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1
Mihăilescu, Ioan. "Mental Stereotypes in the First Years of Post‐Totalitarian Romania." Government and Opposition 28, no. 3 (July 1, 1993): 315–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01318.x.
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THE TRANSITION FROM COMMUNIST TOTALITARIANISM TO a democratic socio-political organization and to a market economy system depends on several economic factors (capital, technology, skilled labour force, competent management) and also on political and cultural elements. The political speeches, whether delivered by government or opposition in Romania, underline almost exclusively the financial, technological or political aspects, neglecting quite completely the psycho-sociological dimension of this transitory period. The fact that the economic reforms somehow failed is only partly due to the lack of economic resources or to organizational setbacks. These are, of course, significant and undeniable reasons, but there is one more explanation rather forgotten, and that is the attitude of the Romanian population itself towards economic, social and political changes.
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Bucur, Maria. "Women and state socialism: failed promises and radical changes revisited." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 5 (September 2016): 847–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1169263.
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Imagine all history written as if all people, even women, mattered. Until a couple of decades ago, that was at most an aspiration for those of us working on East European history. Since then, however, and especially with the fall of Communism, feminist scholars have made significant inroads toward achieving this goal. This review essay reflects on the contributions made by five such studies that focus on different aspects of women's lives under state socialism in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic (GDR), Poland, and Romania. In one way or another, each author asks similar questions about the relationship between the Communist ideological emphasis on gender equality as a core moral value, on the one hand, and the policies and actions of these regimes with regard to women, on the other hand. Moreover, all studies focus on how women themselves participated in articulating, reacting to, and in some cases successfully challenging these policies. In short, they present us with excellent examples of how pertinent gender analysis is for understanding the most essential aspects of the history of Communism in Eastern Europe: how this authoritarian regime transformed individual identity and social relations.
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Vasile, Cristian. "The Institute of Philosophy in Communist Romania Under the Regime of Gheorghiu-Dej, 1949-65." History of Communism in Europe 9 (2018): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce201898.
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This paper examines some aspects of the institutional history of post-war Romanian philosophy, with a special focus on the Institute of Philosophy of the Academy of People’s Republic of Romania. The aim of this article is to shed more light on the main aspects of philosophical research during cultural Stalinism, and to underline the inflexion points within Romanian “philosophical” writings between 1948 and 1965. I examined the lack of human resources and its impact on the emergence of Marxist-Leninist philosophy, as well as the main research topics studied at the Philosophy Section of the Institute of History and Philosophy and Institute of Philosophy especially in the 1950s. I focused also on the context of unmasking and purging of the “philosophical” front mainly in late 1950s, underlining the Agitprop fight against Revisionism and “bourgeois” influence in social sciences. The avatars of the philosophical field are analysed through the lens of professor’s Constantin Ionescu Gulian’s destiny as an important manager of the institutions producing philosophy during the aforementioned period.
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Fisanov, Volodymyr. "Facing Europe: Regional Aspects of Paradiplomatics in Chernivtsi Oblast (Current Challenges and Possible Solutions)." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 7 (December 23, 2019): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.81-96.
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The article analyzes the phenomenon of paradiplomacy as a factor of fragmentation in a globalized world, which reflects the complex processes of reducing the role of the state as an actor and a foreign policy instrument in the post-Westphalian era. Different and real processes of regionalization and transregional interaction are investigated, using paradigm diplomacy in the Chernivtsi region. The author explores the factor of increasing the role of regional elites in order to increase their own legitimacy in the context of transregional interaction in the Upper Region Euroregion. Complexities and contradictions of transregional cooperation are considered. It’s concluded that the narrowing of this Euroregion should be avoided for ineffective communication between the managers and representatives of the bureaucracy of the three countries. The article noted that the granting of dual citizenship to representatives of the Romanian and Moldovan communities of Chernivtsi region is a certain critical milestone holding back highquality economic and social cooperation within the Upper Prut Euroregion. The author’s proposal is to launch a joint international educational and cultural project of Ukraine and Romania «History of Bukovina of the Twentieth сentury: without stereotypes and layers». The implementation of such project will help to overcome the old stereotypes in contemporary Ukrainian-Romanian relations, being a reliable tool for a more effective cultural paradigm over the next decade. We are facing the construction of European tradition in Ukraine, as well as in Romania and Moldova, which should be worthy of puzzle. Only then will the citizens of our three countries residing in the Upper Prut Euroregion become truly status citizens of United Europe, feeling the positive effects of the development of regional paradiplomacy.
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Sorbán, Angella. "Hungarian Beyond the Border1 On the Contexts of Education, Bilingualism, and Labour Market in the Early 21st Century. The Transylvanian Perspective." Hungarian Studies Yearbook 4, no. 1 (November 1, 2022): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hsy-2022-0004.
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Abstract Borders are particular (in-between) spaces: they have this side and the other side, which involve several real and imaginary spaces at the same time. For minorities, “beyond the borders” is also a specific space of language use. This paper discusses the correlations between minority bilingualism and social structure characteristics based on sociological surveys, taking as approach the sociology of space and John Ogbu’s ecological cultural model of schooling. It aims to offer an overview of my research carried out on this topic and tries to provide some references for rethinking the sociological implications of minority education considering the experiences of three decades since the fall of communism in Romania. The main results of this research – in concordance with other findings of similar inquiries – show that a mother-tongue education for ethnic Hungarian children in Romania is a necessary but not sufficient condition for reducing the structural gap that Hungarians in Transylvania have inherited from the 20th century. This study is centred on the aspects of interrelation between the language of education and labour market, more specifically on those linked to the attitudes and patterns of behaviour towards the official language, with particular focus on the role that languages play in the society and, in a narrower sense, in self-positioning on the labour market.
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Andreescu, Florentina. "The changing face of the Other in Romanian films." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 1 (January 2011): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.532776.
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This article focuses on how the Other is represented and understood in films produced in Romania during periods of radical political, social and economic change. Specifically it addresses films produced during the years of communism and the planned economy, during the transition to democracy and to capitalism, as well as films produced during the period of democracy, capitalism and membership in the European Union. The research acknowledges two main aspects: the changing face of the Other over time (the socialist state, the foreign investors, the West, etc.) and the consistency of the fantasy structure. More specifically, the relationship between self and the Other generally follows a strict masochist fantasy script in which the Other has the power to constrain freedom, to inflict pain, and to function as an essential element through which pleasure is understood and experienced. The research proposes an understanding of this structure of fantasy, reflected in film through the existence of a national psyche written by the main myths and stories embraced by the society in discussion. This structure of fantasy hails and constructs a certain subject that has a basic masochistic psychic structure.
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Foris, Tiberiu, and Diana Foris. "EUROPEAN FUNDS MANAGEMENT ANALYSIS—A CASE STUDY OF EUROPEAN SOCIAL FUNDS IN ROMANIA FROM 2007 TO 2013." CBU International Conference Proceedings 2 (July 1, 2014): 142–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v2.457.
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This article focuses on fund financing management of one of the utmost important European Union funds, the European Social Fund (ESF), and its implementation in Romania in its post adherence period (2007-2013). In this respect, the main aspects regarding the management and implementation of this program in Romania, as compared to other European countries, are analyzed taking into consideration the declared objectives at its launching moment. Through a defective management, these objectives have not reached their target, whereas the educational market of continuous adult education has been strongly distorted from the competitive point of view. Moreover, due to inadequate financial management, many of the involved agencies—private companies, schools, constitutive parts of the civil society, have gone bankrupted—the fact that would lead to a serious social imbalance.The research part of this article, being implied in the management of the most important strategic projects of this program (projects in qualifications for the spa tourism, agro-tourism, and food industry), presents a critical point of view on ESF management at a national level and highlights a set of proposals and recommendations, so that, between 2014 and 2020, Romania should be aligned with the European standards regarding the performance in implementing programs with non-reimbursable financing.
