immediate aftermath of the conflict (e.g., Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq). In addition, the stark environment of the post-conflict countries poses challenges to both recipient and donor countries.
This dissertation examines the role of aid in countries recovering from conflict by investigating the determinants and the time scale of post-conflict aid and its impact on outcomes of economic recovery. In so doing, this dissertation aims to enhance understanding of the role of foreign aid in post-conflict environments. It is timely in the context of reevaluation of aid effectiveness and increasing concerns about fragile states, whereby post-conflict countries are especially significant as they are less likely to meet MDGs; and yet, post-conflict countries attract aid from the same pool of donor funding, with other non-conflict countries.
The analysis in this dissertation contributes to the ongoing debate on foreign aid effectiveness in three aspects. First, to trace temporal patterns of aid inflows and estimate their potential impact on recovery outcomes, I bring together both strands of aid literature: aid allocation and aid effectiveness. Second, under the same framework, I examine effectiveness issues through different recovery outcomes, such as economic growth, infant mortality, and good policy environment. Lastly, I combine cross-country and case study analysis.
The findings of this analysis support the view that aid offsets negative effects of conflict on recipient societies. Although the effects of post-conflict aid on growth seem more ambiguous, in post-conflict settings, aid is more effective in saving lives, reconstructing physical and institutional infrastructure, and adopting good policies. These findings unravel the heterogeneous impact of post-conflict aid on different recovery outcomes and suggest the importance of generous aid flows during the early years after the conflict; better absorptive capacities of aid in later periods may not be attained if a country fails to build its institutions and reconstruct its social capital. Consequently, the time-sequencing of aid should be governed by multiple goals, if it is to attain an immediate peace dividend.
12
Demukaj, Venera. "AID Effectiveness in Post-Conflict Countries." Doctoral thesis, University of Trento, 2011. http://eprints-phd.biblio.unitn.it/596/1/Demukaj_Dissertation.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Since the end of the Cold War, post-conflict countries have attracted widespread economic assistance and policy advice from donor community to support their recoveries from war, to rebuild institutional capacities, and to restore their human and social capital. Yet, donor responses to post-conflict countries are uneven and some countries have received substantial amounts of assistance in the immediate aftermath of the conflict (e.g., Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq). In addition, the stark environment of the post-conflict countries poses challenges to both recipient and donor countries.
This dissertation examines the role of aid in countries recovering from conflict by investigating the determinants and the time scale of post-conflict aid and its impact on outcomes of economic recovery. In so doing, this dissertation aims to enhance understanding of the role of foreign aid in post-conflict environments. It is timely in the context of reevaluation of aid effectiveness and increasing concerns about fragile states, whereby post-conflict countries are especially significant as they are less likely to meet MDGs; and yet, post-conflict countries attract aid from the same pool of donor funding, with other non-conflict countries.
The analysis in this dissertation contributes to the ongoing debate on foreign aid effectiveness in three aspects. First, to trace temporal patterns of aid inflows and estimate their potential impact on recovery outcomes, I bring together both strands of aid literature: aid allocation and aid effectiveness. Second, under the same framework, I examine effectiveness issues through different recovery outcomes, such as economic growth, infant mortality, and good policy environment. Lastly, I combine cross-country and case study analysis.
The findings of this analysis support the view that aid offsets negative effects of conflict on recipient societies. Although the effects of post-conflict aid on growth seem more ambiguous, in post-conflict settings, aid is more effective in saving lives, reconstructing physical and institutional infrastructure, and adopting good policies. These findings unravel the heterogeneous impact of post-conflict aid on different recovery outcomes and suggest the importance of generous aid flows during the early years after the conflict; better absorptive capacities of aid in later periods may not be attained if a country fails to build its institutions and reconstruct its social capital. Consequently, the time-sequencing of aid should be governed by multiple goals, if it is to attain an immediate peace dividend.
13
Sukandar, Rudi. "NEGOTIATING POST-CONFLICT COMMUNICATION: A CASE OF ETHNIC CONFLICT IN INDONESIA." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1178895788.
Full text
14
Semmel, Arielle. "Women's Work: Stitching New Identity Narratives in Conflict and Post-Conflict Settings." OpenSIUC, 2016. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1236.
Full textAbstract:
Here, I bring communication theories into conversation with peace and conflict scholarship. Specifically, I explore how the ways in which women narrate their experiences of violent conflict through sewing collectives can inform conflict transformation work. I engage in this exploration within the framework of narrative theory, using Kenneth Burke’s dramatistic pentad to analyze the narratives presented in a selection of textile pieces created by women in Chile, South Africa, and Northern Ireland. I situate this project within literature pertaining to feminist approaches to rhetoric, discussions of bridgework in identity negotiation from intercultural communication, concerns related to conflict transformation, and work with socially engaged art. Finally, I bring these analyses into conversation with one another to consider how women rhetors may inform conflict transformation through their textile work. In particular, I discuss how each of these rhetors offers the narrative elements to reconstitute collective identities, providing an avenue toward peace in their own settings.
15
Reed, Erin Rachel. "Domestic Capacities for Building Post-Conflict Peace." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2008. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/22.
Full textAbstract:
The existing democratization and peacebuilding literature often neglects the important role the domestic realm plays in post-conflict peacebuilding. To explain why some post-conflict peacebuilding operations have a greater likelihood of success than others, some scholars have examined the impact of factors such as international coordination, external donor interest, democratic sequencing, and hostility levels. This analysis focuses on domestic capacities for building peace in the aftermath of civil conflict in order to systematically explore the relationship between the domestic sphere and peacebuilding success. Using Sambanis and Doyle’s (2006) peacebuilding triangle model, new local capacities indexes will be created and tested.
16
Grayman, Jesse Hession. "Humanitarian Encounters in Post-Conflict Aceh, Indonesia." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10729.
