Journal articles on the topic 'Portuguese rural society'

The 6th Iberian Seminar on Rural Studies was hosted during February 23rd-24th in the International University of Andalusia at Santa Maria de la Rábida (Huelva). The Seminar was organised by the Spanish Association of Agricultural Economics (AEEA) and the Portuguese Society of Rural Studies (SPER). The present note presents a summary of the main contents debated in the Seminar.

Like other European regimes, the Portuguese Estado Novo (1933-1974) implemented an agricultural colonisation policy that, influenced by the ideals of modernism and neo-Physiocracy, aimed at economic development, social pacification and the fostering of national identities, resulting in the settlement and populating of modern rural landscapes. However, the Portuguese regime coped with an enduring financial crisis, and relied on an official nationalism built upon a conservative-traditional society under the union of God, fatherland, work and family. Unsurprisingly, Portuguese inner colonisation was comparatively small-scale, aimed at converting farmhands into rural homeowners, and its modernising experiments had limited impact on the landscape. However, landscape and place are not passive concepts. They concurrently build and are built by political and economic agencies, social negotiations, embodied experiences, plural meanings and affections. Looking into primary sources and the outcomes of a micro-ethnography in Boalhosa, this paper intersects official-written history and emotional-sensory memory to illustrate consistencies and dissonances between political and social actors’ representations of the Portuguese inner colonisation. Based on exploratory observations in Boalhosa, it argues that while the lack of political assertiveness may have curtailed the Portuguese project, it also favoured its social appropriation by local communities and economies within a contextualised historical spatial continuum.

This study aimed to analyze the main adjustment difficulties encountered by temporary immigrants and to identify the ways in which organizations received them and implemented integration strategies. Using a sample of three human resource managers, six supervisors and 50 immigrants of varying nationalities, the results revealed that although immigrants claimed to feel largely integrated in the new society and the organizations where they worked, the supervisors argued that integration and adjustment practices directed at immigrant workers were almost non-existent. The practices carried out by the organizations were primarily related to the work aspect, alongside a degree of support with bureaucratic issues and in some cases the provision of Portuguese language courses. Studies on rural immigrants are scarce, especially with regard to organizational integration practices. Managing a diverse workforce is one of the great challenges of modern organizations, hence immigrant workers’ integration is critical not only for the individuals themselves but also for the performance and success of the companies as a whole.

Bullfighting is a controversial sport that continues to be legally permitted in a number of countries around the world, including Portugal. The spectacle has attracted significant attention from animal protectionist groups for many years because of concerns for animal distress, pain, and suffering during the fights. While there has been strong support for the sport in Portugal in the past, there is a need to study social profiles regarding the acceptability of this sport before a case can be made for changes in regional and national legislation. In this study, Portuguese attendance patterns at bullfights were assessed in addition to public opinions on welfare and ethical aspects of bullfighting, based on demographic variables. Study participants (n = 8248) were largely recruited through Portuguese social media channels (respondents may not be representative of the Portuguese population). Questionnaire data were evaluated by means of frequency tables, multiple correspondence analyses, and a two-step cluster analysis. Most respondents had a negative opinion about bullfighting and perceived that bullfighting had no positive impact on the country. However, while most respondents thought that the bull suffered during bullfighting, the opinion regarding banning bullfighting was far from unanimous. Based on the demographic analysis, the profile of individuals with more favorable responses towards bullfighting were men > 65 years old, of Roman Catholic faith, of low- or high-income levels, from more rural areas of Portugal. Somewhat surprisingly, there was a tendency to favor bullfighting amongst veterinary professionals. We conclude that there were still large pockets of individuals who desire to maintain the practice of traditional bullfighting within Portuguese society, despite recognition of animal suffering during the event.

We propose a reflection about the theme of slavery, from the study of the archives of an important businessman in the city of Larsa, in the south Mesopotamian, named Ubar-Šamaš, during the reign of King Rîm-Sîn (1822-1763 BCE). This merchant exercised relevant economic activities, such as buying and selling land in urban and rural areas, silver loans and slave trade. In paleobabylonian society, slave labor did not occupy an important role in the economy, and the conditions of the trade of servantswere directly linked to political conditions, such as war and its economic and social consequences. Another objective of this article is to offer Brazilian readers research sources for the study of economic history of the ancient world, from the translation of documents directly from Akkadian language and cuneiform writing into Portuguese.