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Szilveszter, László Szilárd. "From Proletarian Internationalism to Transnational Consciousness." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 14, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausp-2022-0031.
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Abstract Following the Treaty of Trianon, in Transylvania, which had been detached from historical Hungary and attached to Romania, besides the Romanian majority, there lived a considerable Hungarian- and German-speaking minority. Although in the last two decades of the communist dictatorship – in the 70s and 80s – as a consequence of emigration to Germany, the number of ethnic Germans decreased substantially, the number of Hungarian speakers is over one million even today. Regarding the characteristics of the post-World War II literary discourse and cultural policy, in the second half of the forties, the communist power gained control over all manifestations of community life in Romania. It regulated culture and the arts, banned, abolished, or restructured all forums that had enjoyed some kind of independence, and completely revised the literary and artistic canon. In this era, the discourse emphasizing the aspects of revolutionary transformation and radical policy change decisively builds on the enemy image; the fault-line between past and present and the necessity of continuous political struggle prevail in both poetry and prose. In order to achieve the intended social goals, this kind of communist sacrifice ethics regards the annihilation of resisters, protesters, and even of the internal opposition not only as a possibility but as an assumed necessity. This paper aims to present the ideological/political and aesthetic/poetic tendencies that determined Transylvanian Hungarian literature and cultural policy from the mid-40s until the end of 20th century.
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Makarowski, Ryszard, Radu Predoiu, Andrzej Piotrowski, Karol Görner, Alexandra Predoiu, Rafael Oliveira, Raluca Anca Pelin, et al. "Coping Strategies and Perceiving Stress among Athletes during Different Waves of the COVID-19 Pandemic—Data from Poland, Romania, and Slovakia." Healthcare 10, no. 9 (September 14, 2022): 1770. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare10091770.
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Coronavirus disease (COVID-19), an infectious disease caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus, has affected numerous aspects of human functioning. Social contacts, work, education, travel, and sports have drastically changed during the lockdown periods. The pandemic restrictions have severely limited professional athletes’ ability to train and participate in competitions. For many who rely on sports as their main source of income, this represents a source of intense stress. To assess the dynamics of perceived stress as well as coping strategies during different waves of the COVID-19 pandemic, we carried out a longitudinal study using the Perception of Stress Questionnaire and the Brief COPE on a sample of 2020 professional athletes in Poland, Romania, and Slovakia. The results revealed that in all three countries, the highest intrapsychic stress levels were reported during the fourth wave (all, p < 0.01) and the highest external stress levels were reported before the pandemic (p < 0.05). To analyze the data, analyses of variance were carried out using Tukey’s post hoc test and η2 for effect size. Further, emotional tension was the highest among Polish and Slovak athletes in the fourth wave, while the highest among Romanian athletes was in the pre-pandemic period. The coping strategies used by the athletes in the fourth wave were more dysfunctional than during the first wave (independent t test and Cohen’s d were used). The dynamics of the coping strategies—emotion focused and problem focused—were also discussed among Polish, Romanian, and Slovak athletes. Coaches and sports psychologists can modify the athletes’ perceived stress while simultaneously promoting effective coping strategies.
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Ploscaru, Cristian, and IonuČ› Nistor. "HISTORIC MOLDOVA. HISTORICAL DISPARITIES, REGIONALISATION AND CROSS-BORDER INTEGRATION." CBU International Conference Proceedings 5 (September 30, 2017): 920–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v5.1112.
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This study proposes a theoretical approach to the idea of a platform for research and education on the historical substance of regionalization in Romania, with reference to the case of the historical province of Moldova. Furthermore, to identify the consequences, reactions, weaknesses, opportunities afforded by administrative restructuring from a post-regionalization demographic and socioeconomic viewpoint. An inter-disciplinary analysis – historical, demographic, economic – the traits of a Romanian society stemming from Moldova, the historical dynamics that underpin the modern Romanian state, will provide a picture of the current situation, focused mainly on its causes while trying to find explanations rooted in economic and social behaviours and attitudes which came to define and inform the subsequent development strategy of regionalization, allowing Moldova to play a central economic role in relation to other territories, similar to the role it played in the past two centuries, in the context of European integration strategies, in neighbouring parts of the continent (Republic of Moldova, Ukraine). The theoretical approach involves three components, expanding concentrically: 1) component of knowledge / research; 2) digital platform; 3) e-learning component. The research component seeks dynamic historical development of Moldova, from the time after the Union of the Romanian Principalities until today, focusing on specific regional elements. We will try to identify and analyze the specific features of Moldova, links with other areas of historical Moldavia, as the interaction between them and the Romanian public policy. Within the demographic component, we look at the historical population dynamics of Moldova, including various ethnic and religious communities, rural-urban ratios, social and professional structures. Another issue concerns the economic and comparative analysis in space and time, with respect to Moldova historical economic dynamics parameters - resources, infrastructure, industry, agriculture, trade, transport, etc. Both aspects will be analyzed in correlation with the impact of a permanent political factor, pursuing public policies promoted by the political regimes in their chronological sequence.
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Sporea, Danijel. "The rule of Nicolae Ceausescu and its tragic episode during the Romanian december revolution." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 52, no. 2 (2022): 381–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp52-37608.
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In December 1989, thousands of Romanian citizens took to the streets, protesting against Nicolae Ceausescu's policies. This was no surprise-some time ago, the Warsaw Pact countries, which for decades languished in the ideology of communism and the one-party system, struggled to put this era behind them. These uprisings initiated the fall of the current regimes through initial protests, which was why the then political elite often responded hysterically with repression and political violence. As the last country from the Central-Eastern bloc, Romania started the changes in the most repressive way and ended the era of communism. The most impressive aspect of this transition is the behaviour of Nicolae Ceausescu, the president of Romania at that time, who ignored the mentioned events in the neighbourhood. The initial revolt of the Romanian people, which Ceausescu visibly defied without suspecting that it would affect him, finally happened and closed his rule in blood. Relying on a wide range of different sources of material, in this paper we will try to present the historiography of the Romanian revolution authentically, from the perspective of the present moment. The starting point for the work is a conceptual analysis of the rule of Nicolae Ceausescu-from the very beginning, through the characteristic periods, all the way to the year of its completion. His rule, characterized by other Warsaw Pact states as the most severe form of communism, led to violence and revolutionary riots that left a bloody mark on Romania's history. Some of the theses presented, such as the coup d'etat, conspiracy, or foreign intervention, which were presented as the cause of the collapse of Ceausescu's regime, opened space for many reflections. But the real picture seems much simpler: the people of Romania, after the most difficult period of austerity, poverty, and torture, rose against a dictatorial regime that has denied the most basic social and humanistic values.
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Geta, Mitrea. "Social Economy in Romania after Post-Communism Era. Present Challenges and Future Social Policies." Problemy Polityki Społecznej Studia i Dyskusje 57, no. 2 (October 10, 2022): 101–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31971/pps/152008.
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Abrudan, Ioan Vasile. "Post-communism structural changes of the Romanian forestry sector." Scientific Bulletin of UNFU 29, no. 10 (December 26, 2019): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.36930/40291002.
