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Champagnat, Pauline. "Ensino do Português na França e cidadania: a questão descolonial." Revista Légua & Meia 12, no. 2 (2022): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.13102/lm.v12i2.7766.
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RESUMO: Ao abordar a cultura dos países africanos de língua portuguesa, o professor de língua portuguesa se encontra no desafio de tratar de assuntos como a escravidão, o comércio negreiro, a colonialidade mas também do processo da pós-colonialidade. Isso permite também traçar paralelos com a situação francesa, e refletir sobre o próprio processo de descolonização nas colônias francesas, e a relação que este país ainda mantém com elas. Desta maneira, pretendemos demostrar que o ensino do português pode implicar uma responsabilidade de sensibilização para temas atuais de extrema importância ligados à pós-colonialidade. 
 PALAVRAS-CHAVE: PLE, França, África lusófona, descolonial.
 ABSTRACT: When he addresses the subject of Portuguese-speaking African countries, the Portuguese teacher is confronted with the challenge of discussing topics such as slavery, the triangular trade, colonialism but also the post-colonialism process. That is why it makes it possible to draw a parallel with the French situation and reflect about the decolonization process in French former colonies, and the relation that this country still maintains with them. This way, we intend to prove that the Portuguese learning process might imply a responsibility of awareness around major contemporary topics linked to post-coloniality.
 KEYWORDS: PLE, France, Portuguese-speaking Africa, decolonial.
 
 
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Ali, Mufti. "Kebijakan Politik Pragmatis Strategis Maulana Hasanuddin Banten (1546-1570) terhadap Portugis." Jurnal Sejarah Citra Lekha 7, no. 1 (2022): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jscl.v7i1.39859.
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This paper explores the trade relation between Banten and Portugal in the last three-quarters of the sixteenth century, with special reference to the reign period of Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin (1546-1570). The mutual relationship between these two political entities and the absence of Banten rulers in the alignment of the Muslim kings of the Archipelago against Portugal are also paid due attention. This paper used historical method, which comprises four following steps: heuristic, critic, interpretation, and historiography. The study of the European primary sources, especially letters of Portuguese Catholic missionaries, accounts of the scribes of the Portuguese viceroys in Goa India, travelogues of Portuguese merchants as well as works by the Portuguese historians, unravels a piece of very important information that the relation between Banten and Portugis can be regarded as the closest one. In addition to the pepper trade, the topic of establishing the Portuguese fortress in Banten is also dealt with by the sources. The intensive arrival of the Portuguese catholic missionaries to Banten to give spiritual guidance to their fellow citizens can be associated with the fact that many Portuguese stayed in Banten. Finally, the absence of Banten rulers in the anti-Portuguese alignment led either by Aceh (1568, 1575) or by Jepara (1551, 1574), led to conclude that the commercial policy of the Islamic kingdom of Banten is pragmatic-strategic oriented rather than ideological.
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Alputila, Cheviano E. "Pasang Surut Penyebaran Agama Katolik di Maluku Utara Pada Abad 16-17." Kapata Arkeologi 10, no. 1 (2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/kapata.v10i1.213.
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Until the 18th century the spice is a tremendous appeal to the international community. No exception with cloves then just grow on some island in the North Moluccas. Two first nation to get a clove monopoly rights in North Maluku is Portuguese and Spanish. When activity in the region is not only the two nations trade, but also spread their religion is Catholicism. Through a review of the literature from a variety of sources, the conclusion about the spread of the Catholic faith that made the Portuguese and Spanish in their efforts to monopolize the clove trade in North Moluccas. In the end, the spread of Catholicism that made the Portuguese and Spanish only reinforce hatred against their local authorities and result in the expulsion of both these imperialist nations of North Moluccas.Sampai abad ke-18 rempah-rempah merupakan daya tarik yang luar biasa bagi masyarakat internasional. Tidak terkecuali dengan cengkeh yang saat itu hanya tumbuh pada beberapa pulau di kawasan Maluku Utara. Dua bangsa pertama yang mendapatkan hak monopoli cengkeh di Maluku Utara adalah Portugis dan Spanyol. Saat beraktivitas di kawasan itu dua bangsa ini tidak hanya berdagang namun juga menyebarkan agama yang mereka anut yaitu Kristen Katolik. Melalui telaah pustaka dari berbagai sumber, diperoleh kesimpulan tentang penyebaran agama Katolik yang dilakukan Portugis dan Spanyol di tengah usaha mereka memonopoli perdagangan cengkeh di Maluku Utara. Pada akhirnya, penyebaran agama Katolik yang dilakukan Portugis dan Spanyol hanya memperkuat kebencian para penguasa lokal terhadap mereka dan berakibat terusirnya kedua bangsa imperialis ini dari Maluku Utara.
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NEWSON, LINDA A. "AFRICANS AND LUSO-AFRICANS IN THE PORTUGUESE SLAVE TRADE ON THE UPPER GUINEA COAST IN THE EARLY SEVENTEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 53, no. 1 (2012): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000011.
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ABSTRACTUsing previously unknown account books, found in archives in Peru, of three New Christian Portuguese slave traders on the Upper Guinea Coast, this article examines the extent and nature of African and Luso-African involvement in the Atlantic trade during the early seventeenth century. Beads, textiles, and wine that figured most prominently among Portuguese imports were traded predominantly by Luso-Africans. Meanwhile, slaves were delivered in small numbers by people from a diverse range of social backgrounds. This trade was not a simple exchange of imported goods for slaves, but was a complex one that built on pre-European patterns of exchange in locally-produced commodities.
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Jalil, Laila Abdul. "PEMBANGUNAN BENTENG NOSTRA SENORA DEL ROSARIO (THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NOSTRA SENORA DEL ROSARIO FORT)." Kindai Etam: Jurnal Penelitian Arkeologi 5, no. 1 (2020): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/ke.v5i1.46.
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Rempah-rempah menjadi daya tarik utama kedatangan bangsa Eropa ke Nusantara. Cengkih, pala, dan fuli (bagian dalam buah pala yang berwarna merah dengan aroma harum) merupakan jenis rempah yang dicari. Rempah-rempah yang berasal dari Pulau Ternate, Tidore, Moti, Makian, dan Bacan menjadi komoditas utama yang memiliki nilai tinggi dan diperebutkan oleh bangsa Eropa. Portugis merupakan bangsa Eropa pertama yang berhasil mencapai kepulauan rempah. Setelah menaklukkan Malaka pada tahun 1511, Alburqueque mengirimkan tiga kapal mencari kepulauan rempah. Kedatanganbangsa Portugis ke Maluku menjadi penanda awal hubungan bangsa Eropa dengan Nusantara hingga abad XX. Motivasi kedatangan bangsa Eropa yang didorong dengan semangat gold, gospel, dan glory memicu konflik yang berkepanjangan antara Eropa dan penduduk Maluku. Kedatangan Portugis ke Maluku disambut dengan baik oleh Sultan Ternate, Sultan Bayan (Abu Lais). Hubungan perdagangan yang baik antara Kesultanan Ternate dengan Portugis mendorong niat Portugis untuk membangun benteng di Ternate. Keinginan Portugis untuk membangun benteng mendapat izin dari Kesultanan Ternate. Tahap awal pengerjaan benteng dimulai pada tahun 1522. Daerah Kastela dipilih sebagai lokasi pembangunan benteng. Benteng ini merupakan benteng Portugis pertama di Nusantara. Selain sebagai pusat untuk perdagangan dan tempat tinggal bangsa Portugis, benteng pertama ini juga menjadi sekolah teologi pertama di Asia Tenggara. Benteng ini diberi nama Sao Joao Bautista atau Nostra Senora del Rosario yang berarti wanita cantik berkalung bunga mawar. Spices had attracted the arrival of Europeans to the archipelago. Cloves, nutmeg, and mace (the inside part of nutmeg which red color and fragrant) were the most wanted spices. The spices originating from the islands of Ternate, Tidore, Moti, Makian, and Bacan became a high value comodity which was contested by Europeans. Portuguese was the first Europeans to reach the spice islands. After conquering Malacca in 1511, Alburqueque sent three ships to discover the spice islands. The arrival of the Portuguese to Moluccas was a sign of the beginning of the relationship between Portugal and Maluku until XX century. Portuguese motivation arriving to Mollucas was driven by enthusiasm gold, gospel, and glory. The arrival of the Portuguese was welcomed by the Sultan of Ternate, Sultan Bayan (Abu Lais). Good trade relations between Portuguese and Ternate encouraged Portuguese intention to build a fort in Ternate. the Portuguese wish to build a fort got permission from the Sultan. In 1522, early of the fort construction began. Kastela area was chosen as the location for the fort construction. It become the first Portuguese fort in the archipelago. Other than as a trading centre and Portuguese residence, the fort was also the first theological school in Southeast Asia. The fort is named of Sao Joao Bautista or Nostra Senora del Rosario which means beautiful women with rose flowers.
