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Journal articles on the topic 'Post-communist Romania'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 29 July 2024

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

BOCANCEA, Sorin. "The Governmental Elites in Post-Communist Romania." Logos Universality Mentality Education Novelty: Economical and Administrative Sciences II, no. 1 (December 16, 2015): 75–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumeneas.2015.0201.06.

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2

Kiss, Dénes. "Sociology of religion in post-communist Romania." Erdélyi Társadalom 5, no. 1 (2007): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.17177/77171.83.

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The study gives an insight into the Romanian sociology of religion regarding post-communist Romania. In order to achieve this I have analyzed studies concerned with religious issues in three Romanian sociology periodicals published in the last fifteen years. Besides the overview of these studies, the author presents the structure of the field of religion studies by discussing the significance of respective authors and the system of mutual references among them

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3

IONESCU, C. "Depression in post-communist Romania." Lancet 365, no. 9460 (February 25, 2005): 645–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)70916-8.

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4

Ionescu, Carmiola. "Depression in post-communist Romania." Lancet 365, no. 9460 (February 2005): 645–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)17964-1.

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5

Anton, Lorena. "On Memory Work in Post-communist Europe." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 18, no. 2 (September 1, 2009): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2009.180207.

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Taking the memory of pronatalism in contemporary Romania as a case study, this article is an attempt to view the national politics of memory of contemporary Europe with regard to its communist past from an anthropological perspective. From 1966 to 1989, the communist regime imposed extreme policies of controlled demography in Romania, as it was imputed, for 'the good of the socialist nation'. Profamily measures were developed in parallel to the banning of abortion on request and the making of contraception almost inaccessible. The social remembering of such a difficult past is still a taboo in contemporary Romanian society. This general lack of public remembering, which is still playing a role in the current situation of Romania's reproductive health, is influenced by the interrelations between the different forms of pronatalist memory. The analysis is based on oral history fieldwork conducted between 2003 and 2008, and is theoretically informed by the interdisciplinary field of Memory Studies.

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6

Chiva, Cristina. "political science in post-communist romania." European Political Science 6, no. 1 (February 21, 2007): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.eps.2210111.

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7

Gurau, Calin. "Rural entrepreneurship in post-communist Romania." International Journal of Business and Globalisation 3, no. 2 (2009): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijbg.2009.022606.

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8

Coman, Mihai. "JOURNALISTIC ELITES IN POST-COMMUNIST ROMANIA." Journalism Studies 11, no. 4 (August 2010): 587–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616701003638483.

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9

Borcila, Andaluna. "Accessing the trauma of communism." European Journal of Cultural Studies 12, no. 2 (May 2009): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549409102425.

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This article centres on representations of Romanian women in the on-site reports filmed by American news crews in the days and weeks following the Romanian revolution. Around these representations, the article traces Romania's journey into televisibility on American television news, from an initially inaccessible site of falling communism to an overexposed site of post-communist trauma. Reports from abortion clinics were the first encounters with the territory of Romania that American television offered firsthand to its viewers, and these representations of Romanian women were the first representations of post-communist identities on American television. The article suggests that these representations of post-communist subjects, who appear as overexposed sites on which American television traces the effects of communism and the predicaments of the post-communist condition, display symptomatic features which have remained pervasive.

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10

Mihas, D. E. M. "Romania between Balkan Nationalism and Democratic Transition." Politics 17, no. 3 (September 1997): 175–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00050.

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This article deals with certain aspects of nationalism, minorities and transition politics in the post-communist Balkans with particular reference to Romania. After attempting to explain why nationalism constitutes a dominant feature of Balkan and as – a consequence – of Romanian political culture, it argues that the involvement of Romania's Hungarian minority in the collapse of the communist regime has been disproportionately exaggerated. Furthermore, it argues that the communist legacy is still shaping Romanian politics, emphasising the lack of substantial political reforms in a genuine liberal-democratic West European direction and arguing that Romania's transition politics does not necessarily mean democratic politics.

