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1
Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.
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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Brandao, Pedro Ramos. "The Catholic Church and Portugal in Africa." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (May 13, 2019): 222–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v2i2.254.
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The way Catholic Church implanted itself in Africa, and particularly in Portuguese colonial Africa, during the first half of the 20th century. The issue of the Organic Statute of Portuguese Catholic Missions in Africa. The orientation of the missionary policy and its integration in 1933 Constitution. The Foreign Missionaries in the Portuguese Missions and their impact on the criticism to Colonization. The Missionary Statute. The issue of Beira's Bishop.
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Sáánchez-Ron, Joséé M. "International relations in Spanish physics from 1900 to the Cold War." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 33, no. 1 (2002): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsps.2002.33.1.3.
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This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.
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Sidaway, James D., and Marcus Power. "‘The Tears of Portugal’: Empire, Identity, ‘Race’, and Destiny in Portuguese Geopolitical Narratives." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 23, no. 4 (August 2005): 527–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d345t.
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Geopolitical discourses are constitutive moments within the expression and construction of ‘national’ identities. Approaching geopolitics and identities as contested and fluid domains, we examine the relationships between geopolitical narratives and visions of Portugueseness ( Portugalidade). The focus is on the frames of geopolitical thought developed in 20th-century Portugal, with particular reference to the post-1945 period and with some consideration of the transformations since 1974 accompanying the collapse of what was both the first and the most enduring European overseas empire. This study of Portuguese geopolitical discourses leads to a conclusion in which we reflect on the significance of relations between the ‘colonial’ and the ‘postcolonial’ and the articulations of East–West and North–South in geopolitical discourses. This permits wider critique concerning the location of geopolitics within 20th-century and contemporary imperialisms.
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Buchanan, Elizabeth. "History of International Relations and Russian foreign policy in the 20th century, volume I." International Affairs 96, no. 4 (July 1, 2020): 1105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa122.
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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.
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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Skorospelov, P. P. "The Russian Globalization Project in the XX Century. Anatomy of a Military-Political Strategy." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 3 (August 21, 2022): 122–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-3(5)-122-149.
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The article discusses the main components of the military-political strategy of Russia in the «short» 20th century – from 1900 to 1991. Special attention is paid to how the foreign policy and the use of Armed Forces were planned. Reconstructing the intellectual ideas that created the framework of the foreign and military policy of the Russian state at that time, the author focuses on the elements that unite the leaders of Russia of the 20th century from Nikolai Romanov to Mikhail Gorbachev. Such issues as the «globalization» of the USSR in world affairs, relations with neighboring Asian centers of power, such as China and Iran, the sphere of «special state interests» of the USSR in Eastern Europe are discussed in the work. The evolution of Russian military strategy in the 20th century is studied: from betting on victory in the World War in the first half of the century to focusing on the actions of expeditionary groups during the Cold War. The article analyzes in detail the strategic deterrence measures carried out by the Armed Forces of the USSR in the 1950-1970. The issue of the resources of military-political strategy is considered separately.
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Alasgarli, Tural. "The role of factoring in international trade financing." Scientific Bulletin 3 (2020): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/aoex7452.
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As 20th century ends, international economic system has gained new characteristics, international trade and its finance has reached at a different aspect. Parallel to the increasing trade relations, new technics of foreign trade finance has been widely available. Among them, factoring was evaluated in this study.
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Rahman, Md Sayedur, and Shakila Tul-Kubra. "Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia: Late 20th- early 21st century." Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no. 1 (November 8, 2020): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.
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In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Tatyana, Zvereva. "Francois Mitterrand as an Outstanding French Politician of the 20th Century." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021281-8.
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The paper is devoted to the analysis of the life and professional path of the outstanding French politician of the twentieth century, the creator of the Socialist Party F. Mitterrand. Special attention is paid to the study of France's domestic and foreign policy after his election as president in 1981. The specifics of his approach to international affairs were expressed in a combination of messianism and pragmatism. In relations with the United States, France adhered to the principle of “friend, ally, but not vassal”. In general, it is concluded that F. Mitterrand’s life and professional path reflects both the inner wealth and the complex and extremely contradictory nature of the French political tradition.
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Black, Jeremy. "Britain's Foreign Alliances in the Eighteenth Century." Albion 20, no. 4 (1988): 573–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050198.
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One of the greatest problems in the discussion of eighteenth-century British foreign policy concerns the assessment of the influence of the particular character of the British political system. British foreign policy, and thus the country's alliance strategy, was conditioned by the subtle interplay of internal processes, the functioning of her domestic political system, and the international situation. As historians are concerned increasingly to probe the nature of the domestic pressures influencing the formulation and execution of policy, so it becomes more important to define the political, as opposed to constitutional, role of Parliament and public opinion. This is of obvious significance for the study of Britain's relations with her allies. Were these made more difficult as a consequence of the distinctive character of the British political system? There was no shortage of contemporaries willing to state that this was the case. An obvious category of discussion concerned the citing of domestic pressure as a reason why concessions could not be made to foreign powers, both allies and those whose alliance was sought. This was of particular significance when ministries explained why gains made during war could not be surrendered at peace treaties and gains made at the peace could not be yielded subsequently. Their defense of the retention of Gibraltar was based on this argument. Similar arguments were used by British ministers in seeking to persuade allies to do as they wished. Diplomatic pressure on France over the state of Dunkirk or on Spain and Portugal over commercial disputes made frequent use of the argument of domestic pressure.