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S, Arunjunai Devi. "Trade Under Portuguese - Thoothukudi." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 10, no. 4 (2023): 52–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/sijash.v10i4.6138.
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One after another, the Portuguese, the Dutch and the British ruled over this town and the Pearl Fishery Coast. They exploited its revenue for nearly 450 years. The Portuguese were the strongest colonial rulers of this town and its surroundings. The Nayaks and the local Kings or chieftains, the Vadugars and finally the Muslims under the patron ship of then Travancore and Calicut rulers harassed the natives. This forced them into the saving hands of the Portuguese. By the end of the beginning of the sixteenth century the Pearl Fishery Coast was brought under the control of Portuguese. The Mass conversion in 1536 is a historic event which changed the history of Thoothukudi. The Paravas of Thoothukudi regained their lost rights of the Pearl fishing from the Muslims and started living a peaceful life under the protection of the Portuguese for more than a century then onwards. They returned their gratitude to the European coloniser by paying tributes in large amounts from their prize catches of the pearls and the chanks of the Gulf of Mannar.At the far end of the Portuguese colonial regime in this region, by the year 1658, Thoothukudi was lost to the Dutch invaders. Thoothukudi came under the control of the Dutch in the year 1658 and continued so till the end of the eighteenth century. The Dutch East India Company built a fort at Thoothukudi making it their strong bastion. The Dutch occupation of Thoothukudi ended in 1825 .
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Polisar, John, Charlotte Davies, Thais Morcatty, et al. "Multi-lingual multi-platform investigations of online trade in jaguar parts." PLOS ONE 18, no. 1 (2023): e0280039. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0280039.
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We conducted research to understand online trade in jaguar parts and develop tools of utility for jaguars and other species. Our research took place to identify potential trade across 31 online platforms in Spanish, Portuguese, English, Dutch, French, Chinese, and Vietnamese. We identified 230 posts from between 2009 and 2019. We screened the images of animal parts shown in search results to verify if from jaguar; 71 posts on 12 different platforms in four languages were accompanied by images identified as definitely jaguar, including a total of 125 jaguar parts (50.7% posts in Spanish, 25.4% Portuguese, 22.5% Chinese and 1.4% French). Search effort varied among languages due to staff availability. Standardizing for effort across languages by dividing number of posts advertising jaguars by search time and number of individual searches completed via term/platform combinations changed the proportions the rankings of posts adjusted for effort were led by Portuguese, Chinese, and Spanish. Teeth were the most common part; 156 posts offered at least 367 teeth and from these, 95 were assessed as definitely jaguar; 71 of which could be linked to a location, with the majority offered for sale from Mexico, China, Bolivia, and Brazil (26.8, 25.4, 16.9, and 12.7% respectively). The second most traded item, skins and derivative items were only identified from Latin America: Brazil (7), followed by Peru (6), Bolivia (3), Mexico (2 and 1 skin piece), and Nicaragua and Venezuela (1 each). Whether by number of posts or pieces, the most commonly parts were: teeth, skins/pieces of skins, heads, and bodies. Our research took place within a longer-term project to assist law enforcement in host countries to better identify potential illegal trade and presents a snapshot of online jaguar trade and methods that also may have utility for many species traded online.
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Muñoz Sánchez, Antonio. "La socialdemocracia alemana y el movimiento sindical ibérico durante las transiciones a la democracia (1974-1979) = The German Social Democracy and the Iberian Trade Union Movement during the Transition to Democracy (1974-1979)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 32 (June 23, 2020): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.32.2020.26052.
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El texto trata de la dimensión internacional de la transición sindical en Portugal y España. En concreto, analiza la contribución de la socialdemocracia alemana a la reconstrucción del movimiento sindical socialista, muy débil en ambos países al iniciarse el proceso de transición. Muestra cómo el temor a que el predominio comunista en las dos grandes centrales ibéricas, Intersindical y Comisiones Obreras, significase un factor de inestabilidad permanente en las nacientes democracias, movió a la DGB y la Fundación Ebert a implicarse masivamente en apoyo de las modestas organizaciones socialistas. El texto explora las líneas maestras de la colaboración con los cuadros sindicales del Partido Socialista portugués y con la española Unión General de Trabajadores. El autor defiende la tesis, que podrá refrendarse o refutarse cuando se permita el acceso a algunas fuentes relevantes en Madrid y Lisboa, que el apoyo alemán fue crucial para el meteórico ascenso del histórico sindicato socialista español y para la creación de homónima central portuguesa União Geral de Trabalhadores. AbstractThis paper deals with the international dimension of the trade union transition in Portugal and Spain in the 1970s. It analyzes the contribution of German social democracy to the reconstruction of the socialist labor movement, which were extremely weak in both countries at the beginning of the transitions. It shows how the fear that the communist dominance in the two great Iberian unions, Intersindical and Comisiones Obreras, meant a permanent instability factor in the nascent democracies, moved the DGB and the Ebert Foundation to massively support the modest socialist labor movement. The text explores the main lines of the cooperation with the trade union cadres of the Portuguese Socialist Party and with the Spanish Unión General de Trabajadores. The author holds the thesis, which can be endorsed or refuted when access to some relevant sources in Madrid and Lisbon is allowed, that German support was crucial for the meteoric rise of the historic Spanish socialist union and for the creation of the homonym Portuguese União Geral de Trabalhadores.
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Childs, Wendy R. "Anglo-Portuguese Trade in the Fifteenth Century." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 2 (December 1992): 195–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679105.
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My concern in this paper is essentially the complementary commercial links of the two countries against the background of political friendship.Eighty years ago Miss Shillington put forward a very positive picture of the strength of Anglo-Portuguese trade, and apart from some work by Professor Carus-Wilson and Dr Livermore, not much has been done on this trade since, although almost all other aspects of Portuguese activity in northern and Mediterranean markets and in exploration have been considered, and the relationship of northern trade in Portugal's seemingly dramatic expansion into colonial adventure has not infrequently been raised. Writers may passingly refer to Anglo-Portuguese trade as vigorous, regular, modest, increasing or decreasing: but on what scale? Is vigorous trade two, five, or ten ships a year in the context of Anglo-Portuguese trade? I first became interested in Portuguese trade years ago as I wrote on Castilian trade, when it seemed to me that, despite good political relations Anglo-Portuguese trade was modest, while the Basque and Castilian trade flourished in much less welcoming political circumstances. The approach of 1992 with its promised closer commercial links in the European community (now including Portugal) seems a good time to review England's medieval links with what is commonly called her oldest continuous ally and trading partner. What I intend to do in this paper is at once limited (to examine England's trade with Portugal and the Portuguese role in it) and very broad (to sweep a whole century to provide a context for this activity).