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11

Sigmirean, Corneliu Cezar. "Advertising and the Birth of Post-Communist Romania (1989–1991)." Transylvanian Review 32, no. 1 (July 4, 2023): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2023.1.09.

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A new historical period began in Romania after the events of December 1989 and foreign capital, with all its advertising arsenal, penetrated the Romanian economy despite the reluctance showed by the regime installed in Bucharest. Both the press itself and press advertising experience a radical metamorphosis, shifting overnight to a new ideological register. Gradually, advertising becomes professional, it becomes a business and, at the same time, an intermediary in the penetration of new products into the consciousness of Romanians. The persuasive force of advertising shapes new aspirations and participates in the creation of a new mentality. Starting from Thomas S. Kuhn’s research dedicated to the “paradigm shift,” we can ascertain that Romania has undergone very important changes in a relatively short time. This was not only on account of advertising, but advertising contributed to the change of Romania through the power of the “seduction of the subconscious.

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12

Stan, Lavinia, and Marian Zulean. "Intelligence Sector Reforms in Romania: A Scorecard." Surveillance & Society 16, no. 3 (October 12, 2018): 298–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v16i3.6880.

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Since 1989, reforms have sought to align the Romanian post-communist intelligence community with its counterparts in established democracies. Enacted reluctantly and belatedly at the pressure of civil society actors eager to curb the mass surveillance of communist times and international partners wishing to rein in Romania’s foreign espionage and cut its ties to intelligence services of non-NATO countries, these reforms have revamped legislation on state security, retrained secret agents, and allowed for participation in NATO operations, but paid less attention to oversight and respect for human rights. Drawing on democratization, transitional justice, and security studies, this article evaluates the capacity of the Romanian post-communist intelligence reforms to break with communist security practices of unchecked surveillance and repression and to adopt democratic values of oversight and respect for human rights. We discuss the presence of communist traits after 1989 (seen as continuity) and their absence (seen as discontinuity) by offering a wealth of examples. The article is the first to evaluate security reforms in post-communist Romania in terms of their capacity to not only overhaul the personnel and operations inherited from the Securitate and strengthen oversight by elected officials, but also make intelligence services respectful of basic human rights.

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13

Conţac, Emanuel. "The Reception of C. S.Lewis in Post-Communist Romania." Linguaculture 2014, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 123–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lincu-2015-0021.

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Abstract This paper presents the circumstances surrounding the publication of the Romanian translations of C. S. Lewis’s best known works. In the first part, the author gives information about the Romanian authors who were acquainted with Lewis’s writings during Communism, when the translation and printing of books on religious topics was under the tight control of a totalitarian government. In spite of that control, two Lewis titles-The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe and Mere Christianity-which were translated in the US, were smuggled into Romania. The second part of this paper deals with the remarkably changed situation after the emergence of a new regime in 1990. Since then Lewis’s books have been published, often in multiple print runs, by secular as well as Christian publishers, with a total of 12 fiction and 13 non-fiction titles, indicating a wide popular reception of his work.

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14

Rosenthal, Denise. "“The Mythical Jew”: Antisemitism, Intellectuals, and Democracy in Post-Communist Romania." Nationalities Papers 29, no. 3 (September 2001): 419–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120073681.