Full textAbstract:
In “Humanitarian Encounters in Post-Conflict Aceh, Indonesia,” I examine the humanitarian involvement in Aceh, Indonesia following two momentous events in Aceh’s history: the earthquake and tsunami on 26 December 2004 and the signing of the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that brought a tentative, peaceful settlement to the Free Aceh Movement’s (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) separatist insurgency against Indonesia on 15 August 2005. My research focuses on the international humanitarian engagement with Aceh’s peace process but frequently acknowledges the much larger and simultaneous tsunami recovery efforts along Aceh’s coasts that preceded and often overshadowed conflict recovery. Using ethnographic data based on five years working with four different international humanitarian organizations concerned with post-conflict recovery in Aceh, I address two main topics in my dissertation. The first is an insider’s perspective on the anthropology of humanitarianism. From one chapter to the next, I recreate and situate a particular humanitarian world’s relation to local structures of power and suffering that expands upon and complicates some of the prevailing debates in the anthropological literature on humanitarianism. From the unique vantage point within various humanitarian organizations, stories of Aceh’s post-conflict recovery filter through with selective and idiosyncratic ethnographic clarity. The accumulation of these stories reveals, by way of mosaic example, a logic of humanitarian intervention. The second topic I address in my dissertation is the story of Aceh’s peace process within the larger context of Indonesia’s post-New Order transition to democracy. I situate my data within a rapidly growing literature of insightful histories and critiques of Aceh’s conflict and subsequent transformations since the tsunami and the formal end of hostilities between GAM and Indonesian security forces. My focus on the ethnographic details in each chapter is set against some of the broadly taken-for-granted histories that have come to define Aceh’s recent successes and failures in its transition to peace.Anthropology
17
Sejdija, Adela. "Children and reconciliation in post conflict societies." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35940.
Full textAbstract:
On a daily basis we hear or read about new atrocious and violent conflicts that are emerging in countless countries around the world. At the same time, some of the previous conflicts are winding down and leading to negotiations and peaceful resolutions. In either of the cases, peacebuilding initiatives are put into place to establish relationships between the divided population which is and/or was at war. There are countless reconciliation methods which are used to reconcile the adult population which is and/or was in conflict with each other. Nonetheless, how and which reconciliation approaches are used when it comes to reconciling the children that have been directly or indirectly affected by the conflict in their country is not discussed to the same extend. Thus the objective of this study is to analyse the available literature in order to gain a greater understanding of the methods which children partake in in order to foster reconciliation in a post-conflict environment. In total, 18 cases which pertain to children and reconciliation were analysed in order to find patterns, gaps and commonalities in the texts through the textual content analysis method. Furthermore, the findings were analysed in accordance to Galtung´s 12 reconciliation approaches. Based on the analysis, it became clear how limited and scarce the literature is on reporting on the ways in which children reconcile. Furthermore, all of the texts present children as innocent victims who are not to blame for what had occurred. Despite the fact that children were victims as well as perpetrators in the conflict. Additionally, there is a clear distinction in the methods which are used to reconcile child soldiers versus children that were not directly involved in the conflict. In other words, many of the findings can aid in branching out the research to explore further the differences between child soldiers and non-child soldiers, as well as the general perception of children as victims. In addition, the concept of childhood and when one is considered a child should be explored, especially in non-western cultures, where an individual is considered a child under the age of 18, yet in other cultures “children” under 18 are married, have their own children, are responsible for their parents and very much live “adult” lives.
18
Taha, Kofi A. (Kofi Abdul Malik). "Creative capacity building in post-conflict Uganda." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/63238.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2011.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 49-51).
Creative Capacity Building (CCB) is a methodology that emphasizes the ability of people living in poverty to create livelihood technologies, i.e., machines and tools that increase income, improve health and safety, decrease manual labor or significantly save time. By distilling key elements of the design process into a hands-on curriculum that is accessible to any educational level, and relying upon the principles of participatory development and appropriate technology, CCB promotes a democratic framework for the application of technology in development that encourages people to become active creators of technology, not just recipients or users of technology. This thesis describes my personal experiences developing and implementing this new approach with Amy Smith, Director of D-Lab @ MIT, in several post-conflict communities in Northern Uganda. The principle claims of this paper are: 1) by emphasizing local participation and innovation, CCB is software for the hardware of Appropriate Technology 2.0, an updated and strengthened version of the appropriate technology movement that is no longer in favor in development circles; 2) the CCB curriculum is not effective as a stand alone intervention and requires a broader methodology that includes ongoing trainings, resources and venues that develop local capacity; 3) CCB also requires a reinterpretation of the role of the development professional from that of an external, "expert consultant" to a self-reflective participant and facilitator that enhances the abilities of others to transform their own lives and communities 4) the positive impact of every technology intervention, including CCB, is contingent upon successful navigation of the local setting-- in particular the cultural, political, economic, organizational and interpersonal dynamics that affect implementation; and 5) the ethics embedded in CCB have provided me with a framework for a personal theory of practice and a practice of action that prioritizes engagement in short-term poverty elimination strategies over long-term economic or political strategies, and that embraces the vulnerability that is required to bear witness, to reflect, to practice mindfulness in working and interacting with people, and to always maintain hope.
by Kofi A. Taha.
M.C.P.
19
Casteau, Alexandre. "Leveraging entrepreneurship ecosystems in post-conflict Colombia." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/104543.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis: S.M. in Management Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, 2016.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (page 42).