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Lysenko, Maiia. "INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION OFAGRICULTURAL PUBLIC ORGANIZATIONS OF UKRAINIAN PROVINCES OFTHE RUSSIAN EMPIRE (EARLY 20TH CENTURY)." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 58 (2021): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2020.58.1.
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The purpose of the article is to study the international cooperation of agricultural societies and its impact on the modernization of Ukrainian provinces. The author used comparative, chronological, problem and analytical research methods. On the basis of archival documents and the press of that time the author described and systematized new materials about the international activity of agricultural societies of the Ukrainian provinces. The author proves that it took various forms and contributed to the borrowing of useful foreign experience. It was found that international activities had developed from personal ties to mutual cooperation. The public’s tasks include holding numerous events. The author reconstructs the process of participation of members of agricultural organizations in various international events, including exhibitions. It was emphasized that these contacts were of mutual interest. They provided an opportunity for members of voluntary associations to learn from foreign experience. It is important that the experience was taken consciously. Considerable attention is paid to the initiatives of individuals – members of agricultural societies. The trips contributed to positive changes in society and the modernization of the region in general. The article examines the issue of conducting tours, practices for local landowners abroad by agricultural associations. The expediency of such forms of cooperation was realized by members of agricultural societies. The public understood the need for change. We drew attention to a wide range of countries with which representatives of agricultural societies cooperated. The public of the Ukrainian provinces was interested in foreign governmental and public institutions in the field of agriculture. There was a search for new forms of work, among which is the creation of the socalled American agency. Foreign relations of Volyn hop growers should be called indicative. The joint work of representatives of the Volyn Hop Society was carried out together with government experts, foreign partners, including Ukrainian cooperatives in London. The initiative of agrarian public organizations received government assistance, and export chambers were established. Agricultural societies became their active participants and co-founders. It is concluded that the adoption of foreign experience and contacts with foreign organizations and professionals have contributed to qualitative changes in society.
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Ramos, Rui. "A Tale of One City? Local Civic Traditions under Liberal and Republican Rule in Portugal (Late 18th Century–Early 20th Century)." Citizenship Studies 11, no. 2 (May 2007): 173–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621020701262511.
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Sirotkina, Evgenya V. "The Image of Austria in Russian Public Opinion in the XIX – Early XX Century." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 20, no. 3 (2020): 364–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2020-20-3-364-369.
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The article examines the process of forming the image of Austria in Russian public opinion in the 19th – early 20th century. The author pays main attention to the influence that public opinion had during this period on the development of Russian-Austrian relations. The author concludes that the negative image of Austria formed in public opinion had a significant impact on the development of the Russian government’s foreign policy, hindered the search for compromises and pushed for confrontation.
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Novikova, Irina. "J. K. Paasikivi and the Formation of Finland’s Independence." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016483-0.
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J. K. Paasikivi belongs to the most famous Finnish political figures, the prime minister and the seventh president of Finland, the architect of its foreign policy in the post-war period. His influence on the political, economic and foreign policy spheres of Finland has been extremely noticeable for more than half a century. This article examines the least studied period of his political activity — the formation of Paasikivi as a politician, diplomat and statesman from the beginning of the 20th century until the signing of the Tartu Peace Treaty of 1920 between the RSFSR and the Republic of Finland. In the first twenty years of the 20th century, Paasikivi traveled a difficult, dramatic path from a staunch supporter of cooperation with the Russian Empire to an adherent of the idea of independence, then cooperation with imperial Germany, and again, recognizing the important fact that the best way to ensure Finland's national interests is to compromise with Russia in matters of its strategic needs. However, the sharp turns in Paasikivi's political fate were by no means a tribute to the fashion or the conjuncture. He was and remained a realist and pragmatist who always took into account a complex of factors: geographical, historical, strategic, foreign policy, economic in the decision-making process. Paasikivi's political heritage in modern Finland are realism in foreign policy, maintaining good relations with neighboring countries, first of all, with Russia, foreign policy aimed at the future, its predictability and long-term, in domestic policy, the desire to awaken interest in foreign policy issues.
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Лукьянов, В. Ю. "Harmonization of the System of International Relations in the 21st Century: An Ideological Aspect." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v084.
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This article dwells on the role of ideology in the formation of the system of modern international relations. It is demonstrated that ideology’s influence on international relations grew in the 20th century, primarily during the Cold War. Having compared the ideologies of communism and Western democracy, the author comes to the conclusion that they formed the basis for the foreign policies of the USA and the USSR and justified the two powers’ actions on the international scene. The current geopolitical situation in the world demonstrates that in the 21st century ideology has not only retained its influence on foreign policy of individual states and international relations in general, but also increased it. Further, the author identifies three most important ideological doctrines of the 21st century: Western democracy, radical Islam and the concept of the Russian world. The formation of the ideological basis of foreign policy in modern Russia is considered separately. The ideological evolution of the foreign policy of the USSR (Russia) is analysed, from the concept of universal values of the perestroika period and the idea of Russia’s integration into the Western structures of the 1990s (implying partnership between Russia and the West) to the concept of the Russian world, which worsened Russia’s relations with the West and led to ideological confrontation. In the final part of the article, the author proposes ways to stabilize the international situation, mitigate the severity of ideological confrontation and achieve if not a consensus, then at least a compromise between the three main ideologies of our time: Western democracy, radical Islam and the ideology of the Russian world.