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A mentally healthy human being can go insane if suddenly diagnosed with leprosy. Eugen Ionescu finds out that even the “Ionescu” name, an indisputable Romanian father, and the fact of being born Christian can do nothing, nothing, nothing to cover the curse of having Jewish blood in his veins. With resignation and sometimes with I don't know what sad and discouraged pride, we got used to this dear leprosy a long time ago.With these words, the Romanian–Jewish writer Mihail Sebastian expresses within his private diary some of the darkest moments of a World War II “transfigured” Romania, populated as they are by the gothic characters of legionaries, Nazis, and antisemitism. His death soon followed in 1945, when Romania was at the threshold of fascism and communism. However, with the discovery and the subsequent publishing of Sebastian's diary in 1996, and following 50 years of communist mystification of the Jewish Holocaust, the entire chaotic war atmosphere with the fascist affections of the Romanian intellectual elite was once again brought to light with all the flavor and scent of the dark past. In this entry from Sebastian's diary he speaks of his friend, Eugen Ionescu who, born of a French-related mother and a Romanian father, was living in Bucharest at that time. He would later become known to the world as Eugène Ionesco, the famous French playwright and author of the well-known playsThe Bald SopranoandThe Rhinoceros.The above quote from Sebastian's journal, predating the international fame of Ionesco, but already marking the end of Sebastian's career under fascism, remains a traumatizing testimony of the Jewish Kafkian torment as “guilt,” a deeply claustrophobic identity that many Eastern European Jewish intellectuals have learned to internalize. Beyond this symbolism, the publishing of Sebastian's diary in Romania unintentionally challenged an existent post-communist tendency of legitimizing inter-war fascist personalities within the framework of a general lack of knowledge about the Jewish Holocaust in both the communist and post-communist periods.

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15

Zăloagă, Marian. "The Religious Affiliations of the Romanies from Post-Socialist Romania. Considerations Concerning the In-Group Academic Productions." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 14, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 431–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2022-0116.

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Abstract After the fall of communist regime religion returned to play a significant role both in the public life and the research agenda in Romania. Admittedly disadvantaged by many factors, Romanian Roma intellectual elites addressed the topic as part of an effort to give voice to their ethnic group. Their writing back to the negative profiling of the ethnic group involved confrontation of the antigypsist narratives produced and shared by non-Roma academics, which reflected the power relations between the majority population and the Roma minority. Some of the narratives were articulated and culturally reproduced in religious terms. Like the other ethnic groups living in post-communist Romania, Romanian Roma intellectuals have not missed their chance to address religion as an element in the identity politics they take part in. In this paper, I examine the manners in which the first generation of post-communist Romanian Roma intellectuals addressed the religious profile and religious affiliation and/or affinities of their ethnic group. I will also try to highlight whether there are consonances or, on the contrary, dissonances between the Western Roma and Romanian Roma narratives in this matter.

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16

Voicu, Mălina. "Research Institute for Quality of Life: 30 years of activity on the benefit of Romanian society." Sociologie Romaneasca 18, no. 2 (November 11, 2020): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33788/sr.17.2.17.

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The Research Institute for Quality of Life at the Romanian Academy was established in January 1990 with the purpose of conducting research on social change in post-communist Romania. In 2020 RIQL celebrated 30 years of existence, 30 years in the service of Romania society. The celebration held in the aula of the Romanian Academy pointed out the great contribution of the institute to the development of social sciences and of Romanian society over the past three decades.

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17

Proteasa, Viorel, Liviu Andreescu, Vlad Botgros, and Alexandra Dodiță. "Mapping students’ organizations in post-communist Romania: a structuration perspective." International Review of Social Research 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/irsr-2018-0005.

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Abstract Who is who in Romanian student representation? In this article we answer this (apparently) simple question. We start with early 1990, when the Romanian campuses experienced ample changes – part of the societal transformations which swept over Central and Eastern Europe. Our ambitions in this text are twofold: (1) to construct a map of student federations in post-communist Romania, and (2) to identify and describe the waves of structuration of the field. In doing so, we revert to classical social theory and document the emergence of “organizational archetypes” of student representation. We identify two types of structuration, “bottom-up” and “top-down”. We find evidence regarding the resilience of the “bottom-up” organizational archetypes in relation to the successive attempts of “top-down” (re)structuration.

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18

Dawidson, Karin E. K. "Redistribution of Land in Post-Communist Romania." Eurasian Geography and Economics 46, no. 8 (December 2005): 618–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/1538-7216.46.8.618.

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19

Bharti, Mukesh Shankar. "Political Institution Building in Post-Communist Romania." Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, no. 1 (March 15, 2022): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2022.1.4.

