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Journal articles on the topic 'Positivism – History'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Nottelmann, Nikolaj. "Om positivisme og objektivisme i samfundsvidenskaberne." Dansk Sociologi 28, no. 3 (October 15, 2017): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v28i3.5640.

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”Positivisme” hører til de mest kontroversielle og mangetydige termer i moderne debatter om samfundsvidenskabelig metode. Bredt anvendte lærebøger er på én gang ofte uklare og voldsomt indbyrdes uenige angående positivismens metafysiske, erkendelsmæssige og ideologiske forpligtelser. Denne artikel leverer en receptionshistorisk behandling af positivismen fra dens dobbelte udspring i det 19. århundredes franske og tyske filosofi frem til i dag. Hermed kortlægges en række væsentlige historiske omforståelser og misforståelser som baggrund for nutidens begrebsforvirring. Det påvises efterfølgende, at forskellige positivistiske retningers forhold til videnskabelig objektivisme er en temmelig kompleks og varieret affære. Det er således ufrugtbart at behandle samfundsvidenskabelig positivisme og objektivisme under ét, sådan som det ofte gøres. ENGELSK ABSTRACT: Nikolaj Nottelmann: On positivism and objectivism in thesocial sciences “Positivism” ranks among the most controversial and polysemous terms in modern social scientific methodological discourses. Widely used textbooks in the social sciences are often unclear and mutually inconsistent in their mapping of positivism’s metaphysical, epistemological, and ideological commitments. This article offers a reception history, tracing positivism from its dual roots in 19th century French and German philosophy of science to the present day. The article points out several eventful historical reinterpretations and misinterpretations responsible for the current conceptual confusion. Then the article explains how various positivistic currents have very different and complex relations to scientific objectivism. Thus, despite common practice, it is unfruitful to treat social scientific positivism and objectivism under one heading. Keywords: Positivism; Objectivism; Phenomenalism; Logical Empiricism; Critical Theory

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2

Hogan, Robert. "Positivism Is History." Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 33, no. 1 (January 1988): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/025267.

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3

Artyukh, Vyacheslav. "Elements of positivism in the Ukrainian philosophy and culture of the second half of the 19th century." Studia Historiae Scientiarum 16 (December 18, 2017): 269–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543702xshs.17.011.7712.

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This article addresses the appropriation of positivist thought by Ukrainian intellectuals in the second half of the nineteenth century, in particular in the field of philosophy of history. By discussing elements of positivist thought in the works of Mykhailo Drahomanov, Ivan Franko and Pantaleimon Kulish, the author argues that all three were under direct influence of positivist thought, but none of them was a blind adherent of positivism. Positivism particularly influenced their thinking about history and the issue of determinism. Importantly, it was not the French positivism of Auguste Comte whose ideas were adopted, but rather the English positivism of Henry Thomas Buckle and John Stuart Mill.

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4

Barolsky, Paul. "ART HISTORY AND POSITIVISM." Source: Notes in the History of Art 18, no. 1 (October 1998): 27–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/sou.18.1.23205032.

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5

Turner, Stephen. "Comte after positivism." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 34, no. 2 (1998): 202–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199821)34:2<202::aid-jhbs18>3.0.co;2-y.

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6

Choi, Naomi. "Interpretivism in Jurisprudence: What Difference Does the Philosophy of History Make to the Philosophy of Law?" Journal of the Philosophy of History 1, no. 3 (2007): 365–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187226307x229399.

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AbstractTo answer the question of what difference the philosophy of history makes to the philosophy of law this paper begins by calling attention to the way that Ronald Dworkin's interpretive theory of law is supposed to upend legal positivism. My analysis shows how divergent theories about what law and the basis of legal authority is are supported by divergent points of view about what concepts are, how they operate within social practices, and how we might best give account of such meanings. Such issues are widely debated in the philosophy of history but are often overlooked in jurisprudential circles. When the legal positivist approach to meanings is contrasted with Dworkin's interpretivism it is clear that what is needed is an alternative to both, in the form of what we might call "historical meanings" and "historical interpretation". While Dworkin's interpretivism gets it right that legal positivism is an inadequate philosophy of law to the extent that it is committed to a "criterial semantics" view of concepts, this paper argues that post-positivism in the philosophy of law need not entail a normative jurisprudence, as Dworkin would have it.