This thesis explores the specificity of the Colombian entrepreneurship ecosystem. Building on and extending an entrepreneurial research methodology developed by the World Economic Forum, this thesis attempts to identify how the Colombian entrepreneurship ecosystem compares to others around the globe and to understand which factors are most relevant to its success. Combining insights from the literature, a quantitative analysis and multiple interviews, this study finds that the four factors with biggest potential for high positive impact on the performance outcomes of entrepreneurs in Colombia are: Funding & Finance, Accessible Markets, Regulatory Framework & Infrastructure and Cultural Support. Furthermore, the study shows that the high relevance of the latter two factors constitute a "Colombian specificity". This thesis contributes to the research by suggesting the most relevant factors to the long-term success of the Colombian entrepreneurship ecosystem. Keywords: entrepreneurship, ecosystem, success factors, Colombia.
by Alexandre Casteau.
S.M. in Management Studies
20
Ahonen, Sirkka. "Post-Conflict History Education in Finland, South Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina." University of Helsinki, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27402.
Full textAbstract:
A post-conflict society tends to get locked in a history war. As the practice of history in its broad sense is a moral craft, representations of guilt and victimhood prevail in social memory. The representations are often bolstered by mythical references, wherefore deconstruction of myths is expected from history education for the purposes of post-conflict reconciliation. This article deals with the post-conflict uses of history in Finland, South Africa and Bosnia-Herzegovina. The three cases constitute examples of a class war, a race conflict and an ethno-religious armed clash. The memory politics and history curricula differ between the cases. Their comparison indicates, how far an imposition of one ´truth´, a dialogue of two ´truths´ and segregation of different memory communities are feasible strategies of post-conflict history education. The article suggests that history lessons can be an asset instead of a liability in the pursuit of reconciliation.
21
Convery, Ian. "Forests, communities & resources in post conflict Mozambique." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420640.
Full text
22
Ndirangu, Stella Wambui. "Pursuing justice in post conflict situations in Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020647.
Full textAbstract:
Post conflict justice is a concept that has in the last two decades gained notoriety and support across the world. The commitment by states to fight impunity by embracing accountability measures has increasingly gained support. This however, was not always the case. Before the 1980s the approach by most of the world was to turn a blind eye to serious violations committed during wars, insurgencies and serious conflict. This was done in the name of respecting state sovereignty, where other states were required to respect the conflict state by not intervening irrespective of egregious violations being committed to mankind. The tide eventually changed and many states have adopted numerous instruments as a sign of their commitment to fight impunity and bring accountability to the perpetrators of serious conflict. African states embraced this development, in 1998 during the Rome conference where the Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court was adopted. African states participated in large numbers during the negotiations. Subsequently, African states signed and adopted the Statute overwhelmingly. To date, 33 African States have ratified the Rome Statute making Africa the most represented region in the Rome Statute system. With Africa's share of countless conflicts, where serious human rights violations have been violated, post conflict justice is increasingly a reality in Africa. The application of post conflict justice is an emerging and ever evolving field in Africa. The implementation of post conflict justice has been the center of contested debates. These debates have in the recent past become more pronounced especially where international intervention has been applied in assisting African post conflict societies to deal with the past and bring accountability. The impact that the accountability mechanisms play in restoring a post conflict society has been overshadowed by these debates. This study therefore seeks to provide a balanced discussion on the role that the accountability mechanisms can play in African post conflict societies. The study gives an overview of the evolution of post conflict justice and also looks into the different post conflict justice approaches adopted by African countries and their potential role in accountability and societal healing. The empirical cases of South Africa and Kenya are analysed in the study as practical examples of the application of post conflict justice approaches. The impact of the accountability mechanisms adopted is also discussed. The unique role that the African Union plays in fighting impunity in the continent is also discussed and the impact of positions taken by the continental body on accountability in post conflict countries is analysed. In the end the study seeks to establish the growing pattern in Africa in dealing with post conflict situations and recommendations are made in the final chapter on how to improve the general approach by Africa to eradicate the culture of impunity for serious crimes committed in the continent.
23
Sturgeon, Brendan Joseph James. "Anti-social behaviour in post-conflict Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.534590.
Full text
24
George, Michael J., and John D. Bishop. "Governing in a post-conflict society social fit." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5639.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.The growing interconnectedness of nations through globalization, and the threat of international terrorism as a destabilizing force, has increased the international community's concern for stable governance in the developing world. In an era of globalization, with near instantaneous information flow, and a global court of international opinion, the options for governing a society in a post-conflict environment are limited. History is filled with rebellions, insurgencies, coups, invasions, and occupations, which result in regime change or some sort of postconflict intervention by the international community. In each case, prior to conflict, there was an established order, or form of governance. After conflict a new order, or form of governance, has to emerge. In these societies a preconflict political and social order was disrupted, and a new post-conflict political and social order established. Ideally, the crafting of a new political and social order into effective governance requires the acceptance of the governed. As the United States remains committed to assisting nations with establishing governance and fostering stability, policymakers should consider the social acceptance of a post-conflict government by the people.
25
Herath, Ihalagedera Herath Mudiyanselage Nishantha Nandaji. "Role of Military in Post-Conflict Sri Lanka." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/6812.
Full textAbstract:
Sri Lanka has suffered a violent conflict between the government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) for nearly three decades. By the time LTTE was crushed in 2009, over 80,000 had been killed, 11,656 Tamil Tigers were either arrested or surrendered, and 294,000 people had been internally displaced during the final phase of the conflict. Furthermore, almost all the infrastructure in formerly terrorist-held areas was damaged or destroyed. The GoSL recognized its obligation to provide humanitarian relief; essential services, rehabilitation, and development support to people in LTTE-controlled areas and began post-conflict reconstruction. The GoSL decision to house internally displaced persons (IDPs) prevented much-needed, international-community support during the initial stage of reconstruction. The drain of GoSL resources due to the prolonged conflict and reconstruction in the Eastern Province forced GoSL to use the military to fill gaps in the post-conflict reconstruction process. By doing so, the GOSL was able to resettle 97% of the total IDPs, providing them infrastructure facilities and livelihood opportunities, while reintegrating more than 90% of ex-combatants after their rehabilitation by the end of 2011. This study will examine the way in which the military used its capabilities to shape the reconstruction process.