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The political development of Romania started after the death of Nicole Ceausescu in 1989. The article describes and analyses institutional and behavioural dynamics of the political processes that have occurred in Romania since 1989. This article focuses on the constitutional framework of governing institutions. This paper tries to explore the understanding of theoretical approaches to political and institutional development in the country. It examines the evolution of legislative, executive, and judiciary bodies. These are the three pillars of democracy. The article discusses how political parties participating in elections, form a government and will look at the stability of the institutions. This article examines institutional foundations of the coalition government in the 1990–2020 post-communist democracy period in Romania. The article starts with the institutional framework premise that electoral systems and constitutional provisions on the division of powers, structure, and the relationship between parliament and the president determines the point at which political power can be dispersed or concentrated in the political system.

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20

Gherghina, Sergiu. "Introduction: Political Dynamics in Post-Communist Romania." Comparative Southeast European Studies 63, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2015-630102.

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21

Nistor, Cristina Silvia, and Adela Deaconu. "Public accounting history in post-communist Romania." Economic Research-Ekonomska Istraživanja 29, no. 1 (January 2016): 623–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1331677x.2016.1193945.

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22

Carstocea, R. "Religion and Politics in Post-Communist Romania." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 511 (November 17, 2009): 1548–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep326.

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23

Tănăsoiu, Cosmina. "Intellectuals and Post-Communist Politics in Romania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 1 (February 2008): 80–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325407311790.

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This article starts from the assumption that public intellectuals have the potential of being valuable actors of democratization through their propensity of creating debate by cultivating the alternative and relentlessly challenging thinking patterns in the societies in which they live. By examining the public discourses practiced during the first decade of post-communist politics, this article considers whether the Romanian public intellectuals have fulfilled this function. This article identifies both deconstructive, anti-discourses aimed at dismantling specific narratives (i.e., communism, ethnic nationalist rhetoric, clan politics) and constructive discourses centered on building new narratives (i.e., European, civil society, democratic). The article argues that the performance of public intellectuals should not be judged on their electoral success, but on their ability to fuel debate and deal with those issues considered to be politically uncomfortable by conventional political actors and by the society at large.

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24

Broun, Janice. "Religion and Politics in Post-Communist Romania." Religion, State and Society 38, no. 1 (March 2010): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637490903500531.

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25

Țăranu, Georgiana. "Nicolae Iorga as everybody’s political ally in post-communist Romania." Historia Slavorum Occidentis 39, no. 4 (2023): 114–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/hso230407.

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This chapter discusses how the memory of an influential figure of modern Romania’s history like Nicolae Iorga (1871–1940), a foremost historian-politician and nationalist intellectual, became instrumental in the three decades following the end of communism by politicians. As he is considered the father of Romanian nationalism and a symbol of the nationalist struggle on the eve of WWI, Iorga’s memory in contemporary Romania allows us to examine nationalism in politics. In the research, a qualitative approach was adopted to the subject by dealing with discourses and initiatives produced by politicians as agents of memory in post-communist Romania. By looking at the various strategies of remembrance used after 1989 by these memory entrepreneurs, the research investigates the politicians who honoured Iorga, the purpose of their engagement in such politics of memory, and what this says about how post-communist politics, nationalism and memory mingled.

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26

Schneider, Ana-Karina. "Literary studies in Romania before and after 1989." Alea : Estudos Neolatinos 16, no. 1 (June 2014): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1517-106x2014000100005.

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In comparative terms, after the strict cultural policies and censorship of the communist regime, the literature and literary studies of post-communist Romania would seem to be almost completely free of the political. This article investigates the complex ways in which various aspects of the study and reception of English literature - from the practice of teaching English, through textbooks, to literary translation - reflect the evolution of the relationship between literature and politics in pre- and post-1989 Romania. In the asymmetrical cultural exchange resulting from the inevitable hierarchy in which Anglo-American culture is dominant, whereas Romanian culture is perpetually subordinate, the latter embraces its marginality and places itself strategically at the receiving end. I therefore argue that while Anglo-American scholars' concern with the pernicious outcomes of Anglocentricity in ES is in itself a laudable ethical move, in target cultures such as the Romanian, Anglocentricity may function as a catalyst of resistance and change.