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7

Zammito, John H. "The “Last Dogma” of Positivism: Historicist Naturalism and the Fact/Value Dichotomy." Journal of the Philosophy of History 6, no. 3 (2012): 305–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18722636-12341235.

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Abstract Has the emergence of post-positivism in philosophy of science changed the terms of the “is/ought” dichotomy? If it has demonstrated convincingly that there are no “facts” apart from the theoretical frames and evaluative standards constructing them, can such a cordon sanitaire really be upheld between “facts” and values? The point I wish to stress is that philosophy of science has had a central role in constituting and imposing the fact/value dichotomy and a revolution in the philosophy of science should not leave the dichotomy unaffected. The connection between post-positivism and naturalism will be my guiding thread in considering this “last dogma of positivism.” First this essay will specify the sense of naturalism that it will take to be essential to the post-positivist philosophy of science: the deflation of the notion of the “purity” of scientific knowledge. Then it will turn to the question of the implications that follow for the “autonomy” of ethics, including the danger posed by a new form of scientistic reductionism.

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8

Koval, Sofya V. "The History and Foundations of Criticism of H.L.A. Hart’s Legal Positivism in R. Dworkin’s Philosophy of Law." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 62, no. 7 (October 10, 2019): 124–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2019-62-7-124-142.

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The paper discusses the Anglo-American philosophy of law of the 20th century, more specifically the philosophy of law of Ronald Myles Dworkin and his criticism of the legal positivism of Herbert Lionel Adolphus Hart. The author presents the history of the criticism of legal positivism in Ronald Dworkin’s philosophy of law and distinguishes historical stages. The subject of the study is the critique of legal positivism but not the Hart-Dworkin debate itself, well known in Western philosophy of law. The reason is that the discussion was conducted between Dworkin and Hart’s supporters but not between Dworkin and Hart by himself. The latter responded to the criticism only after twenty seven years. The article explains why Dworkin chose for his criticism Herbert Hart’s version of legal positivism. This is due to the fact that Dworkin highly appreciated Hart’s positivist theory of law and characterized it as the “most clear.” The article presents the methodological foundations of criticism of Hart’s legal positivism in Dworkin’s philosophy of law. It reveals a methodological divergence between the two legal theories, which directly affects the understanding of the concept of law and its content. Therefore, we can assume that the legal theories of Hart and Dworkin are two competing models of law: Dworkin’s model considers law as a set of rules and principles and Hart’s model acknowledges only rules and court decisions as a source of law. The article also presents the key principles of positivism criticized by Dworkin. These principles, firstly, interpret law as a set of legal rules determined through a special legal criterion, secondly, provide the judge with an opportunity to make a decision “at his own discretion” in a situation not regulated by law, and, thirdly, recognize only legal rights and obligations enshrined in legal regulations. It is important to note that in this article the author describes criticism as an independent phenomenon of legal philosophy with a particular focus on the history and foundations of this phenomenon.

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Vallenilla, Nikita Harwich. "Venezuelan Positivism and Modernity." Hispanic American Historical Review 70, no. 2 (May 1990): 327. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516482.

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Vallenilla, Nikita Harwich. "Venezuelan Positivism and Modernity." Hispanic American Historical Review 70, no. 2 (May 1, 1990): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-70.2.327.

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11

Shaposhnikov, Vladislav A. "Kuhn, Lakatos, and the Historical Turn in the Philosophy of Mathematics." Epistemology & Philosophy of Science 59, no. 4 (2022): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eps202259464.

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The paper deals with Kuhn’s and Lakatos’s ideas related to the so-called “historical turn” and its application to the philosophy of mathematics. In the first part the meaning of the term “postpositivism” is specified. If we lack such a specification we can hardly discuss the philosophy of science that comes “after postpositivism”. With this end in view, the metaphor of “generations” in the philosophy of science is used. It is proposed that we restrict the use of the term “post-positivism” to two and only two philosophical “generations”: the one to which Kuhn, Lakatos and Feyerabend belong, and the previous “generation” to which Wittgenstein, Polanyi, Popper and Quine (as well as the major part of logical positivists) belong. From this point of view, Bloor, Latour, Pickering, Daston and Galison belong to the “third generation” which represents the philosophy of science “after post-positivism”. The characteristic feature of post-positivism is the combination of decisive impact of logical positivism and its severe criticism. This combination inevitably makes post-positivism a transitional form in the philosophy of science. In the second part the contribution of the “big four” of post-positivist philosophers (Popper, Kuhn, Lakatos, and Feyerabend) to the radical change in the philosophy of mathematics in the second half of the 20th century is analyzed. Primarily, they shifted philosophical interest from the logical analysis of formal systems to the historical dynamics of informal mathematics. They also reconsidered the sharp opposition between mathematics and the physical sciences. However, the transitional character of their philosophy manifests itself both in their treatment of mathematics and their way of understanding history. On the one hand, their “heritage” is ambiguous, on the other hand, it opens new perspectives. Neither Kuhn, nor Lakatos, have eliminated completely the methodological barrier positing the fundamental heterogeneity of mathematics and natural science. Neither Lakatos, nor Kuhn, adhered to the viewpoint of relentless historicism. Nevertheless, it is their work that has made these options open for today’s historians and philosophers of science, even for philosophers of mathematics.