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Viotti da Costa, Emilia. "The Portuguese-African Slave Trade." Latin American Perspectives 12, no. 1 (1985): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x8501200103.
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Leite, Fabiano Costa, and Zuleica Dantas Pereira Campos. "TRADI(U)ÇÃO E VIOLÊNCIA – AS TRADUÇÕES DE LEVÍTICO 20,27." REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões 12, no. 20 (2018): 699. http://dx.doi.org/10.20890/reflexus.v12i20.743.
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A tradução da Bíblia para o português é marcada por inúmeras modificações na história, inclusive incluindo e removendo conceitos a partir da ideologia das comunidades de tradução. Objetivamos compreender, a partir do conceito da Análise do Discurso de Maingueneau, como o comportamento violento de alguns cristãos frente às religiões de matriz africana pode encontrar justificativa para seus atos a partir do texto bíblico traduzido para a língua portuguesa, especialmente Levítico 20,27, onde encontramos a lei que decreta a morte por apedrejamento, quando se refere à desobediência de falar com os mortos.
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Richardson, David. "The Portuguese Slave Trade from Angola." Journal of African History 32, no. 01 (1991): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025378.
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Costa, Hermes Augusto. "Portuguese Trade Unions and European Integration." Lusotopie 13, no. 1 (2006): 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17683084-01301003.
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LOVEJOY, HENRY B., and OLATUNJI OJO. "‘LUCUMÍ’, ‘TERRANOVA’, AND THE ORIGINS OF THE YORUBA NATION." Journal of African History 56, no. 3 (2015): 353–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000328.
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AbstractThe etymology of ‘Lucumí’ and ‘Terranova’, ethnonyms used to describe Yoruba-speaking people during the Atlantic slave trade, helps to reconceptualize the origins of a Yoruba nation. While there is general agreement that ‘Lucumí’ refers to the Yoruba in diaspora, the origin of the term remains unclear. We argue ‘Lucumí’ was first used in the Benin kingdom as early as the fifteenth century, as revealed through the presence of Olukumi communities involved in chalk production. The Benin and Portuguese slave trade extended the use of ‘Lucumí’ to the Americas. As this trade deteriorated by 1550, ‘Terranova’ referred to slaves captured west of Benin's area of influence, hence ‘new land’. By the eighteenth century, ‘Nagô’ had replaced ‘Lucumí’, while the ‘Slave Coast’ had substituted ‘Terranova’ as terms of reference. This etymology confirms the collective identification of ‘Yoruba’ and helps trace the evolution of a transnational identity.
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Delson, Roberta Marx. "Algumas reflexões teóricas sobre a traje indígena no Brasil colônia." dObra[s] – revista da Associação Brasileira de Estudos de Pesquisas em Moda, no. 40 (April 1, 2024): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.26563/dobras.i40.1813.
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O presente artigo é uma tentativa preliminar de aplicar as teorias sociais atuais sobre “vestuário” como uma forma de adorno, e “vestuário” como significante de classe em relação a questão dos modos de vestir dos povos indígenas no Brasil colonial. Partindo da análise de Joanne Enwistle, examino o encontro entre os indígenas e os administradores coloniais portugueses que ocorreu por mais de três séculos de controle. Também interpreto as ordens emitidas sobre as roupas dos nativos durante o controle do Diretório dos Índios. Minhas conclusões reforçam as teorias de que os adornos indígenas podem ser interpretados como “vestimentas” e, além disso, os portugueses entendiam esse conceito. Apesar disso, existiam contradições na abordagem portuguesa de criação de um proletariado de indígenas vestidos de maneira uniforme; a Coroa rotineiramente elevava os líderes (aos quais eram destinadas roupas elegantes) de maneira a reforçar a dependência em relação aos líderes coloniais. Ainda que esse “código de vestimenta” para a população indígena ajudasse a manter a ordem social, ele não foi inevitavelmente seguido.
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Truong, Anh Thuan, and Thi Vinh Linh Nguyen. "Trade of the Portuguese Royal and Private Traders in India from the 16th to the 19th Century." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 14, no. 4 (2022): 704–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2022.409.
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The 16th–19th centuries was the period that witnessed the ups and downs development of the trade of the Portuguese Crown and the Portuguese private traders in India. In fact, the maritime trade of the Portuguese Crown only developed significantly in the 16th century; from the 17th century, because of different reasons, it declined gradually. Finally, it had to depend on the British at the end of the 19th century. In contrast with the Portuguese Crown trade, although the commerce of the Portuguese private merchants had to face a lot of difficulties, it continued to expand its role and influence during the four centuries (16th–19th). This article summarizes the trade of Portuguese royal and Portuguese private commercial activities in India from the 16th to the 19th century. On that basis, the authors of this article analyze and point out the core characteristics which fully and comprehensively reflect the development of commercial activities of the Portuguese royal family and merchants in India during this period. To conduct this research, the authors rely on the research results of scholars around the world directly or indirectly related to this issue and use two main research methods of Historical Science, including the historical method and the logical method. In addition, the authors also use several other research methods such as analysis, synthesis, statistics, and comparison. The completion of this study will make a scholarly contribution by helping researchers to have a more comprehensive and in-depth view of Portugal’s commercial activities in Asia in general and India in particular from the 16th to the 19th century.
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Oliveira, Maria de Fátima, and Pedro Reis. "Portuguese Agrifood Sector Resilience: An Analysis Using Structural Breaks Applied to International Trade." Agriculture 13, no. 9 (2023): 1699. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agriculture13091699.
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In the last two decades, Portugal suffered the effects of two global crises, the financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as the Common Agriculture Policy reforms. These crises had a great impact on the Portuguese economy, but it is completely unclear how they affected the dynamics of the Portuguese agrifood sector. This study’s objective is to analyze the resilience of this sector to European and global socks, testing the effects on international trade. Secondary data from the Portuguese Statistics Institute were used for the exports and imports trade series of animal and vegetable products and food industries from 2000 to 2020. The methodology was based on the structural xtbreak model, stability analysis, and tests for structural breaks. Some volatility was observed in the trade series, particularly in imports, without consistency among years, trade sectors, or imports versus exports trade. In the case of exports, one or two structural breaks in the different sectors occurred in different years. The most relevant dynamics occurred after the sovereign debt crisis. It was concluded that CAP reforms and global crises seem to not have caused new relevant dynamics in the Portuguese international agrifood trade. This revealed the resilience of the sector to external shocks.
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McIntosh, Susan Keech, and Brian M. Fagan. "Re-dating the Ingombe Ilede burials." Antiquity 91, no. 358 (2017): 1069–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2017.74.
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Several burials excavated during 1960 at Ingombe Ilede in southern Africa were accompanied by exceptional quantities of gold and glass beads, bronze trade wire and bangles. The burials were indirectly dated to the fourteenth to fifteenth centuries AD, prior to the arrival of the Portuguese on the East Coast of Africa. New AMS dates on cotton fabric from two of the burials now relocate them in the sixteenth century. This was a dynamic period when the Portuguese were establishing market settlements along the Zambezi, generating new demands for trade products from the interior, and establishing trade networks with the Mwene Mutapa confederacy. These new dates invite a reconsideration of Ingombe Ilede's relationship to Swahili and Portuguese trade in the middle Zambezi. This article is followed by four responses and a final comment by the authors.
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Oka, Mihoko, and François Gipouloux. "Pooling Capital and Spreading Risk: Maritime Investment in East Asia at the Beginning of the Seventeenth Century." Itinerario 37, no. 3 (2013): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115313000831.