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Bendin, Alexandre Yu. "Russian Empire’s Religious Institutions in the 18th - Early 20th Century: The Evolution of “Friend - Alien - Foe” Relations." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-1-8-31.
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The Russian governments three principal institutions to regulate the empires diverse religions from the 18th to the early 20th century are examined. Its author describes the evolution of these bodies, their features and purpose, as well as defining the concept of religious security by analyzing its specific historical content. The author also discusses the relationship between the institutions of the official Russian Church, religious tolerance for foreign confessions, and discrimination against the Old Believers through the prism of friend - alien - foe relations. This approach helps us understand the hierarchical nature of the relations and contradictions that existed between the institutions, whose activities regulated the religious life of the Russian Empires subjects until 1905. The article goes on to analyze the relationship between the official legal status of the Russian Church, imperial tolerance, and religious discrimination. It concludes that the formation of the three state-religious institutions that began in the 18th century ended during the reign of Emperor Nicholas I. That time saw the beginning of the gradual evolution of friend - alien - foe inter-institutional relations, which peaked under Emperor Nicholas in 1904-1906. The author also considers the changes in the governments policy towards the Russian schism of the 17th century, which ultimately removed the friend-or-foe opposition in the relations between the Russian state, the Russian Church and the schismatic Old Believers. In accordance with the modernized legislation on religious tolerance, lawful Old Believers and sectarians moved from the category of religious and political foes to that of aliens, to which foreign confessions traditionally belonged. Under the new legal and political conditions, intolerance and religious discrimination against the schism ceased to be an instrument of state policy.
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Shcherbakova, Anna D. "BRAZIL’S REGIONAL LEADERSHIP IN THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2022): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-4-49-59.
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The article deals with policy aimed to strengthen the country’s role in South America of the Brazilian governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Jair Bolsonaro in the first two decades of the 21st century. The Brazil’s desire to become a part of the global community based on leadership in South America was articulated at the beginning of the 20th century by then Minister of Foreign Affairs Baron de Rio-Branco. Since then it has become a key issue of Brazilian foreign policy. It was shown in the article that Lula’s strategy for playing a more prominent role in regional affairs was especially successful in the areas of subregional integration and creation of new formats of multilateral cooperation. In context of significant changes of the regional context because of electoral results and impact of external factors such as the Covid-19 pandemic the current Brazilian government had to review of its approach to the state positioning within the region. This change has already affected Brazil’s relations with other South American countries and effectiveness of its regional leadership.
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Rozanova, N. "Foreign Experience of Competition Policy in Digital Economy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 2 (2022): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-2-15-22.
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Economic reality has dramatically changed in the 21st century. Competition and monopoly behaviour are under radical transformation due to digital effects in contemporary business world. Digitalization has engendered many new types of monopolistic conduct and deeply altered traditional forms of firms’ misconduct. In a digital era, the antitrust policy should rethink its concepts of regulation, market power, and anticompetitive behaviour. The analysis of contemporary competition policy in different countries shows that traditional antitrust rules could not effectively deal with digital activity. Having entered even in an ordinary space of anticompetitive firm behaviour, digital world has challenged traditional concepts of antitrust policy. The antitrust rules that dominated in the 20th century are mostly outdated when applied to digital era trends. What should and could competition policy do to meet the requirements of the 21st century? The article touches upon contemporary foreign investigations in the sphere of competition and competition policy. Our analysis demonstrates the challenges that are under way in antitrust regulation. Special attention is paid on new patterns that characterize traditional forms of monopolistic behaviour (cartels, dominant misconduct, predatory pricing, exclusive dealing, etc.) in a digital world. There was drawn the conclusion concerning the vital necessity of a cardinal transformation for the antitrust policy from a hard state controller into a flexible business consultant, with the aim not to punish but to prevent market misconduct.
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Dudka, A. I., I. G. Onoprienko, and M. A. Sergienko. "On the ethno-cultural state of the Kursk province at the end of the XIX-th – the beginning of the XX-th centuries." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 705–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-705-712.
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In the article, the authors analyze the ethno-cultural state of the Kursk province in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the specifics of which were laid from the period of secondary colonization of the region and in the context of active cultural exchange, which continued in the early 20th century. These processes aroused a steady interest and received ambiguous interpretation in the works of domestic and foreign historians, and for this reason it needs in reconsideration. The study is based on the principles of objectivity, historicism and scientificness, allowing to identify the ethnocultural image of the investigated province in the specified period. Ethnographic expeditions of the second half of the 20th century confirmed the preservation of Russian and Ukrainian cultural features. Referring to the materials of the First General Census of the Russian Empire on January 28, 1897, historical and ethnographic sources help to flesh out the ethno-cultural situation in the province on the basis of an analysis of the state of such components of its culture as a language, settlements, economic activity and ethno-religious relations.
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Vovchuk, Liudmyla. "Implementation of European Values by Foreign Consuls in Southern Ukraine (Late 19th – Early 20th Centuries)." European Historical Studies, no. 15 (2020): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.15.6.