26
Campbell, Pamela M. (Pamela Margaret) 1978. "A place for play ... in post-conflict reconstruction." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/64916.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.Arch.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 2003.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 41-42).
Division within a city is commonplace, if not inevitable, whether geographically, politically, or by income, race or ethnicity. The extreme environment of polarized cities therefore has a significant relevance within urbanism and the study of the built environment of cities in general. The physical markers of dichotomization imposed on the urban landscape, whether in the form of walls, roads, fences or zones of vacant or patrolled land, become a significant presence and extremely meaningful element within the segregated city, and very much so in any future transformation or redevelopment of the city. The question of how to deal with these physical manifestations of conflict and segregation is a key issue within any post-conflict reconstruction and development within these cities, and is the main concern of this thesis proposal. Belfast, in the province of Northern Ireland, is one such polarized city, with the Peacelines manifesting the sectarian tensions between neighbouring communities and the conflict at large. These Peacelines, and surrounding interface areas are the site of this thesis, which attempts to deal with many of the issues associated with architectural intervention in, and the future possible urban morphology of the polarized city, in a specific and complex urban situation.
by Pamela M. Campbell.
M.Arch.
27
Seneviratne, T. K. K. S. "Managing housing needs in post conflict housing reconstruction." Thesis, University of Salford, 2013. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/29564/.
Full textAbstract:
Conflicts bring deaths and disabilities, population displacements, destruction of properties and changes to societies. Conflicts also devastate the economy, health, education and institutions. Within this context post conflict reconstruction contributes to overcome the legacies of conflict through reconstructing the enabling conditions for a functioning peacetime society. Post conflict reconstruction involves a wide range of interventions needed to reactivate the development process that has been disrupted by the conflict. With regard to the post conflict interventions, post conflict housing reconstruction plays a vital role in establishing the development and peace in conflict affected countries. Despite its importance, the success of post conflict housing reconstruction is hindered by a number of problems such as lack of community participation, lack of strategies to address the challenges faced by vulnerable people, lack of consideration of local and cultural conditions, lack of consideration of socio-economic conditions of affected people, poor technical oversight and a lack of security of land tenure. Consequently these problems have caused dissatisfaction resulting in some people to remodel or abandon the houses. Furthermore, it has been revealed that the lack of consideration of housing needs in post conflict housing reconstruction has directly or indirectly given rise to most of these issues. Therefore addressing these needs would contribute to minimising the issues of post conflict housing reconstruction and adequate housing measures provide guidelines in such situations in addressing housing needs in post conflict housing reconstruction. However, the countries emerging from conflicts have different characteristics that add a different dimension to post conflict housing reconstruction. Accordingly, addressing housing needs cannot be considered in isolation without considering the challenges pose by the characteristics of the post conflict setting. In this context, there is a need to understand how these particular housing needs can be effectively addressed. Accordingly, this study addresses this eminent need by exploring how can the housing needs be effectively managed in post conflict housing reconstruction. As Sri Lanka’s long lasting conflict came to an end in 2009 leaving a legacy of immense damage to housing, post conflict housing reconstruction remains prominent within post conflict interventions in the country. Accordingly, Sri Lanka provides a sound basis for this study and hence the study is centred on it. Ontological and epistemological positions of this study led to subjectivism and interpretivism respectively. Grounded theory approach was used as the research strategy. While unstructured interviews were used as the primary data collection technique, interviews were supplemented by creative visual images. Interviews were also verified through a documents review. Grounded theory data analysis procedure was used to analyse the unstructured interviews. The study reveals the challenges, contributing factors and strategies in addressing housing needs in post conflict housing reconstruction. It also identifies the gaps in managing housing needs and recommendations to minimise such gaps in managing housing needs in post conflict housing reconstruction. Furthermore, the study develops a theoretical framework that presents the associated challenges, contributing factors, strategies, gaps and recommendations to minimise such gaps in managing accessibility, habitability, affordability, location, facilities, cultural consideration and security of land tenure in post conflict housing reconstruction. Key words: Conflict, Post conflict, Post conflict reconstruction, Post conflict housing reconstruction, Housing needs and Managing housing needs.
28
Bado, Arsene Brice. "Building peace by supporting post-conflict electoral processes." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/27103.