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Foreign/long-distance trade has been one of the most popular themes in socio-economic history. However, the perceptions that we have of the role played by international trade in economic development is highly dependent on the actors we are focussing on. The universal actors of trade include ship owners, captains, crews, cargo owners, investors, mediators, agents, dealers, and so on. These actors, however, tend to be treated much like “merchants.” In this study, we focus particularly on capital investors to clarify the practical institutions of foreign trade that came to be organised in pre-modern maritime East Asia.In Japan, the pooling of capital seems to have started in the early stages of foreign trade, although it can be clearly observed only in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries with the advent of Sino–Japan trade on the ships authorised by the Ming dynasty. In this trade, merchants from Hakata and Sakai were particularly active in making investments, even though the nominal ship owners were the central government and/or powerful lords like the Ōuchi () and Hosokawa () family. This fact ensured that these two port cities emerged as the centres of capital pooling in Japan, and remained so till the beginning of the seventeenth century.The form of investment, which is mainly associated with a particular part of Japan and which we try to clarify in this paper, has been called nagegane () in previous studies. The term nagegane usually refers to a type of investment wherein the payments are exempt in the case of a shipwreck; nagegane was utilised in the trades through Nagasaki during the seventeenth century. This exemption is very similar to cambio maritimo (bottomry), which was used in the medieval and pre-modern Mediterranean trade and transformed into prestamo à la gruesa (Spanish) or emprestimo ao risco (Portuguese), which was used in transoceanic Iberian trades.
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Smith, Stefan Halikowski. "A Question of Quality: The Commercial Contest between Portuguese Atlantic Spices and Their Venetian Levantine Equivalents during the Sixteenth Century." Itinerario 26, no. 2 (2002): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511530000913x.
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The old debate amongst historians as to whether the testimony of the sixteenth century really bears out Adam Smith's claim that the rounding of the Cape of Good Hope constitutes ‘one of the two and most important events in the recorded history of mankind’ was, it seems, put to sleep with Niels Steensgaard's thesis of 1973. Steensgaard argued that ‘a structural revolution’ and which truly sounded the death-knell of the old overland caravan trades competing with the sea borne routes, was not effected by the Portuguese from 1498 but awaited the Dutch. The debate, however, was couched very much on the theory of the operation run by the Portuguese, and which was typologised as reactionary in that it relied upon the threat of force rather than commercial competitivity. Whilst price movements between Portuguese and Red Sea pepper on the European market have been analysed by historians such as Herman Van Der Wee and Rene Gascon, nobody has really stopped to consider the complex of factors intervening on the demand side. Pepper, like ginger, was not a unitary good as misleadingly assumed by Douglas Irwin in his attempt to analyse the Anglo-Dutch rivalry for the East India trade with the Brander-Spence analysis of duopolistic export competition. Price lists suggest that pepper came in manifold shapes, sizes and qualities, let alone competing species, all of which rendered the market remarkably heterogeneous with up to seven-fold price divergences between, for example, the different products that would pass as ‘pepper’. This article discusses some of the factors that made for market variegation, and focuses on the market consequences of a Portuguese policy of transportation in the open ship's hold. It suggests that quality was one of the demand factors that shaped the competition between the Adantic and Mediterranean spice trade.
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Lammey, David. "The Irish-Portuguese trade dispute, 1770-90." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 97 (1986): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025323.
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One dispute in Irish history which has not been given the attention it deserves is that which involved Britain, Ireland and Portugal during the years 1780-87 Authors of outline Irish histories, Lecky, Murray, George O’Brien and McDowell only mention the dispute briefly in their respective narratives, though it is clear they understood its importance to some degree at least. Maurice O’Connell, who has produced the only specialist study for the period in question, makes no reference to the dispute at all. This dispute has indeed been more substantially treated by the British historian, John Ehrman, within the general context of an analysis of the British government’s commercial negotiations from 1783 to 1793. However, the perspective he draws relates purely to Britain and Portugal, which, in itself, narrows the true significance of an episode which was important in that it completely undermined the benefits Ireland hoped to accrue from the free-trade legislation of 1779-80, and also because it raised a number of interesting questions relative to Ireland’s constitutional status vis-à-vis of Great Britain.
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Seijas, Tatiana. "The Portuguese Slave Trade to Spanish Manila: 1580–1640." Itinerario 32, no. 1 (2008): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300001686.
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Catarina de San Juan was a slave woman who was brought to the Philippines in the 1610s on her way to Mexico, where she became a beata of great renown. Her experiences in the slave markets of Cochin and Manila suggest that Portuguese traders played a key role as the primary suppliers of Asian slaves to the Philippines. This paper argues that Portuguese slavers made a significant contribution to the Manila economy by providing an important labour force that helped build and maintain the colony from 1580 to 1640, the years of Iberian Union or, from the Portuguese perspective, the “Spanish Captivity”. One-crown rule gave Portuguese traders free trade access to Manila, allowing them to meet the city's demand for this important commodity. The slave trade's volume and profits testify to its social and economic significance and suggests that the Portuguese helped sustain the Philippines, even as they faced the logistical difficulties and legal barriers evident in Catarina's story. This paper shows that the forced migration of individuals like Catarina was a notable outcome of “Spain's Asian presence”—less significant in economic terms than the transfer of silver and textiles, but no less important in human terms.
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Ersanda, Privera Ajeng, and Deny Yudo Wahyudi. "JARINGAN PERNIAGAAN HITU SEBAGAI BANDAR REMPAH DAN KAJIAN POTENSI PEMBELAJARAN SEJARAH DALAM KURIKULUM MERDEKA UNTUK JENJANG SMK." Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah Indonesia 6, no. 2 (2023): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um0330v6i2p264-285.
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Abstract: This study discusses the Hitu spice trade network and studies the potential for learning history in the Independent Curriculum for the SMK level. The writing of this study uses the literature study method by conducting an assessment of various literature in the form of articles, books, scientific journals, and previous studies that is relevant to the topic to be studied. The result of writing this study is that the Maluku Islands have been known as a trade network in the archipelago. The growth of the Hitu spice trading network is related to the creation of interaction and connectivity with local and foreign traders. Having a strategic location, Ambon Island is a place for boats and ships to stop as well as a spice trading market. This is because the Ambon coastal area connects ports or ports in the Maluku Islands which form a local network for trading activities with the main commodities being cloves and nutmeg. With the increasing number of Hitu, this led to the formation of a kingdom known as the Tanah Hitu Kingdom and was formed by the Four Primes. The arrival of the Portuguese to Hitu initially did not have a bad influence, but over time there were differences in interests which led to the Portuguese being expelled from Hitu. Then at the end of the 16th century the arrival of the Portuguese was followed by the Dutch and in 1605 succeeded in subduing the Portuguese and controlling Ambon. In an effort to achieve the learning objectives in the Independent Curriculum, vocational school history subject teachers are required to be able to design learning by utilizing various media and learning models that support the implementation of the Independent Curriculum, namely digital-based learning media and project-based learning models. Thus, the purpose of writing this study was to design an innovative and creative history lesson, and it is hoped that it will create future generations who are educated and able to compete globally in order to advance the quality of education in Indonesia. Abstrak: Kajian ini membahas mengenai jaringan perniagaan rempah Hitu dan kajian potensi pembelajaran sejarah dalam Kurikulum Merdeka untuk jenjang SMK. Penulisan kajian ini menggunakan metode studi pustaka dengan melakukan pengkajian terhadap berbagai literatur baik berupa artikel, buku, jurnal ilmiah, dan penelitian terdahulu yang relevan dengan topik yang akan dikaji. Hasil dari penulisan kajian ini adalah Kepulauan Maluku telah dikenal sebagai jaringan perniagaan di Nusantara. Tumbuhnya jaringan perniagaan rempah Hitu berkaitan dengan terciptanya interaksi dan konektivitas dengan para pedagang lokal dan asing. Memiliki letak yang strategis, Pulau Ambon menjadi tempat singgah perahu dan kapal sekaligus pasar perniagaan rempah. Hal tersebut karena wilayah pesisir Ambon menghubungkan pelabuhan atau bandar di Kepulauan Maluku yang membentuk jaringan lokal bagi aktivitas perniagaan dengan komoditi utama cengkeh dan pala. Dengan semakin ramainya Hitu, maka mendorong terbentuknya suatu kerajaan yang dikenal dengan Kerajaan Tanah Hitu dan dibentuk oleh Empat Perdana. Kedatangan Portugis ke Hitu pada awalnya tidak memunculkan pengaruh buruk, namun seiring berjalannya waktu terdapat perbedaan kepentingan yang membuat Portugis terusir dari Hitu. Kemudian pada akhir abad ke 16 kedatangan Portugis disusul oleh Belanda dan pada tahun 1605 berhasil menundukkan Portugis serta menguasai Ambon. Sebagai upaya mencapai tujuan pembelajaran dalam Kurikulum Merdeka, guru mata pelajaran sejarah SMK dituntut harus mampu mendesain pembelajaran dengan memanfaatkan berbagai media dan model pembelajaran yang menunjang penerapan Kurikulum Merdeka yakni media pembelajaran berbasis digital dan model pembelajaran berbasis projek. Sehingga, tujuan penulisan kajian ini dilakukan untuk mendesain pembelajaran sejarah yang inovatif dan kreatif, serta diharapkan dapat mewujudkan penerus bangsa yang terdidik dan mampu bersaing secara global guna memajukan kualitas pendidikan di Indonesia.