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Forests cover 28 % of the land area of Romania and, they are important from the ecological, economic and social perspectives. Political initiatives to restore property to its pre-nationalization (1948) forest owners became a reality, after the fall of communism. Compared to the other former communist countries from Central and Eastern Europe, the forest restitution process in Romania took a longer time and has been legally implemented via three successive restitution laws in a period of 15 years: Law 18/1991, Law 1/2000 and Law 457/2005. By the successive implementation of these forest restitution laws, the total forest area restituted to the non-state forest owners reached 3.15 million ha at the beginning of 2017, representing about half of the total forest area in Romania. The institutional changes in the forestry sector have been politically influenced (both by the Government and European Union) and not always responsive to the sector needs, realities and evolution. Whilst during the communist period, all typical sectoral functions such as regulatory, supervisory, management and ownership were under the responsibility of the same entity – the Ministry of Forests, in early 1990 s the regulatory and supervisory functions of the state were separated from the management function as the National Forest Administration (NFA)-Romsilva was established as the management entity of state forests, mainly with a commercial mandate. The move of the Department of Forests (the public authority responsible for forests in Romania) under different ministries in the last three decades was accompanied by many changes of the subordinated units and disruptions in the normal activity of its staff. Regarding the forest control and supervisory functions at regional level, 7 regional Forest Inspectorates were established in 1999, their number being increased to 16 in 2001. After 2003 they have had a tumultuous evolution, with several changes of mission and subordination and in 2015, the Forest Inspectorates were transformed into Forest Guards. A significant institutional milestone in the post-communist development of the forestry sector in Romania was the establishment of the first "private" forest districts (administrative/management legal entities for non-state forests, similar to those of NFA-Romsilva) in 2002: their number reached 145 in 2017, managing more than 1.7 million ha of forests. The radical change in forest ownership continues to pose a high pressure on the restructuring of the forest institutions, administration and management structures. It is expected that the decentralisation and reduction of state role in forest administration and management will continue in the next decade.
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Knyazeva, Svetlana. "THE PROBLEM OF THE EU INTEGRATION OF THE BALKAN COUNTRIES AND THE EU ENLARGEMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF THE VALUE MODEL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.08.
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The article examines a wide range of the problems associated with the boundless enlargement of the European Union which makes it possible to place the Balkans in the context of general European development. To become a member of the EU is the important goal of the post-socialist countries of the Balkans/South-Eastern Europe. Bulgaria, Romania, and the post-Yugoslavian states of Slovenia and Croatia became full members of the EU. Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Albania are still at different stages of integration into the European community. This accession is the logical completion of the processes of social, political, economic and legal transformation of the Balkan countries, in which they themselves and the European Union as a whole and its individual member states are interested for reasons of geopolitics and geoeconomics. However, the accession to Europe (or the return to Europe) of the Balkan states with their authoritarian and socialist past includes not only the reform of the economic, political and legal systems, but also a change in value orientations. While in the states of the so-called «founding fathers» of the EU a Western European corporate civic identity is being formed, in the countries of the former Eastern Europe and the Balkan region, ethnic identity remains remains largely in the mainstream of public consciousness. The author examines axiological, ideological and psychological aspects of the accession of post-socialist countries to the EU, and also analyzes specific foreign policy problems associated with this process and the role of regional international organizations in the «europeanization» of the Balkans and in the settlement of ethnic and interstate conflicts in the region that still remain acute. Negative tendencies, first of all - the strengthening of populist sentiments and the coming to power of politicians reflecting these sentiments, pose challenges and threats not only to the European Union, but also to Russia.
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Ogáyar-Marín, Francisco-Javier, Vasile Muntean, and Juan-Francisco Gamella-Mora. "Redes sociales digitales en la migración trasnacional romá de Rumanía. Una polymedia transnacional = Digital Media and Digital Networks in the Romanian Roma Migration: A new transnational polymedia." Revista de Humanidades, no. 35 (October 11, 2018): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdh.35.2018.19813.
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Resumen: En este artículo estudiamos la convergencia de la migración romá rumana posterior a 1989 con el desarrollo de las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación (TIC) a partir de ese mismo período. Para ello hemos partido del trabajo etnográfico previo realizado durante dos campañas entre 2003-2007 y 2013-2016 respectivamente con siete redes romá Korturare procedentes de las regiones rumanas de Transilvania y el Bánato, centrándonos en tres de ellas por su presencia en la ciudad de Granada. El rol de los recursos de polymedia, un entorno emergente de posibilidades comunicativas, facilita y alienta los desplazamientos migratorios al reducir incertidumbres y permitir experiencias de copresencia (digitalizada) en un contexto transnacional. Esta situación favorece dinámicas de reproducción y control cultural, pero a la vez habilita y permite usos diferenciados en polymedia que esbozan transformaciones en las costumbres romá.Abstract: In this paper we explore the convergence of two contemporary parallel processes: the post-1990 transnational migration of Roma groups from some Eastern European countries, particularly Romania to the West, and the growing use by these populations of the expanding social media derived from the revolutionary development of new ICT (information and communication technologies). We have followed some groups from Transylvania and Banat to their western diaspora in a long-term ethnographic work that started in 2003 and was retaken in a recent ethnographic project (2013-2017). We have studied primarily groups living in Andalusia, although their family networks are extended today over more than 30 localities in a dozen of European and North American countries. These networks of networks form a social space or commuinity or reference that is largely maintained through digital communication. The different social media and communication options (from Facebook to cheap phone calls) generate a new kind of virtual environment or polymedia (Madianou and Miller 2011, 2012). In this paper we explore the effects of this new social space of communication in three major aspects of Roma social life: 1)Its effects in facilitating, supporting and inducing mobility and migration; 2) In cultural reproduction and transformation through the maintenance of specific systems of family, marriage, gender and conflict resolution, including the online transmission of public trials and courts (kris), funerary rituals and elaborated marriage ceremonies, including betrothal (mangaimo) and weddings (abev); and 3)In new processes of social distinction and differentiation following fracture lines of class, gender and generation.
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Pohrib, Codruţa Alina. "The Romanian “Latchkey Generation” writes back: Memory genres of post-communism on Facebook." Memory Studies 12, no. 2 (June 13, 2017): 164–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017709869.
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Since the 2000s an alternative engagement with the communist past has emerged across media in Romania in the shape of a generational discourse, which negotiates a post-communist generational identity for individuals growing up in the 1970s–1980s. This article focuses on the online memory practices of this self-dubbed “latchkey generation” by investigating an emerging life writing genre—the Facebook generatiography—and its reliance on the archiving of communist memorabilia in the shape of photographed objects. How do generational frames of remembrance, members of a specific generation, and the sociotechnical affordances of Facebook pages intra-act to produce this genre? And what does it “do” in the context of post-communist Romania? This article sets about answering these questions while arguing for the renewed need to think about generations as generically actualized discursive strategies in the age of social media.
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Almond, Mark. "Romania since the Revolution." Government and Opposition 25, no. 4 (October 1, 1990): 484–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00399.x.
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THE VIOLENCE WHICH MARKED THE OVERTHROW OF Nicolae Ceaugescu's regime at Christmas 1989, and the recurrent disorders, especially in Bucharest, which have punctuated developments over the last nine months, have made Romania's experience of anti-Communist revolution strikingly different from that of its neighbours to the north and to the west. Whatever the political and social tensions emerging in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland (and whatever may be the GDR's legacy to a reunified Germany), it is unlikely that the charge of neo-communism will be central to their political debate. It is precisely that charge levelled against the government party (National Salvation Front/FSN) and against the person of Ion Ilescu by various opposition groups, and former prominent dissidents under Ceaugescu, which remains the most emotive issue in Romanian politics. The question of whether the revolution which overthrew Nicolae Ceauyescu and led to the dissolution of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP) was the result of a popular uprising or a coup d'état planned by Party members has haunted Romanian politics through the first nine months of the post-Ceauqescu period.
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Ciobanu, Monica. "The End of the Democratic Transition? Analyzing the Quality of Democracy Model in Post-Communism." Comparative Sociology 8, no. 1 (2009): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913308x375586.
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AbstractThe problem addressed in this article is the adequacy of the recently developed quality of democracy model in analyzing post-communist democracies in the context of their recent accession into the European Union. In order to provide some clarification of this question, the conceptual framework is utilized in light of past and recent political developments in Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland and Romania. Several procedural and substantive dimensions of the model are examined, particularly participation and competition, accountability, governance, rule of law, corruption and aspects of popular legitimacy. The main conclusion is that while the model proves its ability to understand some of the specific dynamics and peculiarities of these cases, it is less successful in showing how democratic legitimacy becomes institutionalized.