Full textAbstract:
Les élections post-conflit ou élections de sortie de crise organisées sous l’égide de la communauté internationale en vue de rétablir la paix dans les pays sortant de violents conflits armés ont un bilan mixte caractérisé par le succès ou l’échec selon les cas. Ce bilan mitigé représente le problème principal auquel cette recherche tente de répondre à travers les questions suivantes : l'assistance électorale étrangère est-elle efficace comme outil de rétablissement de la paix dans les sociétés post-conflit? Qu'est ce qui détermine le succès ou l'échec des élections post-conflit à contribuer efficacement au rétablissement de la paix dans les sociétés déchirées par la guerre? Pour résoudre cette problématique, cette thèse développe une théorie de l’assistance électorale en période post-conflit centrée sur les parties prenantes à la fois du conflit armé et du processus électoral. Cette théorie affirme que l'élément clé pour le succès des élections post-conflit dans le rétablissement de la paix est le renforcement de la capacité de négociation des parties prenantes à la fois dans le processus de paix et dans le processus électoral post-conflit. Dans les situations post-conflit, une assistance électorale qui se voudrait complète et efficace devra combiner à la fois le processus électoral et le processus de paix. L'assistance électorale sera inefficace si elle se concentre uniquement sur les aspects techniques du processus électoral visant à garantir des élections libres, transparentes et équitables. Pour être efficace, l'accent devra également être mis sur les facteurs supplémentaires qui peuvent empêcher la récurrence de la guerre, tels que l’habilité des individus et des groupes à négocier et à faire des compromis sur les grandes questions qui peuvent menacer le processus de paix. De fait, même des élections transparentes comme celles de 1997 au Liberia saluées par la communauté internationale n’avaient pas réussi à établir des conditions suffisantes pour éviter la reprise des hostilités. C’est pourquoi, pour être efficace, l'assistance électorale dans les situations de post-conflit doit prendre une approche globale qui priorise l'éducation civique, la sensibilisation sur les droits et responsabilités des citoyens dans une société démocratique, le débat public sur les questions qui divisent, la participation politique, la formation au dialogue politique, et toute autre activité qui pourrait aider les différentes parties à renforcer leur capacité de négociation et de compromis. Une telle assistance électorale fera une contribution à la consolidation de la paix, même dans le contexte des élections imparfaites, comme celles qui se sont détenues en Sierra Leone en 2002 ou au Libéria en 2005. Bien que la littérature sur l'assistance électorale n’ignore guère l'importance des parties prenantes aux processus électoraux post-conflit (K. Kumar, 1998, 2005), elle a fortement mis l'accent sur les mécanismes institutionnels. En effet, la recherche académique et professionnelle est abondante sur la réforme des lois électorales, la reforme constitutionnelle, et le développement des administrations électorales tels que les commissions électorales, ainsi que l’observation électorale et autres mécanismes de prévention de la fraude électorale, etc. (Carothers & Gloppen, 2007). En d'autres termes, les décideurs et les chercheurs ont attribué jusqu’à présent plus d'importance à la conception et au fonctionnement du cadre institutionnel et des procédures électorales. Cette thèse affirme qu’il est désormais temps de prendre en compte les participants eux-mêmes au processus électoral à travers des types d'assistance électorale qui favoriseraient leur capacité à participer à un débat pacifique et à trouver des compromis aux questions litigieuses. Cette approche plus globale de l'assistance électorale qui replace l’élection post-conflit dans le contexte plus englobant du processus de paix a l’avantage de transformer le processus électoral non pas seulement en une expérience d’élection de dirigeants légitimes, mais aussi, et surtout, en un processus au cours duquel les participants apprennent à régler leurs points de vue contradictoires à travers le débat politique dans un cadre institutionnel avec des moyens légaux et légitimes. Car, si le cadre institutionnel électoral est important, il reste que le résultat du processus électoral dépendra essentiellement de la volonté des participants à se conformer au cadre institutionnel et aux règles électorales.The record of the international community is mixed regarding support of post-conflict electoral processes developed to consolidate peace in countries emerging from internal armed conflict. It has constituted the empirical puzzle this dissertation strives to explore through the following questions: Is foreign electoral assistance effective as a tool for peace making in post-conflict societies? What determines the success or failure of electoral assistance as a tool for peace making in war-torn societies? In this dissertation, I developed and implemented an actors-centered, post-conflict electoral assistance theory that proposes ways to achieving peace consolidation in countries torn by civil war. I have argued that the key element for the success of post conflict elections in restoring peace is the extent to which electoral assistance builds the negotiation capacity of stakeholders in both the peace process as well as in the post-conflict electoral process. It is of vital importance that in post-conflict settings, comprehensive and effective electoral assistance must combine both the electoral process and the peace process. Electoral assistance will be unsuccessful if it focuses only on the technical aspects of the electoral process to ensure free and fair elections. To be effective in post-conflict countries, electoral assistance must contribute to establishing a durable peace by facilitating dialogue between former parties to the conflict and other societal groups, encouraging negotiation, and emphasizing compromise. Consequently, in post-conflict settings, an electoral process should not focus solely on strengthening electoral institutions that can guarantee free and fair elections. Emphasis should also be placed on additional factors that can prevent the recurrence of war, such as the abilities of individuals and groups to negotiate and reach compromises over major issues that may threaten the peace process. Even internationally acclaimed free and fair post-conflict elections, such as the one that took place in Liberia in 1997, do not necessarily prevent further war. From this standpoint, in order to be effective, electoral assistance in post-conflict settings must take a comprehensive approach that prioritizes such activities as civic education, awareness programs about citizens’ rights and responsibilities in a democratic society, public debate on divided issues, political participation, skills training, and any other activity that might help various parties in building their capacity for negotiation and compromise. Foreign electoral assistance that encompasses such issues will make a substantial contribution to consolidating the peace even in the context of imperfect elections, like those held in Sierra Leone in 2002 or Liberia in 2005. While the literature regarding electoral assistance in post-conflict situations does not ignore the importance of various stakeholders (K. Kumar, 1998, 2005), it has heavily focused on institutional mechanisms such as the reforms of laws and constitutions as well as on the development of electoral administrations, including electoral commissions, offices of voter registration, polling stations, election monitoring, etc. (Carothers & Gloppen, 2007). In other words, policy-makers and scholars have ascribed more importance to the design and enforcement of the framework and rules of the electoral process than to the assistance to participants in the post-conflict electoral process. I propose that now is the time to take into account the participants themselves through the above mentioned types of electoral assistance activities that would foster their ability to engage in peaceful debate over contested issues in an effort to find compromise. This more comprehensive form of electoral assistance can transform the electoral process to be not only an experience of the election of legitimate leaders, but also, and more importantly, to be a time during which participants learn to settle their conflicting points of view through debate, compromise and ultimately, through ballots and not through bullets. For, if the total framework of the process matters, the outcome of the process will rely on how participants comply with the rules.
29
Jovic, Maja. "Branding post-conflict cities and nations : theory and cases." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2018. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/q5520/branding-post-conflict-cities-and-nations-theory-and-cases.