The dissonance between what teenagers learn in classrooms and their everyday lives is not a recent phenomenon, but it is increasingly relevant as school systems are unable to follow the evolution of media and society beyond traditional concerns regarding the protection of young people. An overly scholarly view of learning continues to prevail in our society, which seems to marginalize the knowledge that young people develop with and through media and digital platforms. Based on questionnaires, workshops, and interviews conducted with Portuguese teenagers, aged 12 to 16 years old (N=78), attending an urban and a rural school in the North of the country, this paper aims to understand how these teens are learning to use the media, what motivates them, and if their media practices contribute to the acquisition of skills and competencies useful to their lives inside and outside school. The research main results confirm the existence of a gap between formal and informal education. Informal education is mainly motivated by their needs and peer influence. Colleagues and family, alongside the Internet and self-discovery, appear as important sources of knowledge. Another important conclusion is that informal learning strategies contribute to the development of skills and competencies that are useful from a school viewpoint. La disonancia entre lo que aprenden los jóvenes en clase y en su vida cotidiana no es un fenómeno reciente, pero es cada vez más relevante, ya que la escuela no es capaz, evidentemente, de acompañar la evolución. En nuestra sociedad, sigue prevaleciendo una visión demasiado escolarizada del aprendizaje, que parece marginalizar los conocimientos que los jóvenes desarrollan con y a través de los medios y de las plataformas digitales. Basado en cuestionarios, entrevistas y talleres realizados con jóvenes portugueses entre los 12 y los 16 años (N=78), de una escuela urbana y otra rural del norte del país, este artículo pretende comprender cómo están estos jóvenes aprendiendo a usar los medios, lo que les motiva y si lo que hacen con ellos contribuye a la adquisición de capacidades y competencias útiles para sus vidas dentro y fuera de la escuela. Los principales resultados de la investigación confirman la existencia de un foso entre la educación formal e informal. La educación informal es sobretodo motivada por sus necesidades y por la influencia de sus pares. Los compañeros y la familia, junto con Internet y con lo que descubren por ellos mismos, aparecen como importantes fuentes de conocimiento. También se concluyó que las estrategias informales de aprendizaje contribuyen al desarrollo de capacidades y competencias útiles desde un punto de vista escolar.

In this study we introduce a comparative analysis of the current situation in the sector of small yield agriculture in Ukraine and some countries belonging to the Community of Portuguese Language Countries, such as Portugal, Brazil, and Cape Verde, in the context of the international policies for the Strategy of Nutritional and Food Security (Estratégia de Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional). We used materials from the United Nations on Food Security, secondary sources from Ukrainian, Portuguese, Brazilian, and Cape Verdean researchers on the characteristics of the sector, as well as, the results from personal experience and research during the stay in those countries. Portugal and Ukraine are both European countries, Portugal is a member European Union and Ukraine is on its way to joining. Portugal, Brazil and Cape Verde are characterized by their common history, dating back to the days of colonialism, and belong to The Community of Countries of Portuguese Language. All these countries are located in different economic-geographical zones and because of their levels of development they belong to different worlds in economy. It is noticeable, in any of them, that small rural agricultural businesses have an important role in ensuring sustainable food security. Also shared by all three is the fact that small agricultural producers suffer from being invisible to public policy, in comparison with larger industrial agriculture, taking into account the different factors from each country in particular. As such, one of the main goals of the present study is to reflect on the importance of small agriculture, or family agriculture, on providing for society and ensuring nutritional and food security in those countries. According to Ukrainian researchers, the per capita consumption of food products has significantly decreased over the past two decades, which is reflected in a steady decrease in the amount of milk and meat in the daily consumption of dietary products. This is a very important factor for the food safety of the entire population and, above all, the preservation of the health of the most vulnerable groups, including children. The Community of Countries of Portuguese Language (Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa, CPLP), to which Brazil, Cape Verde and Portugal belong to, has approximately 250 million of inhabitants. It is predicted that that number will increase up to 323 million in 2050. Today, in absolute terms, and considering the CPLP as a whole, around 28 million people are malnourished. In general, from all the countries in the CPLP, Portugal is the only country free from problems having to do with food security, but the level of dependence from imports has risen in the last decade, especially of cereals (from 55.6% to 82.8%). Brazil reduced the prevalence of malnutrition to less than half, in comparison with the levels from 1990 and the dependence on imports of cereals in this country remains the lowest compared to other countries and stands at 14.2%. Cape Verde maintains a high level of dependence on imports of food products, including cereals (94.3%). It turns out that in all the countries studied it is common ground that, despite their importance for sustainable food security, small family farms do not receive the necessary support from the state authorities for their technical and technological progress, in order to produce and sell on equal conditions with large enterprises its products in competitive markets. The lack of competitiveness from national food products, which is also seen in all countries, is one of the first factors that cause the objective necessity of an innovative transformation of the field of small agricultural production.

This paper presents the results from a linguistically-oriented discourse-completion questionnaire administered in Nikkei-Brazilian (Japanese Brazilian) communities, examining in particular: (1) the use of polite language forms, (2) terms used to address one’s spouse, as well as (3) the social characteristics and cultural backgrounds of the informants (e.g., age, sex, generation, nationality, place of birth, place of residence, whether they have lived in the Colonia (i.e., rural communities originally established as exclusively Japanese settlements), where their parents come from, education, and their first language). In this paper, I argue that the use of polite language forms in Nikkei-Brazilian Japanese reflects the different social histories that the two groups identified in this study have been through. The first group consists of those who have experience of Colonia society, whose characteristic use of polite language forms includes: (a) traditional Japanese spousal address terms, such as otoo-san or otoo-chan (father) when the wife addresses her spouse, and okaa-san or okaa-chan (mother) when the husband addresses his spouse; (b) the Western Japanese dialectal polite suffixes -reru/-rareru; and (c) exalting and humbling polite language forms which indicate the relative social positions of the addressees. The second group consists of those who reside in urban areas without experience of life in the Colonia, whose characteristic use of polite language forms includes: (a) Brazilian Portuguese spousal address terms; (b) the use of polite language forms which show the speaker’s friendliness and distance-reducing; and (c) a greater use of standard polite language forms, namely -desu, -masu.