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12

Riley, D. "The Paradox of Positivism." Social Science History 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01455532-2006-017.

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13

Lebovics, Herman. "Economic Positivism as Rhetoric." International Review of Social History 37, no. 2 (August 1992): 244–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000111150.

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Riley, Dylan. "The Paradox of Positivism." Social Science History 31, no. 1 (2007): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013687.

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15

Hovenkamp, Herbert, and Anthony J. Sebok. "Legal Positivism in American Jurisprudence." Journal of American History 86, no. 4 (March 2000): 1837. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567691.

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16

Caldwell, Bruce. "Of Positivism and the History of Economic Thought." Southern Economic Journal 79, no. 4 (April 2013): 753–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4284/0038-4038-2012.274.

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17

Baranov, P. P. "Positivistic legal thinking in jurisprudence, practice and everyday life of modern Russia." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 2, no. 4 (December 15, 2015): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18067.

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The article analyzes the problem legistskogo positivism as a form of legal positivism. Illustrates the history and development of this type of law, specifically investigated the question of the historical roots of legal positivism in Russia. The characteristic of the main features of legistkogo positivism. Investigated its distribution in jurisprudence, law-making and law-enforcement activities in Russia.

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18

Vasilyev, Vadim V. "On Wittgenstein’s Influence on the Logical Positivists." Epistemology & Philosophy of Science 58, no. 1 (2021): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eps20215815.

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In this article, I consider the influence of the ideas of Ludwig Wittgenstein, and above all the ideas of his Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus on the philosophy of logical positivism. Agreeing that the question of such an influence is not a self-evident one, I clarify at first the concept of logical positivism and then turn to the evidence of the leading logical positivists about the influence of Wittgenstein upon them. An analysis of recollections of Moritz Schlick, Rudolf Carnap, Otto Neurath, Friedrich Waismann, and Alfred Ayer suggests that at least these thinkers themselves considered such an influence as very significant.

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19

Ogleznev, Vitaly V. "Logical Positivism, Values, and Norms." Epistemology & Philosophy of Science 58, no. 1 (2021): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eps20215816.

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During its hundred-year history, Ludwig Wittgenstein’s Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus has undergone a variety of interpretations and explanations. But the significance of this work cannot be limited to an assessment of whether it had an impact on the development of logical positivism or not. Similarly, the reading of Tractatus cannot be reduced to just an ethical or some other readings. This article proposes to study a possible reading of “Tractatus” in terms of legal philosophy, which is based on the relation between facts, values and norms, as well as on how interesting it could be (or would be) for legal philosophy.

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20

Schmaus, Warren. "Not Your Doktorvater’s Logical Positivism." Metascience 17, no. 3 (August 27, 2008): 489–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-008-9218-x.

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21

BRANDT, WERNER W. "Chemistry Beyond Positivism." Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 988, no. 1 (May 2003): 335–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-6632.2003.tb06115.x.

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22

Homem, Amadeu José de Carvalho. "Notes on social and religious positivism." Revista de História das Ideias 9, Tomo III (1987): 667–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-8925_9-3_3.

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23

Bond, Niall. "Ferdinand Tönnies and Western European Positivism." Intellectual History Review 19, no. 3 (January 2009): 353–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17496970903266285.

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24

Nellhaus, Tobin. "Science, History, Theatre: Theorizing in Two Alternatives to Positivism." Theatre Journal 45, no. 4 (December 1993): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3209018.