Full textAbstract:
Positive images have helped cities and nations attract investments, visitors, residents and talent. In contrast, a number of places are struggling with unfamiliarity and image problems based on inaccurate information or stereotypes. In other cases, a turbulent past, political instability, natural disasters, violence and economic downturns are to blame. Brand management is here particularly challenging but needed for many emerging, newly industrialised and transitional nations. A strong sense of national identity has the power to be a productive and enabling force in a society, providing positive social capital – improved cooperation within society, information flows, resilience and better functioning institutions. This thesis develops an understanding of how the process of branding may be used to help recreate an image of a post-conflict city or nation. It evaluates the potential, context and rationale of models designed to aid the branding process in environments defined by war residue. To do so, an interdisciplinary approach has been developed to identify the relations between the effect of national image and nationalism on brands, the built environment, and the image as a destination. The thesis draws on topics, experiences and questions from four different themes: conflict, tourism, marketing and architecture. Overall, it contributes to ongoing debates about branding and expands on them by exploring the unique post-conflict setting of Serbia, where discourses around urbanism, cosmopolitanism, the rural and local, as well as tensions between neighbouring countries are played out. The thesis examines the data relating to the case study of Serbia through a critical discourse analysis of printed media and interviews with key experts from the region. The research acknowledges literature on political or destination branding of other post-conflict countries, however, these are usually considered from a singular aspect – political science, implementation of a social programme or destination marketing. The thesis’ contributions are exploring the role of residents in a post-conflict environment and identifying it as a most important factor to consider when creating a branding strategy. It argues cities cannot carry the weight of a country’s brand, even though this is often an “ad hoc” solution, nor can national identity be interchangeable with the brand. The thesis argues First World branding models largely overlook the question of whether a place is post-conflict at all, and what form the conflict has taken. It provides a theoretical framework to analyse the construction of post-conflict national identities by drawing upon tourism, architecture, theories of national identity, and brand management.
30
Stolzke, Michael B. "The conflict aftermath-- a chance for democracy norm diffusion in post conflict peace building." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FStolzke.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Rafael Biermann. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-130). Also available in print.
31
Morris, Patrick J. (Patrick John) Carleton University Dissertation Central/East European and Russian Area Studies. "European security and post-communist conflict; the challenges of the post-Soviet world." Ottawa, 1993.
Find full text
32
Reisinger, Christian [Verfasser], Bernhard [Akademischer Betreuer] Zangl, and Dieter [Akademischer Betreuer] Senghaas. "Patterns of Post-Conflict Governance: Towards a Typology of Post-Conflict Polities / Christian Reisinger. Gutachter: Bernhard Zangl ; Dieter Senghaas. Betreuer: Bernhard Zangl." Bremen : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Bremen, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1071992554/34.
Full text
33
Yeager, Rickie. "Creating the post-industrial city a study in conflict /." Connect to resource, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/6603.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Honors)--Ohio State University, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages: contains 46 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 44-46). Available online via Ohio State University's Knowledge Bank.
34
Cragg, Diane Elizabeth. "Resource conflict in the First Nations post-treaty environment." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ62011.pdf.
Full text
35
Smith, James J. "U.S. Post- conflict integration policy of militias in Iraq." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/08Mar%5FSmith%5FJames.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Lawson, Letitia. "March 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on May 12, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-110). Also available in print.
36
Missire, Gaëlle. "Women's right to political participation in post-conflict transformation." Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32581.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is looking at the experience of girls and women in times of armed conflict in order to offer some solutions to increase women's participation in post-conflict transformation of society. Women and girls experience war in many different ways, but both as victims and agents of change. This latter role often goes unnoticed and women are traditionally forced to go back to traditional gender roles. Undertaking the study of some cases of African countries, the author tries to analyse the impact that women's movements for peace have had on the substantive content of peace agreements. While it is difficult for women to participate in the reconstruction of their society once the conflict ceased, it might be more efficient to include women at the very beginning of peace negotiations. Women's right to take part in the conduct of public affairs is a means as well as a reparative measure, both aiming at increasing women's political participation in a transformed post-conflict society.Ce travail de recherche s'appuie sur la condition des femmes en situation de conflit armé. L'objectif est de déterminer les failles en matière de justice transitoire, vue sous l'angle des femmes, et de proposer des éléments de solutions pour que les femmes puissent participer pleinement à la transformation de leur société au sortir d'un conflit. En temps de guerre, on ne voit souvent dans les femmes que les principales victimes de violence sexuelle et on tend à oublier le rôle très positif et constructif qu'elles jouent par ailleurs dans la transformation de leur société. C'est de ce rôle dont traite cette thèse. Généralement, dès qu'une certaine stabilité est retrouvée, les femmes se voient contraintes de reprendre leur vocation traditionnelle qui occulte alors leurs efforts pour la paix. L'argument développé ici propose d'impliquer les femmes dès le début des négociations de paix. Une étude portant sur plusieurs cas de pays africains permet de conclure que ce n'est qu'à cette condition que les femmes peuvent réellement avoir une influence sur la teneure des accords de paix, et donc l'évolution de leur société d'après conflit. Le droit des femmes à prendre part aux affaires publiques est ainsi vu comme un moyen d'assurer une meilleure représentation des femmes sur la scène politique, mais aussi comme une mesure de réparation servant le même objectif.
37
Smith, Frank. "Blossoms of war : community formation in post conflict Guatemala." Thesis, University of Essex, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.559080.
Full textAbstract:
This study is about the relationship between violence, memory and identity. It focuses on a community of relocated internally displaced people in Guatemala and analyses the way they redefined their identity in the aftermath of the conflict. It argues that resistance to State sponsored violence during the period of internal displacement shaped the emergence of a new post conflict community identity, influenced by both national and global discourses of rights. The stories of violence and resistance established the basis for a collective notion of selfto emerge. The process of resistance to the State during the period of displacement cemented relationships of trust and provided people from the town of Prima vera with a sense of ontological security reinforced in people's narratives of the past. This study is based on sociological field work carried out between November 1998 and September 1999 in the town of Prima vera that was created in 1996 by formerly displaced people in the north eastern region of Guatemala known as the Ixcan.