Nos últimos 80 anos Portugal sofreu profundas alterações políticas, demográficas, sociais e económicas, passando de um regime ditatorial a um sistema democrático, de uma população jovem a uma população envelhecida e de uma economia rural a uma economia de serviços. Em termos educativos evoluiu de uma educação elitista em que a escolaridade obrigatória era de três anos, para uma educação para todos, durante mais tempo, em que o tempo de permanência na escola aumentou para doze anos. O planeamento de recursos educativos nem sempre se ajustou ao quadro conceptual e legislativo e às necessidades demográficas e socioeconómicas do país, mas o mais recente financiamento comunitário (2007-2013) criou condições para dar um novo impulso ao planeamento de infraestruturas e para repensar os seus pressupostos, apresentando hoje Portugal um parque escolar mais adaptado aos desafios que caracterizam a sociedade atual. Neste trabalho, que se integra num projeto de pesquisa mais alargado, procurou-se compreender o momento atual da educação em Portugal, a partir da análise dos seus principais impulsos ao longo das últimas décadas, ilustrando a relação entre as finalidades da educação, as decisões políticas e as dinâmicas sociais e o planeamento de recursos educativos através da evolução da rede escolar ao longo deste período. Este estudo baseia-se numa pesquisa documental diacrónica, focando-se em estudos de caso de territórios de alta e baixa densidade do centro de Portugal, permitindo reunir evidências de que, apesar das orientações serem nacionais, o país nem sempre evolui à mesma velocidade, existindo uma clara interferência das diferentes dinâmicas territoriais nas opções tomadas e nos resultados alcançados.Palavras-chave: Recursos educativos. Planeamento. Resultados escolares.ABSTRACTIn the last 80 years Portugal has suffered political, demographic, social and economic changes, from a dictatorial regime to a democratic system, from a young population to an ageing population and from a rural economy to a service economy. In terms of education, it has progressed from an education for the elites, with a compulsory education period of three years, to an education for everyone and for a longer period (compulsory education of 12 years). The planning of educational resources has not always been adjusted to the conceptual and legislative framework and to the demographic and socioeconomic needs, but the recent community funding (2007-2013) has created the conditions to give a fresh impetus to the planning of infrastructures and to rethink their assumptions and Portugal now has schools which are more well adapted to the characteristics of modern Portuguese society. This project sought to understand the state of education in Portugal through the analysis of its main tendencies in recent decades, illustrating the relation between the purpose of education, political decisions and social dynamics and the planning of educational resources through the evolution of the school network. This paper is based upon a thorough diachronic documentary research, focusing on case studies of high and low density territories in Central Portugal, which led to the gathering of evidence that, despite the national guidelines, the country has not progressed at an uniform rate and there is a interference of the different territorial dynamics in the choices made and in the results achieved.Keywords: Educational resources. Planning. School results.RESUMENEn los últimos 80 años, Portugal experimentó cambios políticos, demográficos, sociales y económicos: cambió el régimen dictatorial por un sistema democrático, una población joven por una población envejecida y una economía rural por una economía de servicios. En términos educativos evolucionó desde una educación elitista, con una escolaridad obligatoria de tres años, hasta una educación para todos y durante más tiempo (escolaridad obligatoria de 12 años). El planeamiento de los recursos educativos no siempre se ajustó al marco conceptual y legislativo y a las necesidades demográficas y socioeconómicas, pero la financiación comunitaria reciente (2007-2013) creó las condiciones para dar un nuevo impulso al planeamiento de las infraestructuras y para repensar sus presupuestos, permitiendo hoy a Portugal presentar estructuras educativas más adaptadas a las normas que caracterizan a la sociedad actual. Este proyecto trató de comprender la situación de la educación en Portugal a partir del análisis de las orientaciones dominantes en las últimas décadas, ilustrando la relación entre los objetivos de la educación, las decisiones políticas y las dinámicas sociales y la planificación de los recursos educativos a través de la evolución la red escolar. Este trabajo se apoya en una pesquisa documental diacrónica exhaustiva, centrándose en estudios de caso de territorios con elevada y baja densidad poblacional del centro de Portugal, lo que permite comprobar que a pesar de que las orientaciones sean nacionales, el país no evolucionó al mismo ritmo y hay una fuerte interferencia de las diferentes dinámicas territoriales en las decisiones tomadas y los resultados obtenidos.Palabras clave: Recursos educativos. Planeamiento. Resultados escolares.