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Today we hear more and more that until our country realizes fundamental European values, it will not be able to become a full member of the “European family”. But it should be emphasized that this process began long before Ukraine gained independence and the leading role in this was played by foreign consuls of Europe and America. The countries that created the modern world as it is, where the foundations of modern statehood, civil society, an efficient market economy, and a system of social justice were laid. Therefore, this article is dedicated to highlighting the role of these representatives in the implementation of European values in the south of Ukraine in the late XIX – early XX centuries. Being in the port cities of the region, which then opened wide horizons for commercial activity, and using all opportunities to maximize the protection of the interests of their state and citizens, foreign consuls, through the development of public-social life of the region, contributed to the implementation of priority values. There were many consuls who made a significant contribution to the development of urban territories, their improvement, the enrichment of the spiritual and intellectual life of the townspeople. Consulates of Greece, Norway, Sweden, Germany, Italy, Belgium, England, Denmark, Portugal, Brazil and Argentina deserve special attention. Awareness of the importance of education, spiritual status of the population and the development of the city as a whole made positive changes. At the end of XIX – beginning of XX century the South of Ukraine began to occupy leading positions in the foreign economic activity of the Russian Empire. Of course, it cannot be said that this was done solely through the work of foreign representatives, but they nevertheless managed to prove that the unity of values is the foundation on which the European Union stands today.
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Pshenychnyi, T. "UKRAINIAN GREEK CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY: THE ANALYSIS OF MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 137 (2018): 34–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.137.2.06.
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Ukrainian Church History is a great field for scientific research. The 20th century was a kind of test for the survival and self-determination of Ukrainian churches. Through the spread of general pressure on the Ukrainian national movement, a repression mechanism was introduced against the Institute of the Church as an integral part of the social life of Ukrainian people in the Soviet Union. A characteristic feature of the anti-church campaign in the Ukrainian SSR was the introduction of a “new” model of social relations, built on the principles of atheism and godlessness. The only legal national church until March 1946, which opposed this path, was the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. In the second half of the 20th century its clergy, while in an unlawful position in the USSR, remained in the center of the Ukrainian resistance movement against the Soviet system. The article presents the modern view of domestic and foreign scholars on the history of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the second half of the 20th century. On the basis of a broad historiographic base, an attempt was made to show the place of the UGCC in the Ukrainian national movement, its influence on the democratization of social processes in the second half of the 1980s, and others. Thanks to the works of foreign historians, the relevance of church issues in the study of socio-political processes in the USSR is shown. According to some scholars, ignoring this it is impossible to understand the phenomenon of the national movement itself, including in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR.
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Tlustý, Tomáš. "Orel – the Catholic physical education association : foreign relations up to 1929." Sport i Turystyka. Środkowoeuropejskie Czasopismo Naukowe 4, no. 1 (2021): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/sit.2021.04.01.
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This paper looks at the history of Orel, the Catholic physical education association, and its foreign relations up to 1929. The origins of the Orel movement in the Czech region of Austria-Hungary go back to the turn of the 20th century when the first local Orel associations were established. These associations were strongly connected with Czech political Catholicism. Shortly after being formed, their functionaries began to establish their first contacts with existing foreign organizations. Most of these organizations were from the area of contemporary Slovenia. Their number rose significantly after the First World War when the newly independent Czechoslovakian Orel became a member of the Catholic physical education union – UIOCEP. The members of this organization were all around the world. The number of foreign contacts it had established was also on the increase. The first international physical educational festival, which helped Czechoslovak Orel with its development, was organized in Brno in 1922. But the Czechoslovakian Orel had planned a second big festival of physical education for 1929, hoping to further extend its number of foreign friends. The second physical educational festival was also successful. It helped Czechoslovak Orel to increase its influence in UIOCEP where it became the second-largest organization.
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Garbuzov, V. N. "Zigzags of the Post-Imperial Syndrome." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S6 (September 2022): S492—S503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s101933162212005x.
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Abstract The death of every empire is always painful and often turns into tragedy. It inevitably entails painful processes: the rupture of habitual economic ties, the loss of vast territories and spheres of influence, the formation of new states and the definition of borders between them, the emergence of national minorities on the territory of neighbors, etc. However, perhaps the most painful result is the sense of loss of self-worth, a complex of lost greatness that develops into the so-called post-imperial syndrome. In the 20th century, it manifested itself in Germany, Great Britain, France, Austria, Spain, Portugal, Turkey, and former metropolises, which, with the loss of their colonies, lost not only established ties but also geopolitical influence, and with it their former imperial power. In the first quarter of the 21st century, Russia also has had to face the post-imperial syndrome. This article is devoted to its manifestations at this time.
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Andreev, Anton. "Uruguay and the USSR in 1945–1991: bilateral relations in the context of the left movement." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 9 (2022): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0021677-3.
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In modern international conditions Russia is forced to change the vectors of its foreign policy. Moscow paying attention to the countries of Latin America, seeing them as its political and economic partner. However, Russian-Latin American relations have historical traditions formed during the Cold War. The purpose of this article is to show the development of bilateral relations between the USSR and Uruguay in the second half of the 20th century in the context of the development of the Latin American left movement. Based on archival materials, press, memoirs, the article shows how contacts between the left parties of Uruguay and the CPSU influenced to the formation of relations between the two states. Using diplomatic documents, the author reveals the main stages and events of bilateral relations.
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Edmonds, Richard Louis. "Macau and Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 878–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032379.