38
Short, Nicola. "The international politics of post-conflict reconstruction in Guatemala." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2004. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1804/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the international politics of post-conflict reconstruction in Guatemala. To do so, it articulates an analytical framework based on the political philosophy of Antonio Gramsci. The framework emphasises the nature of power, coercion and consent, and the problematic of political subjectivity, augmenting Gramsci's understanding of the latter with insights from Michel Foucault's notion of neoliberal governmentality. Based on this theoretical framework, the thesis examines the historical-material development of the Guatemalan ensemble of social relations into one of counterinsurgent disarticulation. It argues that counterinsurgency reflects the impulse to secure the 'remainder' of disarticulation - the exploited, marginalised, 'traditional' element of society constructed around semi-proletarian labour - a sector of society that is both (re)produced through disarticulation and denied by its 'modem' element. A crisis of counterinsurgent disarticulation leads to the Guatemalan peace process, which involves negotiations structured around certain understandings of democratic participation that protect elite privilege, particularly electoral democracy and consultation with 'civil society'. The divisions within Guatemala's elites are not entirely resolved through the peace process: the accords reflect an unstable 'caesarist' resolution (a form of 'passive' hegemony) that relies o n a coalition of modernising elites, the international community and the guerrilla. This coalition agrees a set of peace accords that would reconstruct the post-conflict Guatemalan state along neoliberal lines, at the level of both society and individual subjectivity. Although the agreements are not fully implemented, the pattern of implementation itself reflects particular neoliberal priorities, while the normative project of peace validates the ethico-political claims of neoliberalism and (re)deflnes progressive politics in Guatemala in terms of the implementation of the neoliberal accords. The thesis thus argues that peace processes may function as technologies for the (re)construction of neoliberalism.
39
Brickell, Katherine A. "Gender relations in the Khmer 'home' : post-conflict perspectives." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2956/.
Full textAbstract:
In the context of Cambodia's post-conflict society of transition, this thesis traces the changing contours of gender relations and inequalities in the Khmer 'home' and beyond. Drawing on 165 oral histories, discussion groups and semi-structured interviews, with men and women from rural and urban localities in Siem Reap, the thesis argues three main points. First, by examining the interplay and relative significance(s) of conflict and now global integration, the research demonstrates that while the Khmer Rouge period is an important and inherent part of the fabric of Cambodian history, using it as the major benchmark for tracking change fails to encapsulate the diversity of contemporary forces affecting gender relations. I argue that tourism-generated employment and the associated rise of livelihood-related migration is having just as significant an impact on intra-household (in) equality and the spatial dislocation of households. Second, despite the discourse of egalitarianism that the Khmer Rouge regime tried to enforce, I argue that Pol Pot did not manage to unseat persistent gender inequalities which continue to disadvantage women's lives. Combined with the persistence of normative meanings of 'gender' and 'home', I argue for the perspectives, roles and identities of men, and gendered power relations, to be the subject of greater academic and policy action. Third and finally, the thesis argues the utility of 'home' both as an empirical site and conceptual tool for understanding the nature, depth and resilience of gender inequality in discursive and pragmatic terms. The thesis concludes by emphasising the critical need for women's equality in the home to become an integral part of future international development agendas. This is particularly the case, if advances towards fulfilment of the Millennium Development Goals are to have a positive and meaningful impact on the lives of women in Cambodia, and in the Global South more generally.
40
Dixon, Peter Robert. "Barriers to cooperation in post-Cold War conflict interventions." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709381.
Full text
41
Sillah, Abdulai. "The effects of post-conflict aid on economic development." Thesis, University of Bath, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669036.
Full text
42
Raina, Neelam. "Women, craft and the post conflict reconstruction of Kashmir." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/8122.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis contributes towards the knowledge of post conflict crafts of Kashmir and the role women play in this sector. It proposes crafts to be a culturally relevant activity which could generate income for people living in Kashmir. It analyses the impact of the conflict on the crafts of Kashmir from the perspective of the craftspeople. The research is based on fieldwork conducted in Srinagar, Kashmir (2003-2006). Here craftsmen’s groups were studied and a craftswomen’s organisation – Zanana Dastakari was used as a case study. Fieldwork techniques allowed the voices of crafts people to be heard, allowing this study to be conducted from their perspective. Supporting literature was used to place Kashmir within the larger context of crafts, gender and conflict. The research found the crafts of Kashmir to have changed in response to the conflict, the most significant shift being of women joining the crafts sector as stakeholders. Women have selected the area of crafts due to their subjective preferences, which often stem from their identity as Muslim women. This work proposes links between poverty, unemployment and conflict and suggests that culture can play a role in economic development. In Kashmir economic development and reconstruction could be boosted through promotion of this sector. The implications of this research in light of other research indicates a need for deeper understanding of identities and needs of women in conflict zones and the evolution of coping mechanisms used by them to generate sustainable incomes.
43
Donati, Laura. "Viewing Post-Conflict Gender Equality Through a Vulnerability Lens." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Umeå centrum för genusstudier (UCGS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-172604.
Full textAbstract:
Natural disasters and conflicts are not gender neutral. They have a different impact on women, girls, boys and men, deepening and intensifying already existing, socially constructed, cultural norms and gender roles. However, crisis represents a “turning point” that shakes balances and traditions, unbalancing the fixed social structure, leaving room for women to exit the crisis empowered, rather than wounded. A systemic integration of a gender-sensitive approach into humanitarian and disaster reliefs operations wound tackle pre-existing inequalities, ensuring an effective quality response and recover from disasters.