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27

Pohrib, Codruţa. "The afterlives of communist things: Archiving feeling in post-communist Romania." European Journal of Cultural Studies 19, no. 6 (July 25, 2016): 724–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549415597926.

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28

Walker, Gabriela. "Inclusive education in Romania: policies and practices in post‐Communist Romania." International Journal of Inclusive Education 14, no. 2 (March 2010): 165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13603110802504192.

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29

Cheregi, Bianca Florentina. "Nation Branding in Romania After 1989: A Cultural Semiotic Perspective." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 19, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2017.1.229.

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This paper discusses four nation branding post-communist campaigns initiated by the Romanian Government, from a cultural semiotic perspective, as developed by the Tartu-Moscow-Semiotic School. In so doing, it focuses on analyzing advertising and national identity discourses inside the semiospheres. Moreover, the paper investigates how elements of neoliberal ideology are addressed in the governmental campaigns, considering the “marketization of public discourse” (Fairclough, 1993). Nation branding in post-communist Romania is a distinctive phenomena, compared to other countries, especially from Western Europe. In transition countries, nation branding is often mentioned because of the constant need to reconfigure national identity by dissociating from the communist past (Kaneva, 2012). In Romania, nation branding is also a public issue discussed in the media, connected to the ways in which the international press portrays the country or to the migrants’ actions. In this context, Romania’s nation brand represents a cultural space and the campaigns mobilize cultural symbols as systems of signs necessary for the existence and functioning of advertising discourses. Using a semiotic analysis linked to the field of cultural semiotics (Lotman, 2005/1984), this article analyzes four nation branding campaigns initiated by the Romanian Government (Romania Simply Surprising – 2004, Romania Land of Choice – 2009, Explore the Carpathian Garden – 2010, and Discover the Place Where You Feel Reborn – 2014), considering elements such as semiotic borders, dual coding and symbols. The results show that the campaigns are part of four different semiospheres, integrating discursive practices both from advertising and public diplomacy when communicating the national image to the internal (citizens) or external (international) audiences.

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Munarini, Giuseppe. "UN SAGGIO BIOGRAFICO: IULIU MANIU (1873–1953)." ANUARUL INSTITUTULUI DE CERCETĂRI SOCIO-UMANE „GHEORGHE ŞINCAI” 26 (April 1, 2023): 313–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/icsugh.sincai.26.20.

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Iuliu Maniu (1873–1953) was a prominent Romanian politician known for his unwavering integrity and honesty. Maniu’s legacy as a champion of Romanian patriotism and his close ties to the Greek-Catholic Church are celebrated. The narrative delves into his pivotal role in the union of Transylvania with Romania, alongside figures like Cardinal Iuliu Hossu and Patriarch Miron Cristea. sheds light on the challenges Maniu faced under the communist regime, culminating in his unjust imprisonment and tragic passing. The paper also examines Maniu’s early life, education, and political career, highlighting his instrumental role in the Great Union of 1918. His leadership in the National Peasants’ Party (Partidul Naţional Ţărănesc) and his efforts to create a thriving middle class in Romania are explored. The test emphasizes the stark contrast between the pre- and post-World War II political landscapes in Romania, marked by the rise of the Romanian Communist Party and the subsequent suppression of traditional parties. The grim reality of political trials and the harsh treatment of dissenting voices, including Maniu, are vividly depicted. The article concludes with reflections on Maniu’s enduring legacy, underscoring his continued admiration for his contributions to Romanian nationhood and democratic ideals. Despite the efforts to erase his memory during the communist era, Maniu’s impact remains an indelible part of Romania’s history.

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31

Deaconu, Adela, and Dan Dacian Cuzdriorean. "Accounting and the state in post-communist Romania." African J. of Accounting, Auditing and Finance 5, no. 1 (2016): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ajaaf.2016.077600.