-Monika Arnez, Keith Foulcher ,Clearing a space; Postcolonial readings of modern Indonesian literature. Leiden: KITlV Press, 2002, 381 pp. [Verhandelingen 202.], Tony Day (eds) -R.H. Barnes, Thomas Reuter, The house of our ancestors; Precedence and dualism in highland Balinese society. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002, viii + 359 pp. [Verhandelingen 198.] -Freek Colombijn, Adriaan Bedner, Administrative courts in Indonesia; A socio-legal study. The Hague: Kluwer law international, 2001, xiv + 300 pp. [The London-Leiden series on law, administration and development 6.] -Manuelle Franck, Peter J.M. Nas, The Indonesian town revisited. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian studies, 2002, vi + 428 pp. [Southeast Asian dynamics.] -Hans Hägerdal, Ernst van Veen, Decay or defeat? An inquiry into the Portuguese decline in Asia 1580-1645. Leiden: Research school of Asian, African and Amerindian studies, 2000, iv + 306 pp. [Studies on overseas history, 1.] -Rens Heringa, Genevieve Duggan, Ikats of Savu; Women weaving history in eastern Indonesia. Bangkok: White Lotus, 2001, xiii + 151 pp. [Studies in the material culture of Southeast Asia 1.] -August den Hollander, Kees Groeneboer, Een vorst onder de taalgeleerden; Herman Nuebronner van der Tuuk; Afgevaardigde voor Indië van het Nederlandsch Bijbelgenootschap 1847-1873; Een bronnenpublicatie. Leiden: KITlV Uitgeverij, 2002, 965 pp. -Edwin Jurriëns, William Atkins, The politics of Southeast Asia's new media. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002, xii + 235 pp. -Victor T. King, Poline Bala, Changing border and identities in the Kelabit highlands; Anthropological reflections on growing up in a Kelabit village near an international frontier. Kota Samarahan, Sarawak: Unit Penerbitan Universiti Malayasia Sarawak, Institute of East Asian studies, 2002, xiv + 142 pp. [Dayak studies contemporary society series 1.] -Han Knapen, Bernard Sellato, Innermost Borneo; Studies in Dayak cultures. Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2002, 221 pp. -Michael Laffan, Rudolf Mrázek, Engineers of happy land; Technology and nationalism in a colony. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002, xvii + 311 pp. [Princeton studies in culture/power/history 15.] -Johan Meuleman, Michael Francis Laffan, Islamic nationhood and colonial Indonesia; The umma below the winds. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003, xvi + 294 pp. [SOAS/RoutledgeCurzon studies on the Middle East 1.] -Rudolf Mrázek, Heidi Dahles, Tourism, heritage and national culture in Java; Dilemmas of a local community. Leiden: International Institute for Asian studies/Curzon, 2001, xvii + 257 pp. -Anke Niehof, Kathleen M. Adams ,Home and hegemony; Domestic service and identity politics in South and Southeast Asia. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000, 307 pp., Sara Dickey (eds) -Robert van Niel, H.W. van den Doel, Afscheid van Indië; De val van het Nederlandse imperium in Azië. Amsterdam: Prometheus, 2001, 475 pp. -Anton Ploeg, Bruce M. Knauft, Exchanging the past; A rainforest world of before and after. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002, x + 303 pp. -Harry A. Poeze, Nicolaas George Bernhard Gouka, De petitie-Soetardjo; Een Hollandse misser in Indië? (1936-1938). Amsterdam: Rozenberg, 303 pp. -Harry A. Poeze, Jaap Harskamp (compiler), The Indonesian question; The Dutch/Western response to the struggle for independence in Indonesia 1945-1950; an annotated catalogue of primary materials held in the British Library. London; The British Library, 2001, xx + 210 pp. -Elisabeth Schröder-Butterfill, Jan Breman ,Good times and bad times in rural Java; Case study of socio-economic dynamics in two villages towards the end of the twentieth century. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002, xii + 330 pp. [Verhandelingen 195.], Gunawan Wiradi (eds) -Mariëtte van Selm, L.P. van Putten, Ambitie en onvermogen; Gouverneurs-generaal van Nederlands-Indië 1610-1796. Rotterdam: ILCO-productions, 2002, 192 pp. -Heather Sutherland, William Cummings, Making blood white; Historical transformations in early modern Makassar. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002, xiii + 257 pp. -Gerard Termorshuizen, Olf Praamstra, Een feministe in de tropen; De Indische jaren van Mina Kruseman. Leiden: KITlV Uitgeverij, 2003, 111 p. [Boekerij 'Oost en West'.] -Jaap Timmer, Dirk A.M. Smidt, Kamoro art; Tradition and innovation in a New Guinea culture; With an essay on Kamoro life and ritual by Jan Pouwer. Amsterdam: KIT Publishers/Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, 2003, 157 pp. -Sikko Visscher, Amy L. Freedman, Political participation and ethnic minorities; Chinese overseas in Malaysia, Indonesia and the United States. London: Routledge, 2000, xvi + 231 pp. -Reed L. Wadley, Mary Somers Heidhues, Golddiggers, farmers, and traders in the 'Chinese districts' of West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Ithaca, NY: Southeast Asia program, Cornell University, 2003, 309 pp. -Edwin Wieringa, Jan Parmentier ,Peper, Plancius en porselein; De reis van het schip Swarte Leeuw naar Atjeh en Bantam, 1601-1603. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2003, 237 pp. [Werken van de Linschoten-Vereeniging 101.], Karel Davids, John Everaert (eds) -Edwin Wieringa, Leonard Blussé ,Kennis en Compagnie; De Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie en de moderne wetenschap. Amsterdam: Balans, 2002, 191 pp., Ilonka Ooms (eds) -Edwin Wieringa, Femme S. Gaastra, De geschiedenis van de VOC. Zutphen; Wal_burg Pers, 2002, 192 pp.

RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. The example of restitutions, donations and legacies inthe Andes enables us to explore the role of the Spanish laity and indigenous populations in the establishment of the dense network of Catholic institutions that was established during this period. The proposal postulates the role of lay actors in the construction of a Christian space in the Peruvian Andes in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when economic investment contributed to the transition from a society of war and conquest to a pacified, corporate society.KEY WORDS: Hispanic America-Andes, religion, economics, encomienda, 16th and 17th centuries. BIBLIOGRAFIAAbercrombie, T., “Tributes to Bad Conscience: Charity, Restitution, and Inheritance in Cacique and Encomendero Testaments of 16th-Century Charcas”, en Kellogg, S. y Restall, M. 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The central topic of João Botelho’s Um adeus português (1986), is memory in 1980s Portuguese society. The film alternates scenes from 1973, during the colonial war in Africa, with scenes set in 1985, in rural and urban areas of Portugal. In the present essay, I argue that the film enacts the need for a conversation among the Portuguese by opting for a structure that puts its own elements in dialogue. I analyze the film’s stylistic features while also contextualizing it within 1980s Portugal. This study is anchored in five themes: war, race, class, labor, and religion.

When Brazil was still a Portuguese colony, there were already rules to protect the natural resources for the Portuguese Crown. Nevertheless, a proper environmental legislation aiming to preserve nature and the environmental balance is relatively recent in the country. In fact, until a few decades ago, topics like water, vegetation and wildlife were seen by the Brazilian legislation as goods or inputs in the production process. However, this picture has changed since the 1980s and, nowadays, Brazil has an extensive and modern legislation to protect the environment. Actually, Brazil is one of the few countries whose legislation, also known as the Forest Code (Law 4.771 of 1965), requires the maintenance of forests and other vegetation in specific areas, such as Permanent Preservation Areas and Legal Reserve. Currently, a new forest legislation is under discussion in the Brazilian Congress and a few articles of the original proposal were criticized, extending the debate not only to legislators, but also to different sectors of society. This article intends to clarify some of the controversial issues regarding Legal Reserves and Permanent Preservation Areas that shall be preserved, analyzing the forest code in force and the code under discussion. In addition, two other instruments are also described, namely the Rural Environmental Registry, which can support the monitoring work of Brazilian environmental agencies, and the Environmental Reserve Quota, which encourages landowners to preserve the forest.

With immense gratitude to the large number of people who, in several countries and across three continents, have contributed so generously their effort, initiative and commitment to this editorial project, we are pleased to present the journal Historia Agraria de América Latina (HAAL). The main purpose of this journal is to promote and disseminate research and interdisciplinary debate on the history of rural societies in Latin America and the Caribbean. Our editorial perspective is informed by a wide-ranging conception of agrarian history as a complex and diverse field of research. We seek to disseminate works on a wide range of topics, processes and problems, from technical and economic issues, such as production methods in the ever-challenging field of “cows and plows agricultural history”, to cultural representations of the “countryside”, which are often politically charged and not always so subtle or sophisticated. A journal with this perspective, we think, will help not only to better understand the rural past, but also to reflect on the societies in which we live. At the same time, this journal aims to be a point of encounter for agrarian historiographies in Latin America and the Caribbean. We are interested in publicizing the research being carried out in different countries, but also in promoting dialogue on theoretical-methodological approaches and historiographic debates. In that respect, our aim is for national, regional and local rural histories to gain relevance beyond their empirical content and use within comparative research, by providing ideas and strategies that can be adopted and adapted to advance the study of agrarian history in other countries, regions and places. To facilitate this encounter among the region’s historiographies–sometimes quite unknown beyond their own national borders–the journal will publish articles and book reviews in Spanish, Portuguese and English, the principal languages in which those who study the rural history of our region write, read and engage in academic discussion. Furthermore, this journal seeks to promote interdisciplinary dialogue; works in economics, anthropology, political science, sociology, cultural studies and other disciplines, that examine rural society from an historical perspective, will also be welcome. Here, we invite you to begin with the first issue. Anna Cant & Claudio Robles Co-editors of the first issue of HAAL

IntroductionIn the wine world, authenticity is not just desired, it is actively required. That demand comes from a complex of producers, distributors and consumers, and other interested parties. Consequently, the authenticity of wine is constantly created, reworked, presented, performed, argued over, contested and appreciated.At one level, such processes have clear economic elements. A wine deemed to be an authentic “expression” of something—the soil and micro-climate in which it was grown, the environment and culture of the region from which it hails, the genius of the wine-maker who nurtured and brought it into being, the quintessential characteristics of the grape variety it is made from—will likely make much more money than one deemed inauthentic. In wine, as in other spheres, perceived authenticity is a means to garner profits, both economic and symbolic (Beverland).At another level, wine animates a complicated intertwining of human tastes, aesthetics, pleasures and identities. Discussions as to the authenticity, or otherwise, of a wine often involve a search by the discussants for meaning and purpose