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Tion, Lucian. "The Socialist Leader in Film: Sergiu Nicolaescu’s Hot Days in Romania and Post-Maoist China." Comparative Literature Studies 59, no. 3 (August 1, 2022): 468–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/complitstudies.59.3.0468.
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ABSTRACT This article comparatively explores the reception of Sergiu Nicolaescu’s film Zile fierbinți (Hot Days, 1975) in socialist and postsocialist Romania and China. Received as a propagandistic film in one postsocialist context, the film is understood as a gesture toward social change in another. While the film began to be considered a paragon of propagandistic indoctrination in Romania after the fall of communism, in China Nicolaescu’s work was and continues to be interpreted as a celebration of the individual under socialism and, at the time of its screening, resonated with the restructuring of the communist system during the Deng Xiaoping reform era. Drawing on 1970s Romanian film criticism, the author shows that the postsocialist-era reading of the film’s protagonist as an authoritarian symbol of Romania’s political dictatorship misses that socialist realism and the film de actualitate genres played an important role in negotiating a working-class response to the one-party state, while also gesturing toward certain reforms of Romanian state socialism. The author also reinterprets the figure of the film’s protagonist, the socialist leader, as an invitation for more active political engagement and as a symbol of the potential restructuring of the Romanian economy along the more progressive lines of Yugoslavia’s “worker self-management” and Hungary’s “Gulash Communism.”
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Cordali Gradea, Adriana. "The rhetoric of leaving, or the mirage of the fetishized West in Cristian Mungiu’s Occident." Journal of European Studies 48, no. 3-4 (October 22, 2018): 250–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244118796091.
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In one of his earlier films, Occident (2002), Cristian Mungiu showcases the East–West divide in post-communist Romania. First, the rhetoric of leaving and the rhetoric of staying are complex historical legacies of the communist period, when communist propaganda demonized capitalism and the West. In the communist totalitarian public rhetoric, East–West binaries emphasized the East and communism, which led to a fetishization of the West in the private sphere. I call the motility of predominant discourses between private and public spheres the dialectic of rhetoric, which is also always historical. Secondly, the fetish of the West is a kind of Occidentalism, or a reversed Orientalism, and it is made apparent in the film’s title. The film’s characters are trapped between binaries, given that all these factors have social, political and psychological consequences on people’s lives. Compositionally, the film’s multiple narrative planes compile a postmodern, fragmented structure, mirroring the breakdown of rhetorical master-narratives in post-communism.
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Schwartz, David. "Genealogy of Political Theatre in Post-Socialism. From the Anti-“System” Nihilism to the Anti-Capitalist Left." Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai Sociologia 64, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/subbs-2019-0008.
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Abstract What have been the conditions of production for a political theatre to appear in post-1990s Romania? How and why contemporary theatre in Romania ended up ignoring or dismissing the leftwing, engaged or militant theatrical movements active before 1945? Why local theatre history and theory entirely obliterated, also, the politically-engaged theatre forms active during communism itself? What kind of tradition forms the contemporary political theatre, what is the politics that informs their working practices and collaborations, how do the artists engage with the groups they choose to give voice and with the audience? Using a broad and on-purpose multi-faceted definition of political theatre, the article focuses on theatre artists, practices and performances that question capitalism as a social and power structure, sometimes from an intersectional perspective, but always framing this criticism in a class approach. Largely a practice-based analysis, the text gives a comprehensive on-going history of a strong performative movement and its challenges, from the representational strategies and the financial and positioning issues to the scarcity of critical covering and reviewing and the extending of an (opposite) political engagement in the mainstream theatre in Romania.
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Ivanov, Laurentiu. "A Study Of The Economies Of Poland And Romania During Communism Period (1945- 1989)." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 10 (April 29, 2016): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n10p21.
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The present economic crisis has highlighted a country in transition to a market economy, which has not experienced economic recession: Poland. The Polish experience cannot be overlooked because the country‘s positive economic evolution was completely different from the evolution of the largest European economies, many of them facing distressful situations for long periods of time. The question to be addressed in this paper is „Could the present economic realities be partially influenced by the historical evolution of a country?“ In an attempt to provide an answer to this question, the present paper will highlight the social and economic developments in Romania and Poland in relation to developed countries for the period 1945-1989 and will conduct a comparative analysis between the two countries. The conclusions of the present study will be the starting point in a comparative analysis of the two countries in the post-communist period.
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Sâsâiac, Andi. "From Woods and Water to the Gran Bazaar: Images of Romania in English Travelogues after WWI." Linguaculture 2015, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lincu-2015-0046.
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Abstract Although globalization brings different countries and cultures in closer and closer contact, people are still sensitive when it comes to aspects such as cultural specificity or ethnicity. The collapse of communism and the extension of the European Union have determined an increase of interest in Romania’s image, both on the part of foreigners and of Romanians themselves. The purpose of this paper is to follow the development of Romania’s image in English travelogues in the last hundred years, its evolution from a land of “woods and water” in the pre-communist era to a “grand bazaar” in the post-communist one, with clear attempts, in recent years, to re-discover a more idyllic picture of the country, one that should encourage ecological tourism. The article is also intended to illustrate the extra-textual (historical, economic, cultural) factors that have impacted, in different ways, on this image evolution.
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Kopstein, Jeffrey, and Michael Bernhard. "Post-Communism, the Civilizing Process, and the Mixed Impact of Leninist Violence." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 2 (September 29, 2014): 379–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414550364.
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Leninism and the central role that violence played in it is most commonly presented as a hindrance to democratic development in post-communist Eastern Europe. This paper reconsiders this proposition in light of the classics of comparative historical analysis. These classic works maintain that the long-term consequences of revolutionary violence sometimes counteract its short-term anti-democratic impact. Social change unleashed by revolution can contribute to the emergence of democracy in subsequent periods by removing pre-modern barriers to democracy. Two aspects of Leninist violence are highlighted as having such effects: forced modernization and the civilizing process. Communist modernization altered pre-modern social structures which had served as impediments to democracy prior to the Leninist seizure of power. The resulting social structures and the values reinforced by the communist version of the “civilizing process,” patterned on those of bourgeois conventions of the early twentieth century, helped some post-communist countries overcome obstacles to the introduction of liberal democracy encountered in earlier attempts in the region after World War I.
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Vlase, Ionela, and Alin Croitoru. "Nesting self-employment in education, work and family trajectories of Romanian migrant returnees." Current Sociology 67, no. 5 (April 12, 2019): 778–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392119842205.
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Challenging a biased view towards self-employed returnees as neoliberal selves, as the normalized approach of the migration–development nexus tends to depict them, this article builds an alternative conceptual framework to unpack the variegated experiences of migrant returnees’ self-employment trajectories in post-socialist Romania. The authors argue that the overemphasis on the benefits of return migration for origin countries through the skewed focus on the migrants’ accrual of human and financial capital and their ostensible entrepreneurial orientation has resulted in disregarding more influential biographical and cultural aspects. Life story interviews with middle-aged participants reveal the complex subjectivities that are co-produced by the habitus formed during communism – as children born and raised within working-class families – neoliberalism’s rise during the post-socialist transition, and migration, which altered the pursuit of their life goals. The article documents three distinct self-employment pathways among the interviewed return migrants, suggesting that the subjectivities of the self-employed are not uniformly confined to neoliberal self-understandings.
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Catau Veres, Daniela. "Technical Translations in the Service of Political and Scientific Communication in Post-War Romania. The Case of Russian Translations and the Role of Arlus-Russian Book Publishing House." European Journal of Law and Public Administration 9, no. 1 (June 25, 2022): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/eljpa/9.1/170.