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32

Scholte, Jan Aart. "Globalization, governance and democracy in post‐communist Romania." Democratization 5, no. 4 (December 1998): 52–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510349808403584.

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Al-Khatib, Jamal A., Christopher J. Robertson, and Dana-Nicoleta Lascu. "Post-Communist Consumer Ethics: The Case of Romania." Journal of Business Ethics 54, no. 1 (September 2004): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/b:busi.0000043502.51559.ca.

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34

Bizuleanu, Dana, and Marius Conkan. "POST‐COMMUNIST TRUTHS: UNDERSTANDING HERTA MÜLLER IN ROMANIA." German Life and Letters 73, no. 1 (January 2020): 34–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/glal.12258.

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35

Flora, Gavril, Georgina Szilagyi, and Victor Roudometof. "Religion and national identity in post-communist Romania." Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans 7, no. 1 (April 2005): 35–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14613190500036917.

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36

Dobre, Claudia-Florentina. "Communism in Post-communist Romania: An Ambivalent Legacy." Balkanistic Forum 33, no. 2 (June 1, 2024): 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v33i2.9.

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After Nicolae Ceaușescu’s execution on December 25, 1989, Romania faced an important issue to deal with: What was to be done with the 44 years of a quasi-totalitarian system, based on continuous political violence?! How should Romanians relate to it? What was to be remembered and what was to be forgotten? How it should be passed on to the next generations, those who were born before, around or after the fall of the regime? The answer to these questions has varied over the 35 years since the fall of the communist regime in Romania. Numerous factors contributed to the way in which Romanians related to their communist past, how it was represented in the public space, how it was and is passed on. The actors involved have also changed and the official public memory has known many avatars. In the subsequent pages, I propose an analysis of all these aspects, resulting from my research of the last 21 years on the memory of Communism.

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37

Colăcel, Onoriu, and Corneliu Pintilescu. "From Literary Culture to Post-Communist Media: Romanian Conspiracism." Messages, Sages, and Ages 4, no. 2 (November 1, 2017): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/msas-2017-0007.

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Abstract Conspiracy thinking has a long history in Romanian literary culture. In the early 21st century, what counts as a conspiracy theory in the mainstream of Romanian life is nevertheless elusive enough to keep the public engaged more than ever before. The growing number of attempts to address the gap in knowledge with regard to local conspiracy theories is proof that concern with their possibly harmful consequences is on the rise as well. For most of the conspiracy-minded, the topics of the day are specific threats posed to post-communist Romania and its people. In the main, conspiratorial beliefs fall into three main fields. Namely, they come across as 1) conspiracy theories against the body politic of the nation, 2) health-related conspiracy theories and 3) conspiracy theories on use and conservation of natural resources. While the first two overlap and build on the tradition of home-grown populism, the third is mostly a borrowing from Western media sources. However, the most influential instances of Romanian conspiracism posit that the well-being of the nation’s body politic and that of individuals’ own bodies are one and the same.

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38

Chelaru, Valeria. "Tradition, Nationalism and Holocaust Memory: Reassessing Antisemitism in Post-Communist Romania." PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 10, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 58–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/10/plural.v10i2_3.

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This article is a re-evaluation of the Holocaust memory in the contemporary Romanian society. It shows that from its inception, Romania’s nation-building process went hand in hand with antisemitism. Furthermore, it points out that after 1989 the country’s sense of frustration at its communist past managed to obscure the memory of the Holocaust. Despite Romania’s government recognition of the country’s involvement in the Holocaust (2004), a wholehearted acknowledgement of the issue remains improbable at the general level of Romania’s society. A new law to counteract Holocaust denial was adopted in Romania in 2015. However, the country has proved ever since that it has barely come to terms with its historical legacy.*

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39

Popescu, Ana-Cristina. "Critical approaches to financial delegation in public education in post-communist Romania." Management in Education 25, no. 2 (April 2011): 53–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0892020611398696.