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Simões, Fernando Dias. "Macau: A Seat for Sino-Lusophone Commercial Arbitration." Journal of International Arbitration 29, Issue 4 (2012): 375–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2012025.
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One of the most meaningful paths of China's economic and diplomatic 'charm offensive' is the promotion of high-level contacts with the Portuguese-speaking countries. China is well aware of the potentials which derive from the use of the Portuguese language as a means of strategic projection. Macau plays an unmatched role in the promotion of economic and trade cooperation between China and the 'Lusophone World'. In 2010, during the third Ministerial Conference of the 'Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and Portuguese-Speaking Countries', the Ministers agreed to analyse the comparative advantages of Macau in the knowledge of Chinese and Portuguese-speaking legal systems, promoting Macau as one of the venues for arbitration regarding eventual disputes concerning trade between Chinese and Portuguese-speaking entrepreneurs. In this article we discuss the comparative advantages and weaknesses of Macau as a seat for commercial arbitration between entrepreneurs from China and Portuguese-speaking countries. To assert itself as a reliable seat for international arbitration between two such different worlds, Macau needs to adopt a more proactive approach towards arbitration, inter alia by improving its statutory regime and enhancing its pool of experienced legal professionals and translators with the proper language skills and cultural awareness.
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Li, Michelle, and Stephen Matthews. "An outline of Macau Pidgin Portuguese." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 31, no. 1 (2016): 141–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.31.1.06li.
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In the early stages of the China trade European traders knew nothing of Chinese, while the Chinese traders were equally ignorant of European languages. It was in this setting that pidgin languages developed for interethnic communication. While the role of Chinese Pidgin English in the China trade is fairly well-understood (see Baker 1987; Baker & Mühlhäusler 1990; Bolton 2003; Ansaldo 2009), the use of pidgin Portuguese is poorly documented and our understanding of it is correspondingly limited (Tryon, Mühlhäusler & Baker 1996). In this article we discuss what can be learnt from a newly transcribed phrasebook — the Compendium of Assorted Phrases in Macau Pidgin. We first review the use of contact varieties of Portuguese in the China trade. We then introduce the contents and layout of the Compendium and explain the transcription practices adopted for the phrasebook. Grammatical features contained in the phrasebook are examined and illustrated. We conclude with an examination of the significance of the Compendium in enriching our understanding of pidgin Portuguese and its relationship with Macau Creole Portuguese as well as Chinese Pidgin English.
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الشاهر, حسين. "الاهمية الاقتصادية لميناء بندر عباس في عهد الشاه عباس الكبير واثرها على الخليج العربي 1622-1629". Uruk Journal 15, № 3-P1 (2022): 1873–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52113/uj05/022-15/1873-1886.
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Bandar Abbas has taken an important role in the Persian Gulf and Faris Land as it lies on the Eastern coast of the Persian Gulf and it is considered an important stage on the road towards India, It is also the principle gate of transferring goods to the Persian land, Most travellers and tradesmen from different countries coming from the Persian Gulf enter Faris Land form Bandar Abbas, The harbor has developed and became the trading main center of the Persian Gulf and Faris Land after it was a small village for fishing, It became a big trade harbor after a short time and trades agencies were there ( British , Dutch and French). Shah Abbas expected that the extirpation of the Portuguese base in the Persian Gulf especially in Hormuz Island and destroying their trade activity would flourish the trade activity of Bandar Abbas and this what happened really, The trade activity moved from Hormuz after its destruction to Bandar Abbas ,The British company helped the Persian forces in freeing and because of that they were given a permission to make a trade agency in Bandar Abbas in 1623 AD , Because of that the manager of the British Company agreed to move his work from Bandar Jasik to Bandar Abbas and it was the first trade agency in Bandar Abbas.
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More, Anna. "The Early Portuguese Slave Ship and the Infrastructure of Racial Capitalism." Social Text 40, no. 4 (2022): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-10013290.
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Abstract This article argues that an infrastructural analysis of the early Portuguese slave trade permits a detailed account of the emergence of what Cedric Robinson called “racial capitalism.” The early Portuguese slave ship is one of the clearest examples of how an infrastructure of accumulation accelerated the racialization of capitalism. As denounced by the 1684 Portuguese Law on Tonnage, the holds of the early slave ships created spatial regimes that regularly killed captives through asphyxiation, a unique form of death resulting from the reduction of human life to capital. If enslavement was defined by this spatial regime of suffocation, the early slave trade extended the grounds for racialization through extensive networks of credit and debt. This financial system established the parameters of enslavement and freedom, bridging shipboard and terrestrial social relations. Early slave ships included Black sailors, known as grumetes. A term that became adopted throughout the first region of the Portuguese slave trade in Africa, grumete referred to African wage laborers who worked with Luso-African traders. As wages were likely paid in credit that could only be cashed out by participating in the sale of humans, the freedom of the grumetes was constrained by the system of credit that financed the early trade. The infrastructure of the early slave trade was thus the nexus and conduit between interconnected financial modes, commodified life and debt, that together account for the racialization of the early Atlantic world.
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Silveira, Theciana Silva. "Metáforas linguísticas culturais da terminologia do petróleo: o caso de Angola, Brasil e Portugal." Acta Scientiarum. Language and Culture 45, no. 2 (2024): e67744. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/actascilangcult.v45i2.67744.
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A metáfora vista enquanto recurso cognitivo da língua é entendida como um mecanismo fundamental para a compreensão das diversas experiências humanas e está presente no cotidiano. Assim, a metáfora, como estratégia produtiva de nomeação, torna-se relevante também para análise do objeto dos estudos terminológicos descritivos de base linguística. Considerando essa realidade, o presente texto busca analisar e descrever metáforas linguísticas culturais no universo do petróleo, no espaço da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), especialmente nos países: Angola, Brasil e Portugal. Tomam-se como base teórica, a Teoria da Metáfora Conceitual (TMC), de Lakoff e Johnson (1980), e as metáforas culturais, de Kövecses (2000, 2005, 2007, 2010). Com relação aos aspectos metodológicos, considerou-se como fonte de dados a única obra terminográfica em língua portuguesa sobre o petróleo, abrangendo as três variedades do português dos países supracitados. O dicionário em questão, a que se denominou corpus lexicográfico, é monolíngue com equivalências em inglês. Por tratar-se de uma obra impressa, precisou ser digitalizada e tratada computacionalmente, para que fosse possível a manipulação de um volume tão grande de dados. Com relação às análises, foram apresentados seis conjuntos que põem em contraste as três variedades do português investigadas neste trabalho. Por meio das análises, foi possível observar que, ao nomear uma determinada entidade, evidenciam-se traços conceituais que muitas vezes diferem quando relacionados às diferentes variedades do português, isso porque, embora se trate da mesma língua, há sempre diversidade na conceptualização da realidade.