in their lives (Grahm). To discover and appreciate a wine felt to “speak” profoundly of the place from whence it came possibly involves a sense of superiority over others: I drink “real” wine, while you drink mass-market trash (Bourdieu). It can also create reassuring senses of ontological security: in discovering an authentic wine, expressive of a certain aesthetic and locational purity (Zolberg and Cherbo), I have found a cherishable object which can be reliably traced to one particular place on Earth, therefore possessing integrity, honesty and virtue (Fine). Appreciation of wine’s authenticity licenses the self-perception that I am sophisticated and sensitive (Vannini and Williams). My judgement of the wine is also a judgement upon my own aesthetic capacities (Hennion).In wine drinking, and the production, distribution and marketing processes underpinning it, much is at stake as regards authenticity. The social system of the wine world requires the category of authenticity in order to keep operating. This paper examines how and why this has come to be so. It considers the crafting of authenticity in long-term historical perspective. Demand for authentic wine by drinkers goes back many centuries. Self-conscious performances of authenticity by producers is of more recent provenance, and was elaborated above all in France. French innovations then spread to other parts of Europe and the world. The paper reviews these developments, showing that wine authenticity is constituted by an elaborate complex of environmental, cultural, legal, political and commercial factors. The paper both draws upon the social science literature concerning the construction of authenticity and also points out its limitations as regards understanding wine authenticity.The History of AuthenticityIt is conventional in the social science literature (Peterson, Authenticity) to claim that authenticity as a folk category (Lu and Fine), and actors’ desires for authentic things, are wholly “modern,” being unknown in pre-modern contexts (Cohen). Consideration of wine shows that such a view is historically uninformed. Demands by consumers for ‘authentic’ wine, in the sense that it really came from the location it was sold as being from, can be found in the West well before the 19th century, having ancient roots (Wengrow). In ancient Rome, there was demand by elites for wine that was both really from the location it was billed as being from, and was verifiably of a certain vintage (Robertson and Inglis). More recently, demand has existed in Western Europe for “real” Tokaji (sweet wine from Hungary), Port and Bordeaux wines since at least the 17th century (Marks).Conventional social science (Peterson, Authenticity) is on solider ground when demonstrating how a great deal of social energies goes into constructing people’s perceptions—not just of consumers, but of wine producers and sellers too—that particular wines are somehow authentic expressions of the places where they were made. The creation of perceived authenticity by producers and sales-people has a long historical pedigree, beginning in early modernity.For example, in the 17th and 18th centuries, wine-makers in Bordeaux could not compete on price grounds with burgeoning Spanish, Portuguese and Italian production areas, so they began to compete with them on the grounds of perceived quality. Multiple small plots were reorganised into much bigger vineyards. The latter were now associated with a chateau in the neighbourhood, giving the wines connotations of aristocratic gravity and dignity (Ulin). Product-makers in other fields have used the assertion of long-standing family lineages as apparent guarantors of tradition and quality in production (Peterson, Authenticity). The early modern Bordelaise did the same, augmenting their wines’ value by calling upon aristocratic accoutrements like chateaux, coats-of-arms, alleged long-term family ownership of vineyards, and suchlike.Such early modern entrepreneurial efforts remain the foundations of the very high prestige and prices associated with elite wine-making in the region today, with Chinese companies and consumers particularly keen on the grand crus of the region. Globalization of the wine world today is strongly rooted in forms of authenticity performance invented several hundred years ago.Enter the StateAnother notable issue is the long-term role that governments and legislation have played, both in the construction and presentation of authenticity to publics, and in attempts to guarantee—through regulative measures and taxation systems—that what is sold really has come from where it purports to be from. The west European State has a long history of being concerned with the fraudulent selling of “fake” wines (Anderson, Norman, and Wittwer). Thus Cosimo III, Medici Grand Duke of Florence, was responsible for an edict of 1716 which drew up legal boundaries for Tuscan wine-producing regions, restricting the use of regional names like Chianti to wine that actually came from there (Duguid).These 18th century Tuscan regulations are the distant ancestors of quality-control rules centred upon the need to guarantee the authenticity of wines from particular geographical regions and sub-regions, which are today now ubiquitous, especially in the European Union (DeSoucey). But more direct progenitors of today’s Geographical Indicators (GIs)—enforced by the GATT international treaties—and Protected Designations of Origin (PDOs)—promulgated and monitored by the EU—are French in origin (Barham). The famous 1855 quality-level classification of Bordeaux vineyards and their wines was the first attempt in the world explicitly to proclaim that the quality of a wine was a direct consequence of its defined place of origin. This move significantly helped to create the later highly influential notion that place of origin is the essence of a wine’s authenticity. This innovation was initially wholly commercial, rather than governmental, being carried out by wine-brokers to promote Bordeaux wines at the Paris Exposition Universelle, but was later elaborated by State officials.In Champagne, another luxury wine-producing area, small-scale growers of grapes worried that national and international perceptions of their wine were becoming wholly determined by big brands such as Dom Perignon, which advertised the wine as a luxury product, but made no reference to the grapes, the soil, or the (supposedly) traditional methods of production used by growers (Guy). The latter turned to the idea of “locality,” which implied