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25

Brzechczyn, Krzysztof. "Between positivism and narrativism in Polish methodology of history." Historein 14, no. 1 (September 2, 2013): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.234.

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<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">This paper has two main purposes. Its primary purpose is to present the reception of the discussion between positivism and narrativism in the Polish methodology of history. A secondary one is to paraphrase, using the notion apparatus of the idealisational theory of science, the issue of the accuracy of explanation. The article consists of six parts. In the first part, Hempel’s deductive-nomological (or covering-law) model of explanation is presented. In the second part, the main tenets and assumptions of the Poznań school of methodology are presented. The emergence of this school at the end of the 1960s delayed the popularisation of narrativism in Polish methodology of history. In the third part, the manifold reasons of this delayed reception are analysed. The popularization of narrativism was only possible in Poland after 1989, but it had a primarily imitative character. This outline of cultural and scientific context allows Chris Lorenz’s proposals (on the problem of the accuracy of explanation) to be put in a wider perspective (part four). Namely, this author describes “a theoretical historical debate” on the status of scientific laws and refers to a post-positivistic approach to science represented by Nancy Cartwright. This approach was to introduce new perspectives to the understanding of lawfulness. In the fifth part, the main assumptions and tenets (for example, modes of explanation) of another post-positivistic approach to science, namely the idealisational theory of science, are presented and compared with the Hempelian model of explanation. In the sixth part, Hempel’s explanatory sketch is paraphrased using the notion apparatus of the idealisational model of science which provides a solution in this theoretical framework, to the problem of accuracy of explanation posed by Lorenz.</p>

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26

Winant, Gabriel. "Anomalies and Continuities: Positivism and Historicism on Inequality." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 2 (February 26, 2020): 285–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781419000720.

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AbstractThe idea of a “new gilded age” depends on a model of history in which the tension between inequality and solidarity takes the form of a binary oscillation (often resting on a positivist social scientific form of reasoning), in turn creating the appearance of basic similarity between separate unequal periods. Under this view, however, it is difficult to make sense of the fundamentally different origins of inequality prevailing in 1890 and 2010. Instead, this article argues, historians ought to treat history cumulatively—that is, historically—finding the origins of inequality not in the previous unequal period, but in the previous solidaristic period, and tracing the connections between one period and another rather than viewing them as ideal-typical opposites.

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27

Matyushenko, Z. G., and N. G. Samsonova. "Positivism in Russia: the early stage." Izvestiya MGTU MAMI 7, no. 4-2 (April 20, 2013): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/2074-0530-67957.

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The article studies the early development of Russian positivism highlighting the main ideas and a number of personalities. The urgency of the article is determined by the need to recreate a complete panorama of history of Russian philosophy as well as by the state of the research problems in modern literature: the period of positivism genesis in Russia has been rather poorly studied.

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28

Duran, Jane. "Realism, Positivism and Reference." Journal for General Philosophy of Science 36, no. 2 (September 2005): 401–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10838-006-5625-0.

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29

Pérez, Marcelo. "Una aproximación a Jorge Lagarrigue y Miguel Lemos: El apostolado sociológico de la Religión de la Humanidad en Sudamérica." Revista Grafía- Cuaderno de trabajo de los profesores de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Autónoma de Colombia 10, no. 2 (July 14, 2013): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/16926250.501.

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ResumenLa siguiente propuesta trata de una aproximación al aporte de Jorge Lagarrigue y Miguel Lemos de Chile y Brasil. Sus carreras representan la forma apostólica de la “Religión de la Humanidad”, un particular positivismo que incluye el ejercicio de un sacerdocio sociológico. Durante la década de 1880, Lagarrigue y Lemos fundarán iglesias y apostolados positivistas, mantendrán una intensa actividad editorial y de relaciones internacionales que se suma a sus producciones personales. Mi propósito es alentar la exploración de estas relaciones y poner en marcha el estudio de la sociología de estos autores.Palabras clave: Positivismo religioso, comtismo, historia de la sociología, redes intelectuales***********************************************An approach to Jorge Lagarrigue and Miguel Lenos: the sociologic ministery of the Humanity religion in South America.AbstractThis proposal deals about an approach to the Jorge Lagarrigue and Miguel Lemos contributions of Chile and Brazil. Their careers represent an apostolate way of the Humaniy Religion, a particular positivism that includes the exercise of a sociologic ministry. During the 1880 decade, Lagarrigue and Lemos would found churches and positivist ministries, they would maintain an intensive publishing activity and international relationships added to the personal productions. My goal is to encourage the exploration of these relationships and to implement the study of their sociology.Keywords: Religious positivism, comteism, sociology history, intellectual network*************************************************Uma aproximação a Jorge Lagarrigue e Miguel Lemos: O apostolado sociológico da Religião da Humanidade em Sul-AméricaResumoA seguinte proposta trata de uma aproximação ao aporte de Jorge Lagarrigue e Miguel Lemos de Chile e Brasil. Seus percursos representam a forma apostólica da “Religião da Humanidade”, um particular positivismo que inclui o exercício de um sacerdócio sociológico. Durante a década de 1880, Lagarrigue e Lemos fundaram igrejas e apostolados positivistas, mantiveram uma intensa atividade editorial e de relações internacionais que se soma às suas produções pessoais. Meu propósito é alentar a exploração destas relações e colocar em marcha o estudo da sociologia desses autores.Palavras-chave: Positivismo religioso, comtismo, história da sociologia, redes intelectuais