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Shaoxin, Dong. "Research Statement: Portuguese–Dutch Conflicts and the Macao–Nagasaki Trade in the Early Seventeenth Century." Itinerario 37, no. 3 (2013): 70–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511531300082x.
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The Macao–Nagasaki connection in the early seventeenth century involved a complex set of interrelationships with regard to trade, mission, cultural intercourse, and other important topics between China, Japan, Portugal, Spain, and the Netherlands. The rise to importance of Macao and Nagasaki was the result of the interruption of Sino–Japanese trade relations and the policy adjustments by the governments of China and Japan to bring the Portuguese under their control and administration. One of the main differences between Macao and Nagasaki was that the former remained a Portuguese settlement for centuries, while the latter was an enclave first of the Portuguese and later of the Dutch. This short article, mainly based on secondary sources by C. R. Boxer, Leonard Blussé, and others, is a tentative study of the international relations in East Asia and their changes after the appearance of the Portuguese and the Dutch in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries.Two important facts make the sixteen-century international relations in East Asia different from the situation before: the appearance of the Portuguese in this area and the deterioration of Sino–Japanese relations.For the first thirty years after the Portuguese arrived on the coast of Guangdong in 1514, encounters between them and the Chinese were rife with misunderstandings and conflicts, because Portugal was not a tributary country of China; the Portuguese were totally new to the Chinese. As the Portuguese could not establish formal commercial relations with China, in order to acquire Chinese goods they sought close relations with Chinese and later Japanese smugglers and pirates. They even engaged in the slave trade, which gave them a very bad name in China.
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Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. "Persians, Pilgrims and Portuguese: The Travails of Masulipatnam Shipping in the Western Indian Ocean, 1590–1665." Modern Asian Studies 22, no. 3 (1988): 503–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009653.
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The Coromandel port of Masulipatnam, at the northern extremity of the Krishna delta, rose to prominence as a major centre of maritime trade in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. Its growing importance after about 1570 is explicable in terms of two sets of events: first, the consolidation of the Sultanate of Golkonda under Ibrahim Qutb Shah (r. 1550–1580), and second, the rise within the Bay of Bengal of a network of ports with a distinctly anti-Portuguese character, including the Sumatran centre of Aceh, the ports of lower Burma, of Arakan, as well as Masulipatnam itself. Round about 1550, Masulipatnam was no more than a supplier of textiles on the coastal network to the great port of Pulicat further south, but by the early 1580s its links with Pegu and Aceh had grown considerably, causing not a little alarm in the upper echelons of the administration of the Portuguese Estado da Índia at Goa. The ‘Moors’ who owned and operated ships out of Masulipatnam did so without the benefit of carlazes from the Portuguese captains either at São Tomé or at any other neighbouring port, and while developing an intense trade within the Bay of Bengal, strictly avoided the Portuguese-controlled entrepot at Melaka. The Portuguese in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries were heavily involved in it in western India and a recent study has marshalled evidence from Portuguese sources on the mechanics of that trade in a port on the Kanara coast.2 In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, with the entry into the Indian Ocean of the large Chartered Companies, evidence on the grain trade is substantially increased, enabling us to see it in sharper focus in the broad canvas of Asian trade. the port was no more than a minor nuisance, and in the engagements that ensued, the Portuguese frequently had the worst of it, subsequently negotiating to recover prisoners lodged at Masulipatnam or at the court in Golkonda.2 However, by about 1590, the tenor of the relationship between the viceregal administration at Goa and the court at Golkonda had begun to show signs of change
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Nunes, Rosana Barbosa. "Portuguese Migration to Rio de Janeiro, 1822-1850." Americas 57, no. 1 (2000): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500030200.
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During the period between the Brazilian declaration of independence from Portugal in 1822 and Brazil's abolition of the slave trade in 1850, Rio de Janeiro constituted the most important destination of Portuguese emigrants in the world. In 1841, the preponderance of these immigrants in that city was described by a representative of the Portuguese government in Rio, Ildefonso Leopoldo Bayard:In the shops in Rio de Janeiro you find that the majority of the clerks are Portuguese, … in theengenhosthe Portuguese are the administrators and the slaves' overseers, in the residences they are the servants, and in the maritime work they are the ships' masters, and even the white fishermen.A number of factors made this city attractive to these migrants. The arrival of the Portuguese court and the opening of the city's port to foreign trade and foreign merchants, created an economic boom in Rio de Janeiro in the early nineteenth century. This growth was also perpetuated by the increasing coffee economy after the 1830s.
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Shokoohy, Mehrdad. "The Zoroastrian fire temple in the ex-Portuguese colony of Diu, India." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 13, no. 1 (2003): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630200295x.
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AbstractThe ex-Portuguese town of Diu on the island with the same name off the south coast of Saurashtra, Gujarat, is one of the best-preserved and yet least-studied Portuguese colonial towns. Diu was the last of the Portuguese strongholds in India, the control of which was finally achieved in 1539 after many years of futile struggle and frustrating negotiations with the sultanate of Gujarat. During the late sixteenth and seventeenth century Diu remained a main staging post for Portuguese trade in the Indian Ocean, but with the appearance of the Dutch, and later the French and British, on the scene the island gradually lost its strategic importance. The town was subjected to little renovation during the nineteenth century while in the twentieth century Diu was no more than an isolated Portuguese outpost with meagre trade until it was taken over by India in 1961. As a result, unlike the other former Portuguese colonies in India – Daman and Goa – Diu has preserved most of its original characteristics: a Portuguese colonial town plan, a sixteenth-century fort and a number of old churches, as well as many of the eighteenth and nineteenth-century houses.
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Freixedo, Xosé Bieito Arias. "En vós mostrou El seu poder. A poética hiperbólica das cantigas de amor galego-portuguesas." SIGNUM - Revista da ABREM 13, no. 2 (2013): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21572/2177-7306.2013.v13.n.2.02.
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No presente artigo realiza-se uma aproximação de tipo descritivo ao uso da hipérbole na poesia trovadoresca galego-portuguesa: faz-se um percurso pelos temas e motivos tratados nas canti-gas de amor sob o prisma do exagero hi-perbólico (tais como o sofrimento, a bele-za da dama, o amor, etc.) e simultanea-mente examinam-se os mecanismos ou procedimentos hiperbolizantes emprega-dos com mais frequência pelos trova-dores. Exemplifica-se com os casos mais relevantes deste gênero amoroso galego-português e também se oferecem como re-ferência alguns exemplos de outras tradi-ções literárias como a occitana.
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Mendes, Carmen Amado. "Macau in China's relations with the lusophone world." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 57, spe (2014): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201400214.
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After the transfer of the Portuguese administration to China, Macau kept its role as a bridge between East and West, inspired in the Portuguese settlement 500 years ago. The pragmatism of the Chinese central government, using the Lusophone specificities of this Special Administrative Region, supported the creation of the Forum for Economic and Trade Cooperation between China and the Portuguese-speaking Countries, reviving the statute of the Portuguese language and culture in its own territory.
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Thornton, John K. "The Kingdom of Kongo and the Counter Reformation." Social Sciences and Missions 26, no. 1 (2013): 40–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02601002.