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The place of translations in the process of interpersonal communication can be defined on the one hand by referring to the linguistic aspect of the act of translation, so to the linguistic role of translation as a communication tool, and, on the other hand, by recalling the epistemological value of translation seen as an opener of the road to knowledge in a broad sense. In fact, translation unites cultures, creates bridges to knowledge and participates in its spread. However, for the current research, we have chosen to talk about the social role of translations, which, beyond their linguistic and epistemological role, can become a political and scientific communication tool at the disposal of some social actors holding political power. We will briefly present here the role of technical translations in political-ideological and technical-scientific communication in Romanian society from the immediate post-war years in Romania, which entered an accelerated process of sovietisation of society. Translations became an instrument of political power used in changing mentalities, in educating the masses according to Soviet standards and in the political transformation of society.
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Bălăuță, Dănuț, Alexandru Neagoe, Marius Vasiluță Ștefănescu, and Ovidiu Florin Toderici. "The Social and Vocational Integration of Former Users of the Child Protection System in Romania: A Qualitative Study." Sustainability 11, no. 12 (June 15, 2019): 3306. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11123306.
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The social and vocational integration of vulnerable groups is an important aspect of social sustainability. Former users of the residential child protection system represent such a group. The purpose of our research was to investigate the social and vocational integration of individuals raised in the child protection system in Romania. Their experiences during and after their time in residential care are analyzed. The research sample was composed of 23 interviewees (18 male and 5 female) with an average age of thirty-five at the time of the interview (SD = 7.49). Our research method was a qualitative one, based on a semi-structured interview. The results paint a generally bleak image of life in such institutions, both before the fall of communism in Romania in December 1989 and subsequently. In addition, the respondents’ transition from institutional life to independent living was full of challenges. Nevertheless, most of the respondents have demonstrated a remarkable level of resilience, based on factors such as education, self-esteem, work, a life partner and the ability to acquire new skills. As a general conclusion, our study has shown that a sustainable social development plan should include social policies which strive for the de-institutionalization of the child protection system by preventing the separation of children from their biological families or, where necessary, by finding family-type solutions for children in difficulty. If institutional childcare is to continue, it must be accompanied by consistent efforts to prepare these children for their transition to independent living.
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Kim, Jeong Hwan. "Politics, Economy and Social Culture in Romania during the Transition." East European and Balkan Institute 46, no. 2 (May 31, 2022): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.2.101.
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After the 1989 revolution, new politicians in the transition period who had to adapt to unfamiliar political atmosphere shared three visions for the future of the country. The first was the restoration of pre-communist history and politics, the second was the declaration of liberalism, and the last was the realization of a social project and political design for this purpose.
However, the political situation in the 1990s was grim due to the deterioration of the National Salvation Front (Frontul Salvării Naţionale) and the unrest in the university square, and the new world was slowly approaching because of the old communists. On one hand, Romania in transition had the dual goal of creating representative democracy systems and practices, and establishing a free market economy system on the other hand. This double transformation was premised on the introduction and settlement of neoliberal ideology according to policy decisions between ‘representative democracy’ and ‘market economy’, and social consensus on democratization and transition to a market economy.
A successful transition was a task given to president Ion Iliescu, who had to lead at a major turning point in 1990~1996, but the historical reality was far more complex and difficult than could have been anticipated and programmed. From president Emil Constantinescu, who made the first democratic transfer of power in 1996, to Prime Minister Adrian Năstase in 2002, the political declarations and experiments of ‘the end of the transition’ and ‘the beginning of a new era’ were repeated over and over again.
Society in the transition had to abandon the paternalistic and authoritarian mindset left behind by the communist ideology and dictatorship of the past. The most important change is the transition from a monolithic system such as a dictatorship to a plural system. Free access to mass media, the opening of the free movement right, and the promise of restoration to Europe have led to a radical acceleration of social change.
In that sense, EU accession in 2007 can be regarded as the end of the transition to the post-communist regime. Romania was officially linked with Europe again politically and economically, as it had been before socialism. This long historical process suggests how the experience of communism affected Romanians’ worldview and how real their integration into Europe was.
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Oltean, Tatiana. "Lăsați-mă să cânt! [Let me sing!] – a Romanian operetta by Gherase Dendrino: links between the ethical, aesthetic and political content." Artes. Journal of Musicology 19, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajm-2019-0004.
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Abstract It was during the communist regime of the post-war years that Romanian composer Gherase Dendrino wrote an operetta in celebration of the centenary of Ciprian Porumbescu’s birth, named Lăsați-mă să cânt [Let me sing!]. It revolves around the figure of Porumbescu himself, as the first Romanian composer to have ever written an operetta that would be performed and published, named Crai nou [New Moon]. Lăsați-mă să cânt [Let me sing!] tells the story of the making of the first Romanian operetta and was revived during the spring of 2018 at the Cluj-Napoca Romanian National Opera House, as part of the festivities related to the Centenary of the Great Union. The present research highlights three aspects of Dendrino’s operetta: firstly, the one related to the ethical values, epitomized in the libretto by the main character, Ciprian, who, along with his friends, achieves the greatest task of the birth of the Romanian operetta, in spite of all opposition and pitfalls; secondly, the aesthetic content, regarding de musical language of the work, opposing the world of the Romanian provincial town to the Viennese Salonmusik; thirdly, the political aspect, encompassing the subtext of the libretto and the message of the work, which underwent continuous changes over the decades and social and political contexts up to the present day. Thus, the analysis takes into account both the sound and the word.
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ÖZDEMİR, Ayhan Yavuz. "INVESTIGATION OF SIEGFRIED LENZ'S NOVEL ENTITLED " THE TURNCOAT" IN THE FRAMEWORK OF HANNAH ARENDT'S PHILOSOPHICAL VIEWS." Zeitschrift für die Welt der Türken / Journal of World of Turks 13, no. 1 (April 15, 2021): 249–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/zfwt/130113.
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II. World War has an important place in the history of Germany, as it affected the society deeply in sociological, economic and psychological aspects and the damage left is not easily lost. Therefore, World War II and post-war period has been the subject of many literary works. Depicting of the social panorama reflected in the novel "The Pure Changer" by Siegfried Lenz, one of the German literary writers constitutes the aim of the study. Considering the fact that other social sciences can be used while interpreting literary works, the novel has been handled within the framework of Hannah Arendt's philosophical views, taking into consideration the interdisciplinary perspective. In addition, while analyzing the novel, the text-based approach style was taken into account. In this study, the style of writing of Siegfried Lenz was mentioned and the novel was analyzed considering the philosophical views of Hannah Arendt. In this study, the search for the truth with conscientious, critical and moral principles by elusion of the reality of evil becoming ordinary, of individuals who have ideas and can assume responsibility among German soldiers during the war period and the post-war period are discussed in the novel. Key words: Post-war German Literature, Siegfried Lenz, Hannah Arendt
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Winslow, J. D. A. "Owning It." Digital Culture & Society 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 149–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/dcs-2019-0210.
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Abstract This paper analyses the constructed reality TV show Made in Chelsea as a vision of a post-work world. Specifically I situate the programme as providing a more realistic vision of a post-work economy than that set out by left futurists advocating for fully automated luxury communism. Through an analysis of the depiction of work and play within the show it becomes apparent that any apparent boundaries between the two are rapidly collapsing, with both subsumed under the auspices of performative authenticity. I argue that increasing automation will more likely lead to fully automated luxury communicative capitalism, unless left futurists acknowledge the affective aspects of social media use.
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Doboș, Corina. "Swinging Statistics." History of Communism in Europe 9 (2018): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce201896.