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Bensaude-Vincent, Bernadette. "Comte and the fortunes of positivism." Metascience 20, no. 3 (January 18, 2011): 477–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-010-9512-2.

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31

Nikiforov, Alexander L. "Ludwig Wittgenstein and Logical Positivism." Epistemology & Philosophy of Science 58, no. 1 (2021): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eps20215813.

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The article examines the question of whether L. Wittgenstein's Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus had any influence on the formation and development of logical positivism. It is shown that the members of the Vienna Circle were familiar with the Tractatus, but practically did not accept anything from its content. Wittgenstein's reasoning about the world, about facts, about the structure of fact were rejected by them as a bad metaphysics, with which they fought. The denial of causality and the deprivation of the meaning of scientific laws could not be accepted by representatives of logical positivism, whose main task was the logical analysis of the language of science in order to cleanse it of metaphysical concepts and build a unified science on a solid empirical foundation. If the members of the Vienna Circle were even familiar with Wittgenstein’s Tractatus, then representatives of the Berlin Group, the Lvov-Warsaw School, the Uppsala School and supporters of logical positivism in other countries hardly heard of it. This leads to the conclusion that Wittgenstein's Tractatus did not have any impact on the logical positivism.

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Dragenytė, Ramutė. "Vincas Mykolaitis-Putinas’ Literary History: Narrative’s Methodological Singularities." Colloquia 32 (June 1, 2014): 14–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51554/col.2014.29238.

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The Lithuanian classic Vincas Mykolaitis-Putinas’ literary history, Naujoji lietuvių literatūra (The New Lithuanian Literature; Volume 1 published 1936; Volume 2, 2009) was the first conceptual, academic history of Lithuanian literature. In this metanarrative account, Mykolaitis-Putinas sought to methodologically describe different authors in terms of each one’s national and aesthetic consciousness. This national historiographic narrative was made possible by the grand national narrative that shaped the Lithuanian literary canon: the development of a national Lithuanian literature and the identification of its most important texts, genres, directions, and authors. Naturally, this grand narrative dictated Mykolaitis-Putinas’ writing methodology, as though the author were hostage to the cultural-historical school of positivism, forced to provide cultural contexts, present dry writers’ biographies, and look for causal connections. His categorization of literary historical content was determined by the quest for a national program characteristic of Romantic literary history – idealized subjects, rather than literary facts. On the other hand, anti-positivist aesthetics (drawn from Wilhelm Dilthey, Benedetto Croce, Maurice de Munnynck, Oscar Walzer, and others) also had considerable influence on his interpretation of the works. Although Mykolaitis-Putinas sought to assess the texts historically, from the perspective of the time he was examining, his own aesthetic views led him to have a critical relationship with literary history as a whole. Each author was critiqued – in terms of content, but even more so in terms of form.The literary history under discussion is a synthesis of two historiographic models: following Romanticism’s model of literary history, it tracesthe nation’s spiritual develoment; following historicist positivism, it seeks to understand different periods, the development of genres and directions, and explores causal connections and cultural contexts. This interpretive model presupposed an aesthetic understanding and the search for a “selfcontained literature”. Mykolaitis-Putinas’ history is a biographical-psychological, aesthetic, and – most importantly – a critical analysis of Lithuanian literature.