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The article focuses on tracking financial delegation (introduced nationally in January 2010) as part of the broader process of education restructuring and decentralisation in post-communist Romania. The aim is to critically pinpoint some of the challenges specific to the Romanian context, such as the multitude of policies and legislation (due to the fluidity of the political system and hence of the Ministry of Education’s leadership), lack of consistency in the implementation of reforms, doubled by inappropriate corresponding financial legislation and communication between the various layers of responsibility (the Ministry of Education on the one hand and the Ministries of Public Finances and Administration and Interior on the other). One year after the enactment of financial delegation, Romanian education remains a terrain of challenges; many aspects are still unclear with regard to its implementation, outcomes and long-term effects on the system and its actors which ask for further research.

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Popa, Florinela. "From Propagandistic Exploitation to Post-Communist Sensationalism: Beethoven Reception in Twentieth- and Twenty-First-Century Romania." Studia Musicologica 61, no. 1-2 (April 13, 2021): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2020.00009.

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This paper mainly investigates the way Beethoven’s image was turned, during the totalitarian political regimes of twentieth-century Romania, into a tool of propaganda. Two such ideological annexations are striking: one took place in the period when Romania, as Germany’s ally during World War II and led by Marshall Ion Antonescu, who was loyal to Adolf Hitler, to a certain extent copied the Nazi model (1940–1944); the other, much longer, began when Communists took power in 1947 and lasted until 1989, with some inevitable continuations. The beginnings of contemporary Romanian capitalism in the 1990s brought, in addition to an attempt to depoliticize Beethoven by means of professional, responsible musicological enquiries, no longer grounded in Fascist or Communist ideologies, another type of approach: sensationalist, related to the “identification” of some of Beethoven’s love interests who reportedly lived on the territory of present-day Romania.

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Albulescu, Andra-Cosmina, Michael Manton, Daniela Larion, and Per Angelstam. "The Winding Road towards Sustainable Forest Management in Romania, 1989–2022: A Case Study of Post-Communist Social–Ecological Transition." Land 11, no. 8 (July 29, 2022): 1198. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land11081198.

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Forest ecosystems are a prime example of the heated debates that have arisen around how forests should be managed, and what services and benefits they should deliver. The European transitions in governance to and from communist regimes have had significant impacts on forests and their management. Unstable legislative and institutional changes prior to, during, and after a communist regime, combined with unique remnant areas of high-conservation-value forests, make Romania an ideal case study to explore the social–ecological transitions of forest landscapes. The aim of this paper is two-fold. First, we present the origins of, the evolution of, and the current state of forest management and ownership in Romania during transitions between the pre-communist (-1945), communist (1945–1989), and EU periods (2007-). Second, we focus on the enablers and barriers in Romania towards sustainable forest management as defined by pan-European forest policies. We used a semi-systematic, five-step scientific literature review on forest ownership, governance, and management in Romania. The analysis shows that both enablers (e.g., forest certification) and barriers (e.g., redundancy and the questionable effectiveness of the network of protected areas; illegal, unsustainable, and unreported logging; loopholes in the legislative framework) have contributed to the current approaches to interpreting forests, forestry, and forest management. The installation of the communist regime translated into sustained wood yield forest management under singular forest ownership, which opposed the previous system and forest ownership pluralism. In the post-communist period, forestland restitution led to significant legislative changes, but forest management must still confront remnant elements of the communist approach. Both communist and post-communist policies related to forests have shaped the evolution of forest landscape management in Romania, thus stressing the need to learn from the past towards securing sustainable forest management into the future. These lessons provide insights on both positive and negative drivers of forest management, which can contribute to smooth future transition towards more sustainable forest management practices.

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Dobre, Claudia-Florentina. "Suffering into patrimony: dealing with communist repression in postcommunist Romania." Historia Slavorum Occidentis 39, no. 4 (2023): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/hso230406.