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The present article proposes an examination of the disciplinary evolution of demographic research in Communist Romania, as a case study of the mutually constitutive, multifaceted relationship between science, politics, ideology and memory. My research tries to compensate for the lack of access to the archives of the central institutions for population research during Communism (the National Institute of Statistics and the National Commission of Demography), by combining published sources (mainly scientific works, but also histories of demography and personal memoirs), with different archival documents, mainly coming from personal funds of two population researchers (Sabin Manuilă and Ștefan Milcu), from the fund of the Central Commission for Planning, of the Chancellery of the Romanian Communist Party and from diplomatic archives. I pay attention to the side of the story offered by the actors themselves, focusing on the way in which the legacy of interwar demography was assumed and invoked in different post-war accounts regarding the history of demographic discipline in Romania. By doing so, I seek to contribute to writing a history of science as a product of complex entanglements between the different factors that circumscribe the process of knowledge production within a larger social and political context: specific professional interests and institutional settings, subjective interpretations, ideological pressures and attempts of political control.
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Doiciara, Claudia, and Remus Creţana. "Pandemic populism: COVID-19 and the rise of the Nationalist AUR party in Romania." Geographica Pannonica 25, no. 4 (2021): 243–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gp25-33782.
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Many Central and Eastern European countries elected nationalist parties after the collapse of communism: a phenomenon often attributed to a combination of socioeconomic crisis and political instability. In 2010s, after the decay of other nationalist parties, Romania was seen as an exception to this rule, but the Covid-19 pandemic times have witnessed the rapid rise of a new nationalist party: the AUR (the Alliance for the Union of Romanians). Parliamentary elections in December 2020 saw this new political force gain 9.1% of the vote. Whereas previous nationalist parties in post-Communist Romania tended to appeal to more senior/elderly voters, there is evidence that the AUR vote is strong amongst men under the age of 35 who are educated to an elementary or high school level. This paper uses national electoral data, media analysis, and in-depth interviews with young, educated people to explore the spatial distribution of AUR support, the ways in which the COVID-19 pandemic has assisted the party's rise to prominence, and attitudes amongst university students to both the style and content of their politics. The paper concludes that the AUR offer a potent mix of old nationalism, religious faith, traditional family values and new ideological elements, such as environmentalism, anti-globalization, and anti-government critique to create a self-consciously 'alternative' political rhetoric. This is presented via new channels (especially social media) in a deliberately opportunistic, controversial, and spectacular manner. However, our investigation suggests that neither the content nor the style of this politics has widespread appeal among the more educated younger participants to the interview.
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Cârstea, Andreea. "Fighting “The Ghosts of the Past”. Communism and Lustration as Key Topics of the First Romanian Electoral Debate (May 17, 1990) – A Review of Context and Discourse –." History of Communism in Europe 10 (2019): 91–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce2019105.
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The general perception regarding the political discourse produced in Romania after 1989 is that the actors (politicians, media, and the public) prioritized a number of themes, which, in spite of their circumstantial dimensions, tended to become strongly established topics. From this perspective, transitional politics became a discursive locus for a number of issues, the actors repeatedly returning to the same ‘well‑worn roads’. Using as corpus samples of discourse from the first electoral campaign post‑1989, the study analyses if and how the controversial theme of the recent historical legacies became a crucial topic during that interval, investigating the main approaches used by the actors and discussing whether or not these settled the frame of interpretation for the following interval. The paper draws on critical and historical discourse analysis, interpreting discourse as both text and context, language and action, discursive event and social situation. It represents an analysis of a topic that, over the years, has become a thematic keystone in political discourse.
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Horowitz, Irving Louis. "Between the Charybdis of Capitalism and the Scylla of Communism: The Emigration of German Social Scientists, 1933-1945." Social Science History 11, no. 2 (1987): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200015753.
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I would like to examine two aspects of German scholarly emigration to the Western democracies, especially the United States and Great Britain. I do not necessarily seek to offer a full explanation of this complex historical and ideological issue, but rather an analysis that attempts to avoid the maze of sociological generalizing that has grown up around the politically inspired migration of scholars.Let me state quite frankly that I am neither a devotee of the history of ideas approach nor an apologist for any particular group of exiles or their ideology. Rather, I seek to understand the common denominators, or better, the root elements that recently led René König (1984) to locate the source of the German sociological exodus in the virulent nationalism of the 1920s, and to argue that the fusion of conservative and radical elements in post-1933 rational socialism was a culmination rather than a cause of social scientific breakdown. As Otto Neurath put this plight: “We are like sailors who must rebuild their ships on the open sea without benefit of a dock, or an opportunity to select the best replacement parts” (Blum, 1985).
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Lotz, Christian. "Alienation, Private Property, and Democracy: Why Worrell and Krier Raise Questions in the Clouds." Critical Sociology 44, no. 2 (October 3, 2016): 267–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920516664963.
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In this article, I argue that Marx’s philosophy does not commit us to Worrell and Krier’s claim that a post-capitalist society will be a social formation in which all social relations appear unmediated to their agents. Quite the opposite is true: given his Hegelian background, which Marx never gives up, social relations are in principle to be mediated by the results of human productive acts, and although a socialist society no longer is mediated by capital, it still cannot be thought without a legal, ethical, and political form of these relations. Those meditations (which Worrell and Krier do not separate clearly from social-economic aspects) will be universal. Accordingly, the authors’ claim that Marx is opposed to the concept of the universal is baseless. In addition, I demonstrate that Worrell and Krier’s interpretation of Marx’s concept of alienation as a romantic concept is misguided and, instead, that we would do well to focus on the concept of private property. Finally, I show that they do not properly grasp Marx’s concepts of democracy and communism.
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Voskresenski, Valentin. "Monumental Memorialization of Political Violence in Bulgaria (1944 – 1989): beyond Traumatization, Contestation and Dangerization of Memory." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 3 (October 5, 2021): 49–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i3.3.
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The article examines monumental memorialization of political violence in the period of communism in Bulgaria. The text reviews contemporary research presenting the topic of transitional justice, formation of victim’s identities and as part of post-communist cultural memory. A research is made of three theoretical approaches to understanding monumental memorialization – through traumatization, contestation or dangerization of memory and the social functions and meanings stemming from them. The analytical part represents a case study from Bulgaria, using ample empirical material – interviews, archive materials and other sources, part of a larger research by the author. Comparative analysis is used for description of national idiosyncrasies which is used as a basis to present their variants, temporal and spatial aspects. Social functions, political uses, interpretations, their use for reconstruction of national past and formation of national identity. A separate part of the text examines the initiators of these memorial signs – social actors, nongovernmental organizations and political parties, on which the degree of institutionalization and politization of this memory depends, as well as their use for far right radicalization. The text tracks the change of memorial landscapes and the major spatial trajectories (logics) of this post-communist topography of terror, as well as the symbolism embodied in it, combining political, traditional and religious meanings.
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Domanski, Henryk. "Is the East European “underclass” feminized?" Communist and Post-Communist Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1, 1997): 383–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(02)00027-2.
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Results of national surveys carried out in East-European countries convincingly showed that after the fall of communism the gender gap in earnings remained substantial. Following the same analytical framework here I explore a range of issues concerning the gender gap in membership in what I define as the “underclass” in 6 post-communist societies. The basic question is to determine whether or not such a gap exits. I find considerable cross-national variation in the odds of female/male membership in the underclass: women in Poland, Russia and Hungary appear to be most heavily over-represented in this category, while in Bulgaria and Slovakia, the effect of gender does not exist. In addition, the explanation for this gap cannot be found in the intergenerational transmission of poverty, in differences in marital status, and other social–demographic attributes commonly employed in quantitative studies. It is only the lower educational status of women, living in rural areas, and older age, which significantly interact with relatively higher representation of women in the underclass. After controlling for several characteristics of a person's socio–economic position I found that in four countries, namely in Poland, Russia, Romania and Hungary, a statistically significant net effect of gender remains which provides solid evidence for the feminization of the underclass in these societies.
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Vasiliu, Roxana-Mihaela. "The Political and Civic Involvement of Students: a sociological research." Technium Social Sciences Journal 9 (June 10, 2020): 501–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v9i1.931.