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From early contact with the Portuguese and conversion to Christianity in the late 15th century and continuing through the Counter Reformation, the Kingdom of Kongo resisted Portuguese colonialism while remaining steadfastly loyal to the Roman Catholic Church. Against the turbulent backdrop of the growing Atlantic slave trade, internal conflict and power struggles, and Portuguese presence in Luanda, Kongo repeatedly resisted the temptation to break from Rome and establish its own Church, in spite of Portuguese control of the Episcopate. In the late 16th century King Álvaro clashed with the Portuguese Bishop, but remained faithful to the church in Rome. In the early 17th century, Kongo armies repelled Portuguese invasions from the south while kings continued to lobby for more Jesuit and later Italian Capuchin missionaries, whom they needed, above all, to perform sacraments vital to Kongolese Catholics. Another opportunity to split from Rome came when Dona Beatriz Kimpa Vita created the Antonian movement in 1704 and denounced the Catholic Church. Instead, she was captured and burned at the stake while King Pedro IV remained faithful to the Capuchin missionaries. In contrast to Portuguese Angola, where Jesuits were deeply implicated in slave trading, the Capuchins in Kongo did not own slaves and, for the most part, both resisted and criticized the slave trade.
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Brown, Gregory G. "The Impact Of American Flour Imports On Brazilian Wheat Production: 1808-1822." Americas 47, no. 3 (1991): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006803.
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In 1808 the Portuguese Crown ended centuries of imperial practice by opening Brazilian ports to the direct trade of friendly nations. This new royal policy caused considerable consternation among conservative Portuguese merchants and manufacturers who feared that a flood of foreign imports would drain precious metals out of the empire, and that economically stronger foreign merchants would monopolize Brazilian trade, thus ruining manufacturing in Brazil. Many Brazilian landowners, on the other hand, supported freer trade because they believed it would stimulate production and export of agricultural commodities. Ironically, one Brazilian product that did suffer dramatic decline resulting from the introduction of foreign competition was not a manufactured good, but an agricultural one, wheat.
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Brown, Gregory G. "The Impact Of American Flour Imports On Brazilian Wheat Production: 1808-1822." Americas 47, no. 03 (1991): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500016722.
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In 1808 the Portuguese Crown ended centuries of imperial practice by opening Brazilian ports to the direct trade of friendly nations. This new royal policy caused considerable consternation among conservative Portuguese merchants and manufacturers who feared that a flood of foreign imports would drain precious metals out of the empire, and that economically stronger foreign merchants would monopolize Brazilian trade, thus ruining manufacturing in Brazil. Many Brazilian landowners, on the other hand, supported freer trade because they believed it would stimulate production and export of agricultural commodities. Ironically, one Brazilian product that did suffer dramatic decline resulting from the introduction of foreign competition was not a manufactured good, but an agricultural one, wheat.
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Walker, Timothy. "Medicinal Mercury in Early Modern Portuguese Records: Recipes and Methods from Eighteenth-Century Medical Guidebooks." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 69, no. 4 (2015): 1017–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2015-1045.
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Abstract This chapter will present and explicate rare information regarding circumstances and techniques for the application of medicinal mercury in the Portuguese medical context during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Through the use of Portuguese medical texts (including translated excerpts), the chapter will provide insight into how early modern Portuguese practitioners processed and employed mercury to treat various ailments. Of interest, too, will be that these remedies were developed at several disparate locations throughout the Portuguese imperial world (China, India, Angola, Brazil, and Portugal), and often drew upon, and blended, indigenous medical substances from the region where each remedy originated. Regarding the use of mercury in South Asian medicine, medical scholars have noted that, from the sixteenth century onwards, much of the intra-Asian (and global) mercury trade was conducted through Portuguese merchants and agents. This work asserts that Portuguese merchants and shippers had unique access both to mercury at the commodity’s main sources in Spain and Peru (Almadén and Huancavelica, respectively), but also to established, developed colonial trade routes throughout the eastern hemisphere. Most of the information presented here is excerpted from two little-known eighteenth-century Portuguese primary sources: a Jesuit compilation medical and apothecary guide in manuscript, and a published physician’s treatise regarding fevers and other illnesses encountered during a posting of nearly a decade in Angola.
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Cardoso, Hugo C. "The African slave population of Portuguese India." Pidgins and Creoles in Asian Contexts 25, no. 1 (2010): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.25.1.04car.
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This article is primarily concerned with quantifying the African(-born) population in the early Portuguese settlements in India and defining its linguistic profile, as a means to understand the extent and limitations of its impact on the emerging Indo-Portuguese creoles. Apart from long-established commercial links (including the slave trade) between East Africa and India, which could have facilitated linguistic interchange between the two regions, Smith (1984) and Clements (2000) also consider that the long African sojourn of all those travelling the Cape Route may have transported an African-developed pidgin to Asia. In this article, I concentrate on population displacement brought about by the slave trade. Published sources and data uncovered during archival research permit a characterisation of the African population in terms of (a) their numbers (relative to the overall population), (b) their origin, and (c) their position within the colonial social scale. The scenario that emerges for most territories of Portuguese India is that of a significant slave population distributed over the colonial households in small numbers, in what is best described as a ‘homestead society’ (Chaudenson 1992, 2001). It is also made evident that there was a steady influx of slave imports well into the 19th century, and that the Bantu-speaking regions of modern-day Mozambique were the primary sources of slaves for the trade with Portuguese India.
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Passos, Taciana Silveira, and Marcos Antonio Almeida-Santos. "Condomless sex in Internet-based sex work: systematic review and meta-analysis." Research, Society and Development 9, no. 12 (2020): e22191210994. http://dx.doi.org/10.33448/rsd-v9i12.10994.
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Objective: Meta-analyze the proportion of condomless sex traded on the Internet according to the offer on websites advertising sex work and demand in customer forums; and to examine the relationship between condomless sex and the type of sex, target-group, gender and actors involved. Methodology: Data was collected from PubMed, Scielo, Google Scholar and ScienceDirect from the inception of each database to 06 March 2020, in English, Spanish and Portuguese. The effect size was the proportion itself, and the dispersion was measured under 95% confidence intervals. Results: From 2041 articles, 16 studies met the inclusion criteria of the systematic review with 10,190 recruited individuals and 20,363 prostitution advertisements. The estimate of condomless sex trade was 0.25 (95%CI=0.17–0.34). The heterosexual-oral subgroup (0.35; 95%CI=0.18–0.52; p<0.001) and the clients (0.31; 95%CI=0.20–0.59; p=0.037) showed a significant increase in the proportion. Conclusion: The condomless sex trade was reported in one quarter of the population. Heterosexuals who practice oral sex and clients are the main predictors of condomless sex in the Internet-based sex work.
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Sweet, James H. "Peter Mark. “Portuguese” Style and Luso-African Identity: Precolonial Senegambia, Sixteenth-Nineteenth Centuries. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 2 (2005): 435–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505230190.
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Peter Mark's “Portuguese” Style is a welcome contribution to the growing literature on the history and development of Atlantic world cultures. In particular, Mark examines the evolution and proliferation of “Portuguese”-style domestic architecture, primarily in Senegambia, but also in other parts of the Portuguese colonial world, including Cape Verde and Brazil. For Mark, “Portuguese”-style is an amalgamation of Jola and Manding architectural forms, and to a lesser extent, those of the Portuguese. This architectural style—sun-dried brick houses, rectangular in shape, with whitewashed walls, and a continuous veranda or vestibule at the entry—was most closely associated with Luso-Africans working as middlemen in the trade between the African interior and Portuguese traders on the coast.
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Alves, Abel A., and James C. Boyajian. "Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs. 1580-1640." Sixteenth Century Journal 25, no. 2 (1994): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542929.
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Wills, John E., and James C. Boyajian. "Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580-1640." American Historical Review 99, no. 1 (1994): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166180.
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Borschberg, Peter. "The Seizure of the Sta. Catarina Revisited: The Portuguese Empire in Asia, VOC Politics and the Origins of the Dutch-Johor Alliance (1602 – c.1616)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 33, no. 1 (2002): 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463402000024.