44
Isaac, Mutasa. "Commúnity Media and peace building in post-conflict Rwanda." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22306.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe main import of this case study is to understand how community radio has contributed to peace in the aftermath of the genocide in Rwanda which in essence was the massacring of the Tutsi and Hutu moderates by Hutu extremists. The inquiry embraces the citizen participation theory and a rhizomatic approach to the study of community media as its analytic lenses. This task is accomplished through expert interviews with community media practitioners. The main research question for the study is; How has community radio contributed to peace building in post-conflict Rwanda? A subsidiary question is posed: How have changes in post genocide Rwanda´s media environment impacted the operations of community radios? These questions are important in post-conflict Rwanda where one ethnic group fought the other aided by the radio amidst accusations and counter accusations of marginalisation in developmental matters and political influence.The study finds that community radio has contributed to peace by defining community in terms of region and not defining the concept along the same ethnic lines that have proven to be problematic in the past They have instead placed emphasis on homogeneity e.g. same language and culture rather than difference and have adopted a new narrative to describe the socio-economic challenges of the Rwandan people. A platform for citizen participation was created for people to share experiences and resolve disputes and regular reconciliatory messages pass through the airwaves. While there have been challenges with the restructuring of the media-legal framework which in the eyes of some resulted in too harsh media laws and strict government control, community media is one of the major benefactors of the changes. A measure of decency was established.
45
Clark, Daniel Wesley. "Assessing the Conditions for Post-Cold War Conflict Interventions." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1499251298417079.
Full text
46
Ranito, Jovana Jezdimirovic. "Limitations to post-conflict cooperative security : Kosovo 1999-2009." Master's thesis, FEUC, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/11532.
Full text
47
Norander, Stephanie N. "Peaceful Alternatives: Women's Transnational Organizing In Post-Conflict Areas." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1219374638.
Full text
48
Erturk, Sait. "Reintegration of the Iraqi military in post-conflict era." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FErturk.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Vali Nasr, Karen Guttieri. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-134) Also available online.
49
Yadav, Punam. "Social Transformation in Post-Conflict Nepal: A Gender Perspective." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/12468.
Full textAbstract:
The concept of social transformation has been increasingly used in social science to study significant political, socio-economic and cultural changes in both individuals and groups. While there is significant diversity in approaches to social transformation across different disciplines, most scholarship approaches social transformation as a top-down and intentional process with specific and definable goals. This approach risks reducing the subjective experiences of people, which are dynamic, multiple, fluid and unpredictable, to a mere structural abstraction. This thesis argues that social transformation needs to be approached from both a gender perspective and the bottom up, and that this approach reveals the dynamism, power struggles and human agency, which enrich our understanding of how transformation occurs. This is particularly important in the context of a complex traditional structure of caste, class, ethnicity, religion and regional locality as in Nepal, where the experience of the ten-year civil conflict of the Maoist insurgency (1996-2006) has significantly impacted every section of the society. This thesis explores the ways in which social transformation may be understood and its underlying dynamics differently constructed if women’s lived experiences become the basis for theorizing. Through extensive interviews with women in post-conflict Nepal, this thesis analyses the intended and unintended impacts of conflict and traces the transformations in women’s understandings of themselves and their positions in public life. Using in-depth interviews with women from significant newly emerged categories, who had minimal or no presence in pre-conflict Nepal, such as women Constituent Assembly members, women combatants, war widows and women tempo drivers, this thesis argues that the transformative effects reach far beyond women’s formal presence in public sphere and have an existential effect which can only be discerned through the voices of women. Narratives from Nepalese women from different ages, castes and both urban and rural settings provide insight into the depth of transformation underway in Nepal, in ways and to an extent that exceed the ‘measurements’ offered by applying established indicators. The work of the three key theorists, Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu and Judith Butler, provides the language to conceptualize this research. This thesis suggests that despite the challenges that women are still facing, they have felt a significant transformation not only in their lives but also in their families and societies. Of the factors contributing to the changes in post-conflict Nepal, this research stresses the importance of the change in subject positions of women, the emergence of new role models, and the power of collective agency. These factors are facilitated by the opening of a space for empowerment of women, in addition to internal and external factors such as globalization, people’s movements, the media, and NGO interventions.
50
Castles, Duncan Lorimer. "Post-conflict behaviour and relationship quality of cercopithecine primates." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15099.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the nature of post-conflict behaviour and relationships among individuals in two captive groups of pigtail macaques, Macaca nemestrina, and one wild troop of olive baboons, Papio anubis. Data were collected during periods of seven and twelve months respectively. In both pigtail groups, conflicts were more frequently reconciled between opponents with strong affiliative ties. However, reconciliation was twice as common in the well-established group where individuals' social networks were more compact. It is argued that the more intense ties produced by restricted networks increased the likelihood of reconciliation. Reconciliation was demonstrated among wild olive baboons, occurring at a rate consistent with a relatively intolerant dominance style. Opponents who were close kin or of similar rank reconciled relatively frequently, but reconciliation rarely followed conflicts associated with food. Olive baboons did not 'console' each other, consistent with the hypothesis that consolation requires an ability to empathise with victim distress. Initiation of post-conflict attacks on third parties was not elevated in victims of aggression. Among the baboons, both victims and initiators of aggression exhibited elevated rates of post-conflict self-directed behaviour (a combined measure of scratching, autogrooming, body-shaking and yawning). Reconciliation reduced both SDB and the incidence of further aggression. However, reconciliation only reduced SDB among individuals involved in conflicts in which they had both received and delivered aggression. Female baboons showed significantly higher rates of SDB when their nearest neighbour (within 5 m) was a dominant conspecific than when he or she was a subordinate individual, supporting the hypothesis that SDB indexes stress in primates. This result suggests that SDB can be used to index relationship security in primates.