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33

Burris, Val. "Fordism and Positivism in U.S. Sociology." Social Science History 31, no. 1 (2007): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013663.

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Goff, Alan. "Historical Narrative, Literary Narrative—Expelling Poetics from the Republic of History." Journal of Book of Mormon Studies (1992-2007) 5, no. 1 (April 1, 1996): 50–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/44747530.

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Abstract Postivist historiography has always maintained an impermeable boundary between history and literature. But positivism is itself a historical sediment whose time is now past. Recent literary theory and historiography emphasize the continuities between history and literature. Under the domination of historiography by a positivist epistemology (from about 1880 to 1960), history attempted to free itself from its literary heritage; more recently theorists from a number of disciplines have recognized that history, both ancient and modern, has been informed by literary motifs, themes, and strategies. The repetition of the exodus literary pattern, for example, through the Bible, the Book of Mormon, and Christian history does nothing to bring into question the historical status of the events. The exodus patterns evident in Mosiah do not force the Book of Mormon to surrender historical claims just because they also happen to be literary.

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35

Özmen, Onur. "How history matters to philosophy: reconsidering philosophy’s past after positivism." Journal of Critical Realism 17, no. 1 (January 2018): 78–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14767430.2018.1438023.

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36

Bennett, David. "Replacing positivism in medical geography." Social Science & Medicine 60, no. 12 (June 2005): 2685–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2004.11.003.

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37

Koch, Carl Henrik. "Jørgen Jørgensen’s Relation to Logical Positivism." Danish Yearbook of Philosophy 53, no. 1 (November 26, 2020): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689300-bja10002.

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Between the two World Wars, Jørgen Jørgensen was a central figure in Danish philosophy and internationally recognized, as his teacher Harald Høffding had been before World War 1. When in the late 1920s Jørgensen established contact with the movement that would later be called logical positivism, he found a group of philosophers of his own age who advocated empiricism, the tools of formal logic and the Unity of Science, and who shared his anti-metaphysical approach to philosophy. He became one of the movement’s organizers and wrote its history, but he was only for a short period influenced by especially Rudolf Carnap’s philosophy of logic. Although Jørgensen was never an uncritical member of the movement, he is often considered as a central representative of logical positivism in Scandinavia.

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Notturno, M. A. "Thomas Kuhn and the Legacy of Logical Positivism." History of the Human Sciences 10, no. 1 (February 1997): 131–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095269519701000110.

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Turner, Jonathan H., and Christopher G. A. Bryant. "Positivism in Social Theory and Research." Social Forces 65, no. 2 (December 1986): 567. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2578690.

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MACKENZIE, JIM. "Positivism and Constructivism, Truth and ‘Truth’." Educational Philosophy and Theory 43, no. 5 (January 2011): 534–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-5812.2010.00676.x.

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Michell, Joel. "Pragmatism, Positivism and the Quantitative Imperative." Theory & Psychology 13, no. 1 (February 2003): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959354303013001761.

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FISHER, A. R. J. "David Lewis, Donald C. Williams, and the History of Metaphysics in the Twentieth Century." Journal of the American Philosophical Association 1, no. 1 (2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/apa.2014.18.

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ABSTRACT:The revival of analytic metaphysics in the latter half of the twentieth century is typically understood as a consequence of the critiques of logical positivism, Quine's naturalization of ontology, Kripke's Naming and Necessity, clarifications of modal notions in logic, and the theoretical exploitation of possible worlds. However, this explanation overlooks the work of metaphysicians at the height of positivism and linguisticism that affected metaphysics of the late twentieth century. Donald C. Williams is one such philosopher. In this paper I explain how Williams's fundamental ontology and philosophy of time influenced in part the early formation of David Lewis's metaphysics. Thus, Williams played an important role in the revival of analytic metaphysics.

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Tymoshenko, Vira I., Larysa O. Makarenko, Tetiana Yu Tarasevych, Yurii I. Kovalchuk, and Iryna V. Atamanchuk. "Legal positivism in criminal law and criminology: A retrospective analysis." Journal of the National Academy of Legal Sciences of Ukraine 28, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 243–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37635/jnalsu.28(2).2021.243-251.