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Macau was the first port on the China coast to come under the influence of a foreign power and will be the last to return to Chinese sovereignty. Its historical importance in the early transmission of culture between East and West is well known. After reaching its height as the centre of such contact in the second half of the 16th century Macau, like Portugal, languished in international affairs albeit with subsequent brief periods of relative importance.
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Jiadong, Zhang. "A coming Age of Micro Game of Power." Security science journal 1, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.1.1.7.
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The traditional theory of international relations, whether it is realism, liberalism, constructivism, or scientific behaviorism, define sovereign states as a unified body in international arena. It has consistent interests, and naturally also has consistent foreign policy goals and means. In the 20th century, and especially during the two World Wars and the Cold War, this conceptual abstraction was very accurate. But after the end of the Cold War, especially in the 21st century, this concept gradually went against the reality of international relations. On the one hand, the comprehensive strength of a country cannot directly transform competitive advantages in specific areas; on the other hand, the main resistance of many countries, including superpowers, may not be another power, but different domestic interest groups as well as international non state actors. This has caused traditional international relations theories, from hypotheses to conceptual and inferential levels, to be unable to explain the world today.
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Marchi, Riccardo, and Tiago Pinto. "Zarco Moniz Ferreira and the Portuguese radical right-wing between authoritarianism and democracy: a biographical approach." Locus: Revista de História 28, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 258–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37488.
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In the 1960s and 1970s, Portugal witnessed a cycle of political radicalisation on the right and left, in the context of the crisis and fall of the authoritarian Salazarist regime, and the transition to democracy after the military coup of 1974. For the right wing, radicalisation was led by young university students inspired by the Portuguese nationalism of the first half of the 20th century, but also by foreign doctrines from the inter-war period, and by the neo-fascist subculture immediately after the second world war. This article explores the mobilisation of this radical subculture, with its links to the Estado Novo and the European far right, through a bibliographical appreciation of one of its best-known leaders, nationally and internationally: Zarco Moniz Ferreira. From his career as a political activist, between the end of authoritarianism and the democratic transition, a faithful picture emerges of the characteristics, dynamics, successes and failures of the mobilisation of the far-right in those troubled years of recent Portuguese history.
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Kudlasevych, Olga, and Aliona Gridina. "Establishment and development of foreign entrepreneurship in Ukraine: a retrospective view and significance for today (on the example of the city of Dunaivtsi at the end of the 19th – beginning of the 20th century)." Ìstorìâ narodnogo gospodarstva ta ekonomìčnoï dumki Ukraïni 2022, no. 55 (December 10, 2022): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ingedu2022.55.185.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the main development trends and the specifics of the formation of entrepreneurship on the example of the town of Dunaivtsi at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. A retrospective analysis of the formation of foreign entrepreneurship in Ukraine was conducted. On the basis of the dialectical method of scientific knowledge, the systematic approach to the study of the processes of the evolution of the domestic economic environment, the importance of foreigners in the development of entrepreneurship during the second half of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries was revealed. in the town of Dunaivtsi, Podilsk province. The needs of production development and modernization of the economy required significant investments. Due to the lack of large private capitals, the government attracted foreign investments, which is why there were many foreigners among the entrepreneurs. This gave impetus to the development of industry in the town of Dunaivtsi at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. Representatives of foreign entrepreneurship played a positive role in the industrial transformation of the region's economy. The dominant factor in the development of entrepreneurship and the attraction of foreign specialists was the personal interest of the town's owners. Foreign entrepreneurs contributed to the inflow of capital, the attraction of the latest technologies, advanced management models, and the establishment of business relations with Western European partners. The activity of German colonists was of particular importance for the development of cloth production. Positive transformations were facilitated by legislative norms regulating business activities. The influence of foreigners on the change of the cultural landscape of the town and the formation of a modern social space is revealed. The role of foreign manufacturers in the formation of local chains of processing of local products and the development of foreign economic ties is revealed. The authors argued for the expediency of using historical experience taking into account the current state and problems of the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine's economy.
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Leontyeva, Varvara. "On the History of Studying Modal Verbs in the German Language." Nizhny Novgorod Linguistics University Bulletin, no. 51 (September 30, 2020): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.47388/2072-3490/lunn2020-51-3-64-76.
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The article is an overview and a summary of the study of modal verbs in the German language in Russian and foreign linguistics, from Antiquity to the present day, in line with the holistic study of modality in world linguistics. Using the methods of generalization and systematization, the author analyzes monographs and articles by Russian and foreign experts in the field of the history of the German language, functional grammar, and morphology. While a considerable number of works by foreign and Russian linguists in the 20th century are devoted to the issues of semantics of preterite-present and modal verbs in specific historical periods of the development of the German language, there are still many open questions in this area. Throughout almost the entire 20th century, Germanists viewed modal verbs mainly as a means of expressing internal modality, i.e., the attitude of the speaker to the action being performed. However, in the late 20th and early 21st century, they began to actively study the subjective use of modal verbs. Much modern literature on the subject is devoted to the study of German modal verbs in the function of subjective (epistemic) modality. This article focuses on etymological, semantic, grammatical, and functional features of modal verbs in modern German and discusses a number of controversial issues, such as the question of whether modal verbs are a closed or open cluster of vocabulary, that is, whether it is possible, at the present stage of language history, to include other linguistic units into the category of modal units, it these other units answer certain semantic or grammatical criteria. It is also open to discussion whether there is a one-to-one corre-spondence between a modal verb and the type of modal relations that is expressed with the help of this verb in speech, and vice versa. The author highlights such significant aspects as grammaticalization of modal verbs, correlation of modal verbs with various types of modal relations, primary and secondary meanings of modal verbs, characteristics of the preterito-presentia, compatibility of modal verbs, and syntactic features of their usage. The relevance of this study lies in the fact that it gives a more comprehensive understanding of functions and pragmatics of modal verbs as a special lexical cluster in speech.