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On a democratic society, it is desirable to consolidate the relation between citizens and political system through a participatory political culture. Romania – as others post-communism spaces – is characterized by a low level of political communication, poor civic involvement and insufficiently cooperation between government and citizens. During this context, the position of the new generation is crucial in consolidating democracy. Previous studies showed that the young Romanian is perceived rather as an outsider in the relation with the system, have a low trust in institutions by comparison with other age categories, and is not optimistic regarding the capacity of public contestation. On long term, these issues can lead either to a decrease of interest on civic engagement and – in time – to the emergence of a democratic deficit or a subject political culture, or to the emergence of anti-system positions. Nowadays, young people have new tools to help developing a participatory culture, such as new media, new forms of political socialization, an increasing interest in non-governmental organizations et. al. The purpose of the paper is to approach a set of indicators specific to civic and political involvement, using data from a sociological quantitative study conducted on a sample of 430 undergraduates’ students from three specializations: Sociology, Social Work and Human Resources (“Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University of Iasi), in order to observe their civic and political attitudes.
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Sierra, María. "Creating Romanestan: A Place to be a Gypsy in Post-Nazi Europe." European History Quarterly 49, no. 2 (April 2019): 272–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419836909.
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This article examines the political formula of Romanestan as conceived by Ionel Rotaru (1918–1982), a Romanian refugee in France after the Second World War. Romanestan is the most visible aspect of an ambitious plan demanding rights for those labelled Gypsies throughout the world. This study is of interest because it sheds new light on the problems of social and political readjustment after the Second World War from the standpoint of racial exclusion. Rotaru’s project was both the response to longstanding historical racist aggression and also a crucial turning point in the formation of Romani ethnic identity. What makes its study interesting is that the formula of the Romanestan wove the right to exist of those regarded as Gypsies into a creative transnational political project. Based on classified documents, this article highlights the political nature of processes of ethnicization and assesses the performative power of symbols.
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Kinney, Eleanor D. "Realization of the International Human Right to Health in an Economically Integrated North America." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 37, no. 4 (2009): 807–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2009.00452.x.
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During World War II, the Allies created the United Nations and its associated international institutions to stabilize the post-war world. The Allies envisioned a coordinated world in which human rights for all were respected, economic and social progress for all promoted, and global warfare prevented. This was a phenomenally fantastic vision that seemed unattainable in the wake of the most devastating global war in history.Today, the world is witnessing some of the fruits of these mid-20th century events and aspirations, especially since the collapse of Communism in 1989. Economic integration and free trade has become much more prevalent as exemplified by astounding developments such as the European Union. And there is a greater appreciation of human rights, including the international human right to health. This article examines the evolution of trade policy and the impact of free trade policies on the health care sectors of the three countries of North America and the realization of the human right to health in North America.
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John Rae, Gavin. "The relationship between attitudes in Poland towards the decommodified welfare state with those on the communist economy and transition to a market economy." International Journal of Social Economics 44, no. 12 (December 4, 2017): 2128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-02-2016-0057.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is threefold: to examine social opinions in Poland towards the decommodified ideal type of welfare state, as developed by Esping-Andersen; to look at the extent to which this is correlated with opinions towards aspects of the Communist economy and the transition from this system; and to show how opinions on decommodification and the Communist economy and transition are multi-faceted and reflect differing socio-economic interests. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws on data obtained from a questionnaire asked to a random sample of 1,001 respondents in Poland. A factor analysis of questions related to the topic is carried out and then bivariate correlation and multivariate regression analyses are performed to test the relationship between attitudes towards decommodification and the (post) Communist economy. Findings It is discovered that the opinions of Polish society are close to many aspects of the decommodified welfare model, although these are not homogenous. There is a significant correlation between opinions towards the Communist economy and transition with the decommodified welfare state, although this weakens when the respondents are asked about more specific issues of welfare that most directly relate to their everyday lives. Originality/value The paper uses high quality data from an original data source, to both examine opinions on the welfare system and the Communist economy and transition. This allows us to better understand opinions towards the welfare state in Poland and understand how the historical legacy of Communism influences these opinions.
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Nicolau, Felix. "Memories from the future: constative and performed identities in ideologized spaces." Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 4, no. 1 (May 13, 2021): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v4i1.22420.
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Although communism was a Western creation its last consequences were implemented in southeastern Europe. In addition to the imposed aspects, there were local enthusiasms and excesses of zeal (euphemistically speaking), which attest to the existence of an identity matrix and a common mentality. Countries with an authoritarian tradition have absorbed this ideology of simultaneous denationalization and supra-nationalization to the deepest. And after the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989, the Southeast European space preserved mass nostalgia: Stalin, Tito and Ceausescu are still guardianship figures for many of various social categories. Imperialist stability and/or glory are two of the most important reasons for forgetting communist terror. The research tries to identify and analyze the sources of historical instability that has an impact on the post-communist present - the communist heritage still looming large-, as well as to demystify certain stigmas unconditionally applied to Southeast European civilizations: corruption, laziness, negative Balkanization, frivolity and lack of consistency. This is a selective overview which aims to decant common mentalities of synchrony in relation to diachrony.
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LUCA, Sabina-Adina, and Bogdan GHEORGHIŢĂ. "ATTITUDES TOWARDS THE ONLINE EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITY IN ROMANIAN PRE-UNIVERSITY EDUCATION WITHIN THE PANDEMIC CONTEXT." Journal of Pedagogy - Revista de Pedagogie LXXX, no. 1 (July 2022): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.26755/revped/2022.1/129.
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Educational policy is, in a broad sense, the process of driving change and/or introducing innovations into the education system (Haddad & Demsky, 1995; Haheu-Munteanu, 2019). In the work of government, the ministries in charge usually aim to manage this process, starting from the assumed political programs. These imply strategic objectives, action directions or implementation strategies. Sometimes, however, the various crises affecting social systems, and therefore also the education system, require the implementation of contextual solutions, decisions taken under conditions of uncertainty. Given the context of the Covid-19 pandemic and the need to implement measures that meet the need to protect the health of students and teachers, we aim, through this study, to capture the range of attitudes and perceptions related to the policies implemented, as well as the various changes in the professional training of teachers, training “forced” by the need to use technology in online teaching. By means of a sociological survey based on an online questionnaire to Romanian pre-university teachers, we aim to inventory teachers’ reports on some aspects related to the pandemic context: the beginning of the pandemic and the frustration associated with this moment, the pandemic and the development of different digital skills, but also future projections about the desirability of using different tools and digital skills developed during the pandemic in “post-pandemic” teaching activity.
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Kocheshkov, Gennadiy N., and Aleksandr V. Grebenshchikov. "Presenting the image of a virgin lands worker in Soviet cinematography." Verhnevolzhski Philological Bulletin 4, no. 27 (2021): 197–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2499-9679-2021-4-27-197-204.
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The article identifies, interprets and compares the artistic images of «virgin lands workers» formed by the Soviet cinema, which is an important channel of the nation's historical memory and a means of communication of our time. The work gives a detailed description of the problem's historiography. A conclusion is made about the predominance of studies devoted to the social-economic, political and environmental consequences of the virgin lands development. At the same time, despite the growing interest of scientists in the social-cultural aspects of the virgin lands campaign in recent decades, there are very few works analyzing the daily life of virgin landers. The article uses various research methods: retrospective, comparative-historical, semiotic, and discourse analysis. In the course of the research, the author determines the features of virgin lands representation in mass culture as a special social-cultural space, shows the hard fate of virgin lands workers, their attitude to the system of values established in the post-war Soviet society. The main characters of the virgin lands epic represented in the cinematography are young people and «competent leaders», without whom it is impossible to imagine the success of major party projects. The attitude of the virgin lands explorers to the global project can be characterized as ambiguous and multi-layered: virgin land is seen both as an important agricultural project, allowing, under favorable circumstances, to solve the «eternal» grain problem, as an important social elevator for Soviet youth, and as a necessary stage of building communism. The study demonstrates both similarities and differences in the ideological and semantic concepts of the virgin lands filmography, and also reveals a certain transformation of directors' artistic ideas: from the propaganda and heroic message characteristic of 1950s films to the authors' desire to reveal the spiritual and moral potency of the campaign's heroes, characteristic of the 1960s and 1970s films.