that the character of the wine was an essential expression of the Champagne region itself—something ignored in brand advertising—and that the soil itself was the marker of locality. The idea of “terroir”—referring to the alleged properties of soil and micro-climate, and their apparent expression in the grapes—was mobilised by one group, smaller growers, against another, the large commercial houses (Guy). The terroir notion was a means of constructing authenticity, and denouncing de-localised, homogenizing inauthenticity, a strategy favouring some types of actors over others. The relatively highly industrialized wine-making process was later represented for public consumption as being consonant with both tradition and nature.The interplay of commerce, government, law, and the presentation of authenticity, also appeared in Burgundy. In that region between WWI and WWII, the wine world was transformed by two new factors: the development of tourism and the rise of an ideology of “regionalism” (Laferté). The latter was invented circa WWI by metropolitan intellectuals who believed that each of the French regions possessed an intrinsic cultural “soul,” particularly expressed through its characteristic forms of food and drink. Previously despised peasant cuisine was reconstructed as culturally worthy and true expression of place. Small-scale artisanal wine production was no longer seen as an embarrassment, producing wines far more “rough” than those of Bordeaux and Champagne. Instead, such production was taken as ground and guarantor of authenticity (Laferté). Location, at regional, village and vineyard level, was taken as the primary quality indicator.For tourists lured to the French regions by the newly-established Guide Michelin, and for influential national and foreign journalists, an array of new promotional devices were created, such as gastronomic festivals and folkloric brotherhoods devoted to celebrations of particular foodstuffs and agricultural events like the wine-harvest (Laferté). The figure of the wine-grower was presented as an exemplary custodian of tradition, relatively free of modern capitalist exchange relations. These are the beginnings of an important facet of later wine companies’ promotional literatures worldwide—the “decoupling” of their supposed commitments to tradition, and their “passion” for wine-making beyond material interests, from everyday contexts of industrial production and profit-motives (Beverland). Yet the work of making the wine-maker and their wines authentically “of the soil” was originally stimulated in response to international wine markets and the tourist industry (Laferté).Against this background, in 1935 the French government enacted legislation which created theInstitut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) and its Appelation d’Origine Controlle (AOC) system (Barham). Its goal was, and is, to protect what it defines as terroir, encompassing both natural and human elements. This legislation went well beyond previous laws, as it did more than indicate that wine must be honestly labelled as deriving from a given place of origin, for it included guarantees of authenticity too. An authentic wine was defined as one which truly “expresses” the terroir from which it comes, where terroir means both soil and micro-climate (nature) and wine-making techniques “traditionally” associated with that area. Thus French law came to enshrine a relatively recently invented cultural assumption: that places create distinctive tastes, the value of this state of affairs requiring strong State protection. Terroir must be protected from the untrammelled free market. Land and wine, symbiotically connected, are de-commodified (Kopytoff). Wine is embedded in land; land is embedded in what is regarded as regional culture; the latter is embedded in national history (Polanyi).But in line with the fact that the cultural underpinnings of the INAO/AOC system were strongly commercially oriented, at a more subterranean level the de-commodified product also has economic value added to it. A wine worthy of AOC protection must, it is assumed, be special relative to wines un-deserving of that classification. The wine is taken out of the market, attributed special status, and released, economically enhanced, back onto the market. Consequently, State-guaranteed forms of authenticity embody ambivalent but ultimately efficacious economic processes. Wine pioneered this Janus-faced situation, the AOC system in the 1990s being generalized to all types of agricultural product in France. A huge bureaucratic apparatus underpins and makes possible the AOC system. For a region and product to gain AOC protection, much energy is expended by collectives of producers and other interested parties like regional development and tourism officials. The French State employs a wide range of expert—oenological, anthropological, climatological, etc.—who police the AOC classificatory mechanisms (Barham).Terroirisation ProcessesFrench forms of legal classification, and the broader cultural classifications which underpin them and generated them, very much influenced the EU’s PDO system. The latter uses a language of authenticity rooted in place first developed in France (DeSoucey). The French model has been generalized, both from wine to other foodstuffs, and around many parts of Europe and the world. An Old World idea has spread to the New World—paradoxically so, because it was the perceived threat posed by the ‘placeless’ wines and decontextualized grapes of the New World which stimulated much of the European legislative measures to protect terroir (Marks).Paxson shows how artisanal cheese-makers in the US, appropriate the idea of terroir to represent places of production, and by extension the cheeses made there, that have no prior history of being constructed as terroir areas. Here terroir is invented at the same time as it is naturalised, made to seem as if it simply points to how physical place is directly expressed in a manufactured product. By defining wine or cheese as a natural product, claims to authenticity are themselves naturalised (Ulin). Successful terroirisation brings commercial benefits for those who engage in it, creating brand distinctiveness (no-one else can claim their product expresses that particularlocation), a value-enhancing aura around the product which, and promotion of food tourism (Murray and Overton).Terroirisation can also render producers into virtuous custodians of the land who are opposed to the depredations of the industrial food