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The article analyzes ideas of representatives of the directions in the Positivist School of Criminal Law and Criminology, namely: criminal-anthropological (biological), criminal-sociological (sociological), bio-sociological (positivist) direction. The research indicates that the main feature of the criminal-anthropological (biological) direction lies in the fact that its representatives considered the criminal as a special kind of the human race and a special abnormal creature endowed with certain physical and mental anomalies. The commission of a crime for such a being is a natural necessity.Therepresentatives of the criminal-sociological (sociological) direction mainly skeptically assessed the conclusions of supporters of the anthropological direction, who looked for the causes of crime precisely in social factors, noted the importance of the interaction of social, political and economic factors and expressed confidence that it would be useless to try to influence crime without changing the social conditions that lead to crime. The main ideas of representatives of different directions in legal positivism in criminal law and criminology are considered and their significance for the present is determined. It was established that the socio-philosophical methodology is characterized by a close connection between speculative methods of cognition and empirical researches. It is noted that the impact of public lifeon all spheres is one of the most effective ways to combat crime. All authorities, as well as scientists, should identify and analyze the existing links between modern social changes and criminal processes taking place in society. A comprehensive analysis of the causes of crime can help reduce crime rates

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ISAAC, JOEL. "DONALD DAVIDSON AND THE ANALYTIC REVOLUTION IN AMERICAN PHILOSOPHY, 1940–1970." Historical Journal 56, no. 3 (August 5, 2013): 757–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000095.

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ABSTRACTHistories of analytic philosophy in the United States have typically focused on the reception of logical positivism, and especially on responses to the work of the Vienna Circle. Such accounts often call attention to the purportedly positivist-inspired marginalization of normative concerns in American philosophy: according to this story, the overweening positivist concern for logic and physics as paradigms of knowledge displaced questions of value and social relations. This article argues that the reception framework encourages us to mistake the real sources of the analytic revolution in post-war philosophy. These are to be found in debates about intentional action and practical reasoning – debates in which ‘normative’ questions of value and social action were in fact central. Discussion of these topics took place within a transatlantic community of Wittgensteinians, ordinary languages philosophers, logical empiricists, and decision theorists. These different strands of ‘analytical’ thinking were bound together into a new philosophical mainstream not by a positivist alliance with logic and physics, but by the rapid development of the mathematical and behavioural sciences during the Second World War and its immediate aftermath. An illustrative application of this new framework for interpreting the analytic revolution is found in the early career and writings of Donald Davidson.

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Lorenz, Chris. "Can Histories Be True? Narrativism, Positivism, and the "MetaphoricalTurn"." History and Theory 37, no. 3 (October 1998): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0018-2656.00056.

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Penzl, Herbert. "Positivism and ‘Hocus-pocus’ in Germanic and English Linguistics." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 1, no. 1 (January 1989): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542700000040.

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AbstractThe modern history of Germanic and English (synchronic and diachronic) linguistics reveals two main types of scholarly approach to language data: positivism (labelled ‘God's truth’) and theoreticism (labelled ‘hocus-pocus’ by American structuralists). The latter seems to have been dominant in the last decade.

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Fuchs, Stephan. "Positivism Is the Organizational Myth of Science." Perspectives on Science 1, no. 1 (1993): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/posc_a_00426.

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Hönes, Hans Christian. "Warburg’s Positivism: Confessions of a Truffle Pig." Oxford Art Journal 41, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/kcy019.

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Menis, Susanna. "How to Write a Positivist Legal History: Lessons from the 18th and 19th Centuries English Jurists William Blackstone and James Fitzjames Stephen." Histories 1, no. 3 (August 12, 2021): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories1030017.

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This paper is about the shaping of the law understood as a positivist enterprise. Positivist law has been the object of contentious debate. Since the 1960s, and with the surfacing of revisionist histories, it has been suggested that the abstraction of the doctrine of criminal law is due to its categorisation in early histories. However, it is argued here that positivism was hardly an intentional master plan of autocratic social control. Rather, it is important to recognise that historians do not provide a value-free recount of history. This paper examines this assertion by drawing on the writings of the English jurists William Blackstone and his work Commentaries on the Law of England (1765), and James Fitzjames Stephen’s A History of the Criminal Law of England (1883). Taking these scholars not as mere a-historical writers but reflecting on the fact that they inevitably ‘functioned’ as conduits of their own social practise opens an inquiry into the social response to a social need, which was already under way long before their time.

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Wright, Cory. "Book Review: The New Face of Positivism." Theory & Psychology 14, no. 6 (December 2004): 855–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959354304048116.

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