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Sankin, E. V., and V. P. Zinoviev. "State Regulation of Fishing in Russia in the 19th – Early 20th Centurу." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series History 38 (2021): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2222-9124.2021.38.72.
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The article, mainly based on Siberian material, examines the problem of regulation of fishing in the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th century, when serious consequences of predatory, unrestricted use of natural resources became apparent to the public and local officials. There is an awareness of the need for restrictive measures at the level of regional administration and the inattention of the general imperial power structures to this issue in relation to Asian Russia. Fishermen actively opposed any regulation of the time and methods of fishing in Siberia. Fishing in Asian Russia had no restrictions until the Soviet era. The officials found justification for this primarily in the rights of the foreign population to use traditional fishing grounds. All the lands of Siberia remained officially state-owned and during the XIX century, fishing grounds were gradually transferred to tax articles. Attempts to regulate the rental relations of the aboriginal population and fishermen, undertaken by local authorities, have not yielded great results. Somewhat more important were the measures to regulate the relations of fishermen and hired workers at capitalist fishing enterprises – strezhevye sands. The resolutions of the Tobolsk provincial administration obliged fishermen to give workers special clothes and shoes, improve nutrition, meat, fish, bread, porridge, butter, kvass and tea were to be included in the workers' diet. The working day was limited to 15 hours a day. The resolutions ordered to arrange separate rooms for workers to rest, imputed polite treatment of workers and an increase in wages to 30 rubles. per season. District police officers were appointed responsible for the execution of the resolution. This kind of control made the regulations practically useless. The fishing industry of Siberia remained throughout the 19th – early 20th century a field of spontaneous regulation based on the economic traditions of the Russian and aboriginal population.
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Liubetskaya, K. P. "BORROWINGS FROM THE POLISH LANGUAGE IN THE BELARUSIAN SCIENTIFIC LANGUAGE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY." Opera in linguistica ukrainiana, no. 28 (September 28, 2021): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2414-0627.2021.28.235520.
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This article examines interaction specifics of the Belarusian and Polish languages in scientific texts at the beginning of the 20th century. On the basis of scientific and educational, popular science texts and lexicographic materials, the characteristics of polonisms, their subject and thematic affiliation, as well as the peculiarities of their formal adaptation on the Belarusian linguistic basis are carried out. The work uses descriptive, contrastive and comparative historical methods, which were useful during the examination of polonisms in Belarusian language. The author establishes the dependence of the interacting nature of contacting languages on various intralingual and external factors, which predetermined the nature of the interlanguage relations of the Belarusian and Polish languages at the beginning of the 20th century. For all the lexical inequality of scientific texts, their linguistic unity was formed due to a common goal – the transmission of scientific information. In general, the analysis showed that when borrowings from the Polish language are used in the texts of Belarusian science, there is no consistency. Accordingly, it can be stated that the influence of the Polish language on the Belarusian scientific language is not characterized by depth, and the language of Belarusian science at the beginning of the 20th century was not oversaturated with polonisms. This was probably facilitated by the tendencies of the Belarusian linguistic and cultural revival, the dominant of which was primarily the orientation towards national identity and, accordingly, the limitation of foreign linguistic influences.
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Shlyapnikov, V. N. "Will: The Lost Link of Contemporary Foreign Psychology." Experimental Psychology (Russia) 15, no. 1 (2022): 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/exppsy.2022150105.
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The article presents the results of a review of publications on the problem of will in foreign psychology over the past 40-50 years. The main reasons for fluctuations in research interest in the problem of will in the 20th century are analyzed, as well as the main directions of research of volitional regulation in modern foreign psychology and related phenomena, methodological approaches and theoretical concepts. The main approaches to the definition of will in modern foreign psychology are described: will as control of impulses, will as a mechanism for the realization of intention in action, will as control of action’s determination. The results of the analysis made it possible to substantiate the need to refer to the concept of will in modern psychology, as well as to formulate the main criteria that distinguish the will from other mental phenomena. The main prospects for the further development of will are outlined, associated with the transition to the study of will in the process of transformation of the system of relations between a person and the surrounding worlds in real life situations.
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Petrosyan, D. V. ,. "FOREIGN POLICY ATTITUDES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY IN THE POSTBIPOLAR WORLD." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 3 (2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-87-98.
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The Contemporary Federal Republic of Germany is the leader of the European Union, on which the development of the European Union and European-transatlantic relations largely depends. The Federal Republic of Germany determines the main content and direction of the EU policy towards the Russian Federation. Russian-German relations have a significant impact on the solution of many world problems. The unification of two states at the end of the 20th century – the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic — became one of the greatest and most significant events in the history of Germany and world politics. The creation of a unified German state contributed to the change of both the economic and political situation of Germany in Europe and in international relations. They are one of the determining factors of global politics and directly related to the European world order, therefore, the study of the philosophy and nature of German foreign policy in the postbipolar world is a topic and important task for specialists. The article considers the internal and external conditions and factors affecting the foreign policy of Germany in the postbipolar world.