and agriculture systems, the categories associated with terroir classifying the world through a binary opposition: traditional, small-scale production on the virtuous side, and large-scale, “modern” harvesting methods on the other. Such a situation has prompted large-scale, industrial wine-makers to adopt marketing imagery that implies the “place-based” nature of their offerings, even when the grapes can come from radically different areas within a region or from other regions (Smith Maguire). Like smaller producers, large companies also decouple the advertised imagery of terroir from the mundane realities of industry and profit-margins (Beverland).The global transportability of the terroir concept—ironic, given the rhetorical stress on the uniqueness of place—depends on its flexibility and ambiguity. In the French context before WWII, the phrase referred specifically to soil and micro-climate of vineyards. Slowly it started mean to a markedly wider symbolic complex involving persons and personalities, techniques and knowhow, traditions, community, and expressions of local and regional heritage (Smith Maguire). Over the course of the 20th century, terroir became an ever broader concept “encompassing the physical characteristics of the land (its soil, climate, topography) and its human dimensions (culture, history, technology)” (Overton 753). It is thought to be both natural and cultural, both physical and human, the potentially contradictory ramifications of such understanding necessitating subtle distinctions to ward off confusion or paradox. Thus human intervention on the land and the vines is often represented as simply “letting the grapes speak for themselves” and “allowing the land to express itself,” as if the wine-maker were midwife rather than fabricator. Terroir talk operates with an awkward verbal balancing act: wine-makers’ “signature” styles are expressions of their cultural authenticity (e.g. using what are claimed as ‘traditional’ methods), yet their stylistic capacities do not interfere with the soil and micro-climate’s natural tendencies (i.e. the terroir’sphysical authenticity).The wine-making process is a case par excellence of a network of humans and objects, or human and non-human actants (Latour). The concept of terroir today both acknowledges that fact, but occludes it at the same time. It glosses over the highly problematic nature of what is “real,” “true,” “natural.” The roles of human agents and technologies are sequestered, ignoring the inevitably changing nature of knowledges and technologies over time, recognition of which jeopardises claims about an unchanging physical, social and technical order. Harvesting by machine production is representationally disavowed, yet often pragmatically embraced. The role of “foreign” experts acting as advisors —so-called “flying wine-makers,” often from New World production cultures —has to be treated gingerly or covered up. Because of the effects of climate change on micro-climates and growing conditions, the taste of wines from a particular terroir changes over time, but the terroir imaginary cannot recognise that, being based on projections of timelessness (Brabazon).The authenticity referred to, and constructed, by terroir imagery must constantly be performed to diverse audiences, convincing them that time stands still in the terroir. If consumers are to continue perceiving authenticity in a wine or winery, then a wide range of cultural intermediaries—critics, journalists and other self-proclaiming experts must continue telling convincing stories about provenance. Effective authenticity story-telling rests on the perceived sincerity and knowledgeability of the teller. Such tales stress romantic imagery and colourful, highly personalised accounts of the quirks of particular wine-makers, omitting mundane details of production and commercial activities (Smith Maguire). Such intermediaries must seek to interest their audience in undiscovered regions and “quirky” styles, demonstrating their insider knowledge. But once such regions and styles start to become more well-known, their rarity value is lost, and intermediaries must find ever newer forms of authenticity, which in turn will lose their burnished aura when they become objects of mundane consumption. An endless cycle of discovering and undermining authenticity is constantly enacted.ConclusionAuthenticity is a category held by different sorts of actors in the wine world, and is the means by which that world is held together. This situation has developed over a long time-frame and is now globalized. Yet I will end this paper on a volte face. Authenticity in the wine world can never be regarded as wholly and simply a social construction. One cannot directly import into the analysis of that world assumptions—about the wholly socially constructed nature of phenomena—which social scientific studies of other domains, most notably culture industries, work with (Peterson, Authenticity). Ways of thinking which are indeed useful for understanding the construction of authenticity in some specific contexts, cannot just be applied in simplistic manners to the wine world. When they are applied in direct and unsophisticated ways, such an operation misses the specificities and particularities of wine-making processes. These are always simultaneously “social” and “natural”, involving multiple forms of complex intertwining of human actions, environmental and climatological conditions, and the characteristics of the vines themselves—a situation markedly beyond beyond any straightforward notion of “social construction.”The wine world has many socially constructed objects. But wine is not just like any other product. Its authenticity cannot be fabricated in the manner of, say, country music (Peterson, Country). Wine is never in itself only a social construction, nor is its authenticity, because the taste, texture and chemical elements of wine derive from complex human interactions with the physical environment. Wine is partly about packaging, branding and advertising—phenomena standard social science accounts of authenticity focus on—but its organic properties are irreducible to those factors. Terroir is an invention, a label put on to certain things, meaning they are perceived to be authentic. But the things that label refers to—ranging from the slope of a vineyard and the play of sunshine on it, to how grapes grow and when they are picked—are entwined with human semiotics but not completely created by them. 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