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The seizure of the Sta. Catarina took place off the east coast of Singapore in 1603 and was popularised by the Dutch lawyer and humanist Hugo Grotius. Based on Dutch and Portuguese sources, the article revisits the incident to critique Grotius' account and provide a snapshot of Portuguese trade and diplomacy in Asia at the time.
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Malieckal, Bindu. "Early modern Goa: Indian trade, transcultural medicine, and the Inquisition." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 26 (April 13, 2015): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67451.
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Portugal’s introduction of the Inquisition to India in 1560 placed the lives of Jews, New Christians, and selected others labelled ‘heretics’, in peril. Two such victims were Garcia da Orta, a Portuguese New Christian with a thriving medical practice in Goa, and Gabriel Dellon, a French merchant and physician. In scholarship, Garcia da Orta and Gabriel Dellon’s texts are often examined separately within the contexts of Portuguese and French literature respectively and in terms of medicine and religion in the early modern period. Despite the similarities of their training and experiences, da Orta and Dellon have not previously been studied jointly, as is attempted in this article, which expands upon da Orta and Dellon’s roles in Portuguese India’s international commerce, especially the trade in spices, and the collaborations between Indian and European physicians. Thus, the connection between religion and food is not limited to food’s religious and religio-cultural roles. Food in terms of spices has been at the foundations of power for ethno-religious groups in India, and when agents became detached from the spice trade, their downfalls were imminent, as seen in the histories of Garcia da Orta and Gabriel Dellon.
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Silva, Marta, Luís Pereira Gomes, and Isabel Cristina Lopes. "Explanatory Factors of the Capital Structure." Emerging Science Journal 4, no. 6 (2020): 519–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.28991/esj-2020-01249.
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This paper presents an empirical study of the capital structure of Portuguese companies where the main objective is to find key explanatory factors for indebtedness decisions. The relations between indebtedness and its determinants are tested in the light of the Trade-Off Theory and the Pecking-Order Theory. The motivation of this work was to contribute to the scientific research on the influential determinants of the capital structure and to deepen the knowledge of the Portuguese market. The quantitative methodology is used, through an econometric model for panel data using accounting information of 55 Portuguese companies between 2014 and 2016. Statistical tests such as the F test, the Lagrange Multiplier Breusch-Pagan test and the Hausman test were used to identify the most appropriate method of estimation, which resulted in a panel data model with random effects for individuals. The findings of this study suggest that indebtedness have a positive relation with tangibility and the size of the company, which supports the Trade-Off Theory. However, the positive relationship with the non-debt tax benefits suggests the importance of taxes, contrary to Trade-Off Theory. The negative relationship with cash flows, coupled with the positive relationships between size and growth opportunities, suggest the use of funding only when internal funds become insufficient, supporting the Pecking-Order Theory. The general results support that both theories partially explain the financing decisions of Portuguese companies. Doi: 10.28991/esj-2020-01249 Full Text: PDF
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Leitão, Nuno Carlos, Matheus Koengkan, and José Alberto Fuinhas. "The Role of Intra-Industry Trade, Foreign Direct Investment, and Renewable Energy on Portuguese Carbon Dioxide Emissions." Sustainability 14, no. 22 (2022): 15131. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su142215131.
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This paper revisited the link between intra-industry trade (IIT) between Portugal and Spain and Portuguese carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. The research also considers the effects of foreign direct investment (FDI) on CO2 emissions, pondering the arguments of the pollution haven hypothesis and the halo hypothesis. As an econometric strategy, this investigation has applied panel data, namely a Pooled Mean Group of an Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model and Panel Quantile Regression (PQR). The preliminary unit root tests indicated that IIT, Portuguese and Spanish renewable energy, and Portuguese FDI are integrated into the first differences and stationary with the second generation test (Pesaran methodology). In the next step, this study applied the multicollinearity test and cross-dependence between the variables. The variance inflation factor test demonstrated that FDI and IIT have no multicollinear problems. However, as expected, collinearity exists between Portuguese and Spanish renewable energy. Regarding the cross-sectional dependence test, this investigation concluded that the variables have a dependence between them. The cointegration test revealed that the variables are overall cointegrated. In the econometric results with the ARDL estimator, this investigation has found that IIT between Portugal and Spain is negatively correlated with Portuguese CO2 emissions, showing that this type of trade encourages environmental improvements. However, the PQR demonstrates that there is an opposite relationship. According to this, Portuguese and Spanish renewable energy is negatively impacted by CO2 emissions, revealing that renewable energy aims to decrease pollution. Finally, Portuguese FDI reduces CO2 emissions, which is explained by product differentiation, innovation, and monopolistic competition.
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Borschberg, Peter. "Hugo Grotius' Theory of Trans-Oceanic Trade Regulation: Revisiting Mare Liberum (1609)." Itinerario 29, no. 3 (2005): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010469.
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The setting is 25 February 1603. At dawn the three ships under the supreme command of Jakob van Heemskerk spot a Portuguese carrack in anchor off the Eastern shores of Singapore Island. She was richly laden with wares from China and Japan. The battle for the carrack lasted for most hours of daylight, and as night was about to fall, the Portuguese captain, crew, soldiers and passengers surrendered. They forfeited ship and cargo for having their lives spared.
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Arsaratnam, S. "The Rice Trade in Eastern India 1650–1740." Modern Asian Studies 22, no. 3 (1988): 531–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009665.
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The historical literature on Indian Ocean trade has now come to recognize the importance of food-grains as an ingredient of that trade. In the western part of the Ocean (the Arabian Sea), its eastern part (Bay of Bengal) and within the Southeast Asian mainland and islands, there is every evidence of a substantial movement of food-grains from surplus areas to deficit areas. Though the scale and frequency of this trade may not be relatively as important in the regional economy as Braudel has outlined for the Mediterranean (with the assistance, it must be admitted, of superior quantitative evidence), it was nevertheless one of the commodities that entered into the commercial processes of different regions of the Ocean. The evidence for the study of the grain trade is, as with all Asian trade in the early modern period, fragmentary and episodic. As intrinsic to the sector of trade embracing Asian merchant shippers and consumers, it shares the disadvantages of paucityof evidence of that whole sector. Again, as with Asian trade as a whole, the grain trade comes into view only when Europeans have entered into that trade and have left glimpses of it in their records.The Portuguese in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries were heavily involved in it in western India and a recent study has marshalled evidence from Portuguese sources on the mechanics of that trade in a port on the Kanara coast.2 In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, with the entry into the Indian Ocean of the large Chartered Companies, evidence on the grain trade is substantially increased ,enabling us to see it in sharper focus in the broad canvas of Asian trade
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Halikowski Smith, Stefan. "‘Profits sprout like tropical plants’: a fresh look at what went wrong with the Eurasian spice tradec. 1550–1800." Journal of Global History 3, no. 3 (2008): 389–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022808002775.
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AbstractThere has been little in the way of fresh thinking on the Eurasian spice trade since the 1980s, partly due to the crisis in economic history, although recent work has both dealt with the agency of non-European actors and started to take Chinese demand into the equation. Starting with problems specific to the Portuguese re-export trade, this article highlights the role of consumers, using research undertaken on the structures of demand to present a theory of cultural demystification. The Portuguese, it is argued, by opening direct trading links to the sources of supply, broke what amounted to a spell that had sustained the trade from the time of Alexander the Great. In concrete terms, the performance of individual spices is disaggregated, and the appearance of rival pepper products brought under scrutiny. While African peppers failed to consolidate the consumer interest they had generated over the fifteenth century, capsicum peppers rapidly spread to southern Europe, where they were domesticated and hence became invisible to international trade. The success of the capsicum pepper was replicated in West Africa, India, and China.