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Analyses of communist repression in post-communist Romania focused on anticommunism and its totemic figures. Laws, institutions and people promote this perspective, transforming the suffering of the formerly politically persecuted into a patrimony meant to be preserved and passed on. On the official level, the anticommunist paradigm gained momentum in December 2006 when the communist regime was condemned as ‘criminal and illegitimate’. However, a majority of the population have not embraced the official approach to communism as the fallen regime still acts as a ‘millieu de memoire’ (as defined by Pierre Nora). My article deals with the main institutions and laws which aimed at promoting and transmitting the memory of repression in post-communist Romania. Analyzing the memory politics as regards the communist repression might provide fresh insight into the ongoing process of building a cultural memory through selection, reconstruction and adjusting figures, deeds, and memorial items.

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Dixon, Jeffrey C., and Andrew S. Fullerton. "Opposition to Enlargement among “New” and “Old” Europeans: The Cases of Post-Communist EU Members and Candidates." Comparative Sociology 13, no. 2 (May 8, 2014): 135–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341296.

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Abstract As the European Union (eu) continues to expands “eastward,” we know relatively little about enlargement opinion in post-Communist member states and toward post-Communist candidates’ entries. This article develops comparative explanations of enlargement opinion and examines attitudes toward the entries of post-Communist candidates (as of 2006: Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia, and Macedonia). Descriptive and multinomial logit analyses of Eurobarometer data reveal that opposition is less pronounced in post-Communist versus other eu member states and somewhat less pronounced in post-Communist countries that began eu accession negotiations earlier. Anti-immigrant sentiment is a consistently weaker predictor of oppositional attitudes in post-Communist versus other eu member states. These and other differences warrant theoretical and empirical attention in eu research.

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Pohrib, Codruţa Alina. "The Romanian “Latchkey Generation” writes back: Memory genres of post-communism on Facebook." Memory Studies 12, no. 2 (June 13, 2017): 164–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017709869.

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Since the 2000s an alternative engagement with the communist past has emerged across media in Romania in the shape of a generational discourse, which negotiates a post-communist generational identity for individuals growing up in the 1970s–1980s. This article focuses on the online memory practices of this self-dubbed “latchkey generation” by investigating an emerging life writing genre—the Facebook generatiography—and its reliance on the archiving of communist memorabilia in the shape of photographed objects. How do generational frames of remembrance, members of a specific generation, and the sociotechnical affordances of Facebook pages intra-act to produce this genre? And what does it “do” in the context of post-communist Romania? This article sets about answering these questions while arguing for the renewed need to think about generations as generically actualized discursive strategies in the age of social media.

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SZEMAN, IOANA. "Finding a Home on Stage: A Place for Romania in Europe?" Theatre Research International 28, no. 2 (June 26, 2003): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883303001068.

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Home, a pioneering theatrical production in post-communist Romania, cast homeless/orphaned youth in the Youth Theatre in Bucharest. The ‘orphan problem’ has been one of the most covered topics on Romania in western media, and one of the signs of Romania's ‘backwardness’, while neglect and indifference have characterized local press coverage. The significance of the production in changing the Romanian public's perception of these young people, many of whom are from the Roma ethnic group, is analysed, as are much wider political implications. Emma Nicholson, the European Parliament rapporteur for Romania, saw Home and afterwards expressed her support for Romania's acceptance into the European Union. The production and its reception permit a tracing of the historical relationship between the performance of Romanian marginality and national identity in relation to Europe.

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Matei, Florina Cristiana (Cris). "The Legal Framework for Intelligence in Post-Communist Romania." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 22, no. 4 (September 4, 2009): 667–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850600903143205.

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Creţan, Remus. "Mapping protests against dog culling in post-communist Romania." Area 47, no. 2 (January 23, 2015): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/area.12155.

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Chiva, Cristina. "EU accession and party competition in post-communist Romania." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2014.882616.

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Deaconu, Adela. "Accounting models and influential factors in post-communist Romania." International Journal of Critical Accounting 4, no. 2 (2012): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijca.2012.046381.

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Coman, Mihai. "Media bourgeoisie and media proletariat in post‐communist Romania." Journalism Studies 5, no. 1 (February 2004): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670032000174738.

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