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Hiep, Tran Xuan, Nguyen Tuan Binh, Tran Hoang Long, Duong Quang Tra, and Nguyen Quang Son. "India - Myanmar Relations (1948 - 1992): From “Idealism” to “Realism” in India’s Foreign Policy towards Myanmar." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 3 (May 10, 2021): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0073.
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India and Myanmar are two neighboring countries that share the border of nearly 1.500km and have the relationship on history, politics, culture, ethnic... from over 2.000 years to present. India officially established diplomatic relations with Myanmar, just after this Southeast Asian country gained independence (1948). From 1948 to 1992, the bilateral relationship was influenced by India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar, especially the impact of “idealism” and “realism” in India’s policy. “Idealism” succeeded in India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar from 1948 to 1962; however, it was not effective in the period 1962 - 1988, which made India’s position severely decrease, contrary to the rise of China’s position in Myanmar. For this reason, India must innovate the foreign thought, moving from “idealism” to “realism”, which have more pragmatic quality to Myanmar in the years 1988 - 1992 when the international and regional contexts have many changes. On the basis of the reference sources, this research’s aim focuses on analyzing the foreign policy adjustment of India, especially this study will focus on the issue of India - Myanmar relationship (1948 - 1992) was dominated by the “idealism” and “realism” in the planning of foreign policy of India towards Myanmar. The scope of this research is the relationship between India and Myanmar from 1948 to 1992 under the influence of “idealism” and “realism” in India’s foreign policy. From the early 90s of the 20th century, India’s foreign policy towards Myanmar has been more realistic than in the previous period, especially since 1992, when India implemented its new foreign policy, the Look East Policy.
Received: 4 February 2021 / Accepted: 9 April 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021
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Ilyichova, Mariya. "Murmansk Region in International Relations of the 20th Century: the Regional Level of the Foreign Policy of the USSR/Russia." ISTORIYA 10, no. 5 (79) (2019): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840006119-9.
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İlqar oğlu İlyasov, Mirpaşa. "Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period." SCIENTIFIC WORK 77, no. 4 (April 17, 2022): 232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/77/232-236.
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Bu məqalədə XXI əsrdə Böyük Britaniyanın xarici siyasətində strategiyaları, əsas istiqamətləri, siyasi arenada fəaliyyəti analiz ediləcək. Böyük Britaniyanın qarşısına qoyduğu məqsədlər, Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması prosesi, xarici siyasəti ilə bağlı yanaşmalar və xarici siyasətdə dövlətlərlə olan əlaqələrinin təhlil olunması aparılacaq. Brexit-ə səbəb olan amillər, Böyük Britaniyanın Avropa İttifaqından ayrılması və Brexit-nin səbəb olduğu reaksiyaların analizləri öz əksini bu yazıda tapacaq. ABŞ və Rusiya ilə olan münasibətləri, gələcək geosiyasi mənzərəsi, marağı və əməkdaşlıq etmək istədiyi regionlar haqqında məlumatlar əks olunacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın təhlükəsizlik və müdafiə məsələlərindən, təhlükəsiz enerji mənbələri və dövlətlərlə iqtisadi-ticari əməkdaşlıqdan danışılacaq. Böyük Britaniyanın köhnə müstəmləkələri ilə olan əlaqələri və bu əlaqələrin gələcək perpektivləri nəzərdən keçirilib analiz ediləcək. Hazırkı dövrdə Ukrayna məsələsi ilə bağlı Böyük Britaniyanın mövqeyi təhlil olunacaq.Müasir dövrdə Böyük Britaniyanın aktiv rolunun artması və faəliyyətinin əsas prioritet istiqamətləri bu məqalədə təhlil olunub, ümumiləşdiriləcək. Açar sözlər: siyasət, strategiya, BREXİT, inteqrasiya, maraqlar, suverenlik, beynəlxalq nizam, müttəfiqlik, ABŞ, Rusiya Mirpasha Ilgar İlyas Foreign policy of Great Britain in modern period Abstract This article is about the XXI century of the United Kingdom. will analyze the foreign policy strategies, main directions and activities in the 20th century. The goals set by the United Kingdom, the process of leaving the European Union, its approaches to foreign policy and relations with states in foreign policy will be analyzed. The factors leading to Brexit, the UK's departure from the European Union and the analysis of the reactions caused by Brexit will be reflected in this article. Information about relations with the United States and Russia, the future geopolitical outlook, interests and regions with which it wishes to cooperate will be reflected. Britain's security and defence, secure energy sources and economic and commercial cooperation with states will be discussed. The relations with the former British colonies and the future prospects of these relations will be discussed and analyzed. At this time, the UK's position on Ukraine will be analysed. The growth of the UK's active role in modern times and the main priorities of its activities will be analyzed and summarized in this article. Key words: politics, strategy, BREXIT, integration, interests, sovereignty, international order, alliance, USA, Russia
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SHANGARAEV, RUSLAN, and NIKITA POSPELOV. "RUSSIA AND TURKEY: HISTORICAL FEATURES OF INTERACTION AND PROSPECTS FOR COOPERATION." History and Modern Perspectives 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2021-3-4-80-85.