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García, Eduardo Abad. "'Serving the people'. A short history of Spanish Maoism (1964-1980)." Twentieth Century Communism 22, no. 22 (September 12, 2022): 94–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864322835917883.
Full textAbstract:
1956 was an important date for Spanish communism. The Twentieth Congress of the CPSU was being held in Moscow, and the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) adopted the policy of 'National Reconciliation'. This became the starting point for Maoist dissidence and clashes with the party leadership, whom they accused of 'revisionism'. In 1964 the first Maoist party was formed, the PCE (marxist-leninist), made up of radicalised youth as well as some communist veterans. The influence of Maoism then slowly increased and it started to infiltrate other social sectors: workers, students and even Catholic groups. As a result of this influence, further organisations were created, such as the PCE (international), the Communist Movement, the Revolutionary Organisation of Workers, the Organisation of Spanish Marxist-Leninists and the Communist Organisation (Red Flag). During the final years of the Franco dictatorship a number of Maoist groups committed themselves to armed struggle. The first to take this type of action were the militants of the Revolutionary and Patriotic Antifascist Front (FRAP), a short-lived group created by the PCE (m-l), which lasted from 1973 to 1976. In response to the execution of several FRAP militants on 27 September 1975, the First October Revolutionary Antifascist Groups (GRAPO) were created. This organisation sought to overcome demoralisation in post-transition Spain through intensifying actions based on armed struggle, but it eventually became a marginal force, as a result of persecution by the police. This article reviews the history of the Maoist political subculture in Spain over two decades from a social and cultural perspective, and analyses multiple aspects of this communist current, including its transnational networks, collective memory and identity.
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Samarukha, Victor, Alexey Samarukha, and Ivan Samarukha. "Development of Financial and Taxation Mechanisms in Soviet Russia and in the USSR." Bulletin of Baikal State University 30, no. 1 (March 25, 2020): 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2020.30(1).100-112.
Full textAbstract:
The authors consider the historical period of reforming the financial and taxation mechanisms of Soviet Russia and the USSR from 1917 to 1986. In 1985, M.S. Gorbachev came to power. He began reformation of the political system, the aims of which consisted in the process itself without any focus on a specific social and economic model for the state and society. Meanwhile, the epoch of the building of utopian communism in the USSR was over and in 1991, the USSR collapsed due to a number of fatal political mistakes made by Gorbachev and his associates, which led to a severe crisis. One of the most essential features of the reformed taxation system of the period is the fact of its being changed by the government to adapt it to the aims of the socioeconomic development of the peoples’ state of a new type, Soviet Russia and the USSR, through plan management of productive forces under conditions of state-owned means of production. It should be mentioned that the taxation system of Soviet Russia and the USSR guaranteed provision of financial and physical resources for the victory of the Red Army in the Civil War and in the war against the invaders. It also allowed the state to promptly industrialize the whole USSR, create the most advanced army in the world and win the Second World War, in the shortest time reconstruct economy and social sector destroyed by German occupiers and continue the accelerated socioeconomic development until the beginning of Gorbachev’s reformation. Thus, the above mentioned theoretical and practical aspects of the development of financial and taxation mechanisms of Soviet Russia and the USSR can be of practical use for scientists and practitioners not only in contemporary Russia but also in the other post-socialist countries when taking decisions of reforming financial and taxation systems.
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Ławniczak, Artur. "Widziana z III RP prawnopolityczna tożsamość Polski Ludowej." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 3 (December 19, 2021): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.3.7.
Full textAbstract:
The Polish People’s Republic is a matter of the past, but not entirely. Finally, nolens volens, the current version of our old statehood is its continuation, manifested in numerous formal solutions. This is in an evident manner a republican form of statehood and a democratic system. Similar to the Stalinist Constitution of 1952, it was called a people’s democracy, but from 1976 a socialist democracy as the effect of changes in the written Ius Supremum. In the political practice, after partial totalitarianism came authoritarianism. Before 1980, there were no changes in the institutional state power system. Theoretically, the first in this structure was the Sejm — the official emanation of the Volonté Générale. The collective head of the state was the State Council with a more republican identity than the contemporary president. The Council of Ministers actually has the same shape as before 1989, as well as the parliamentary cabinet system of government. In similar situation are: the Supreme Court, the Administrative Court, the Constitutional Court, the State Tribunal, the Ombudsman, and the Supreme Chamber of Control. Their identity and philosophy of action are similar to the socio-political reality from before the system transformation, mythologized in many aspects.
This does not mean that it is fiction. Its result, according to the ancient nomenclature, was the transformation of socialist democracy into bourgeois people’s rule. Actually, we rather talk about the transition from “communism” or totalitarianism to liberal democracy. But Marxist-Leninist classics claimed that communism will be a post-state society without class opposites. Finally, in the Polish People’s Republic real socialism existed, with partial totalitarian character, replaced shortly after Stalin’s death by authoritarianism, which in the socio-economic and cultural spheres tolerates spontaneous manifestations of activity, without inspirations of the authorities, its culmination being in the time of the several-month-long “Carnival of Solidarity”. The Gdańsk Agreement we can understand as a social agreement, later transformed into the Round Table Agreements. After the continuation of these events it is possible to find on the constitutional ground in 1989, and then in 1997, when the new, formalized and complete Highest Law was created, as a formal recapitulation of political transformation.
So we observe the mild transition of the Polish People’s Republic into the Third Polish Republic. The first one does not exist in the text of the actual Constitution, but it is impossible to not see a certain continuity. In the situation of the important difference between the two forms of our statehood — old and new — probably in the case of a system transformation there significant revolutionary accidents would have been unavoidable, but they have not happened. Parliamentary democracy was liberalized, which manifested in in the replacement of Gierek’s famous slogan of moral and political unity with the conviction that an official electoral struggle for power between parties is necessary. The second important change in the political sphere is the greater consideration of Montesquieu’s dogma concerning the division of state power. Other changes are less significant. Also, the republican democracy has maintained its fundamental identity, although the system of institutionalized rule had changed.
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Bandžović, Safet. "Politics and historical revisionism: Flows of relativizaton of collaborationism and normalization of „Ravna Gora antifascism“." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 133–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.133.
Full textAbstract:
At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it". Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests ("red devils"), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this "new anti-fascist" side a desirable "pre-communist ancestor". "authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.
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Ciobanu, Ruxandra Oana, and Tineke Fokkema. "What protects older Romanians in Switzerland from loneliness? A life-course perspective." European Journal of Ageing, September 17, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10433-020-00579-2.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The topic of loneliness among older migrants has recently gained scholarly interest. There is a particular focus on why older migrants are generally lonelier than their non-migrant peers from the destination. These studies neglect variations both within and between older migrant groups. Our qualitative study is innovative for three reasons. First, it focuses on Romanian migrants aged 65+ who fled communism and aged in place in Switzerland—an understudied population of former political refugees that experiences little or no loneliness in later years. Second, it takes a life-course approach to explore experiences of loneliness during communist Romania, in the context of migration and later in life. Third, it focuses on protective and coping factors rather than risk factors. Having been through hard times in communist Romania—marked by fear and distrust among people and estrangement from society—older Romanian migrants built strength to withstand difficult times, learned to embrace solitude, and/or to relativise current hardships, if any. Upon arrival many founded or joined an association or church, which offers the opportunity to establish a sustainable social network consisting of a large pool of Romanian non-kin with a shared past and experience of migration and integration, to counteract social losses in later life. When moments of loneliness cannot be prevented (e.g. due to death of a spouse), they try to be active to distract from loneliness or ‘simply’ accept the situation. These aspects need to be taken into account in future research and when developing loneliness interventions.