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The purpose of the article is to examine the history of bilateral relations until the beginning of the 21st century, thanks to the available information and based on an analysis of the actions of Moscow and Ankara, to assess the prospects for the transition to Russian-Turkish relations in the next few years. The modern world order, which arose at the end of the 20th century due to the collapse of the Yalta-Potsdam system and called «polycentricity», is an urgent problem in the scientific community (i.e, among analysts, scientists and experts). The foreign policy of this or that country has a significant impact on the development of geopolitical processes. As you know, Russia and Turkey play a key role in the international arena. This is evidenced by the holding of meetings of the Presidents and Foreign Ministers to resolve the conflict in Syria, the achievement of mutual understanding by Moscow and Ankara through the implementation of joint energy projects, the participation of the two countries in ensuring security in Central Asia and the Caucasus. At the same time, the prospects for Russian-Turkish cooperation are in the focus of attention of orientalists and Turkologists, and the presence of numerous publications makes it possible to determine their points of view on this issue.
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Pita, J. R., A. L. Pereira, J. S. Ferreira, and J. Morgado. "The portuguese psychiatry in the european setting: Study of a hospital drug formulary in the beginning of the 20th century." European Psychiatry 26, S2 (March 2011): 1237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0924-9338(11)72942-x.
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The results of an investigation conducted on the Formulario Especial dos Medicamentos para o Hospital de alienados em Rilhafoles (1901), a mental disease drug formulary for the oldest Portuguese psychiatric hospital, are presented. The study considered the Portuguese situation within the European setting.This study quantifies the number of drugs and pharmaceutical forms and establishes a comparison with the most commonly used international psychiatric medication at the time. The present study aims at contributing to the history of psychiatric drug therapy before the advent of psychoactive drugs. The most commonly used pharmaceutical forms and therapeutic groups in psychiatry are evaluated. Furthermore, we also wish to contribute to the evaluation of how Portugal received and implemented innovations in drug therapy.Quantitative and qualitative document analysis of the above mentioned formulary, using the comparative method.The edition of this formulary arose from the need to standardize specific medication for mental patients. In the Formulario, 61 medicinal products are proposed. There were 8 different pharmaceutical forms. The potions were the most commonly referred (32). Hypnotics represented approximately half of the medicinal products (28), followed by hypokinetics (9), and analgesics and antipyretics (8).The formulary was in line with foreign scientific innovations. Pharmacotherapeutic variety of drugs was short and resorting to non-drug therapies was also usual. The edition of this formulary was mainly due to the work conducted by the psychiatrist Miguel Bombarda (1851–1910), a prominent public figure in medicine and in the political and cultural arena.
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Білявець, Сергій. "PECULIARITIES OF POLICE PROFESSIONAL TRAINING IN THE EUROPEAN UNION (END OF THE XX - BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY." Збірник наукових праць Національної академії Державної прикордонної служби України. Серія: педагогічні науки 24, no. 1 (April 26, 2021): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32453/pedzbirnyk.v24i1.627.
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The article presents the results of the analysis of regulatory and scientific sources, which reveal the features of police training for EU countries at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st centuries. It was found that the integration of European states in the second half of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century contributed to the fact that the system of police training was changing in accordance with the changes in the political and socio-economic situation in individual EU countries and in the Community as a whole. The police training system itself is part of the integration processes within the framework of the integration of the EU law enforcement and police systems. Features such as the practical orientation of training, its continuous nature, and its close relationship to practice are characteristic of all police training institutions in EU countries. At the same time, EU countries are ambivalent about the innovations proposed by the 1999 Bologna Convention.
States with established educational systems (Austria, Belgium, Cyprus, Denmark, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Malta, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, and the United Kingdom) are more conservative and less inclined to abandon their own educational standards, unlike Eastern European states that pursue radical reform policies, including reforms in police training. In police education programs, a significant number of hours are devoted to the development of skills and abilities to work with scientific and technological means, which are extremely widely used in police work in foreign countries. It was also found that police officers are thoroughly and comprehensively prepared for close interaction of national services, both through Interpol and directly with each other. At conferences, symposiums, seminars, exchanges of experience and delegations, increased attention is certainly given to police training.
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Smirnova, Nataliya Vladimirovna, and Anastasiya Igorevna Karpova. "History of Indonesia in the Master's Degree Course of the Department of Foreign History, Political Science and International Relations, Petrozavodsk State University." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2201-04.
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The article shows the importance of oriental publications Sulalat-us-salatin: Malay Manuscript of Kruzenshtern and its Cultural and Historical Significance and Travel and Latest Observations in China, Manila and the Indo-China Archipelago for studying the colonial policy of the Netherlands in Indonesia as part of the training course "Politics of European Powers in the Countries of the East in the 16th-early 20th century" of Master's program at the Petrozavodsk State University. The organization of the first Dutch expedition to the East Indies in 1595-1597 and the creation of the United East India Company are analyzed. The materials of the article can be useful in preparation for classes in the field of History.
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Shipilov, Alexander Yu. "Relations between the Non-Aligned Countries of Africa and the Second World (1960-1980s): The Case of Sierra Leone." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 4 (December 30, 2022): 700–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-4-700-713.
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The research covers Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World through the prism of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy. Two periods of Sierra Leone’s foreign policy are considered: during the Westminster bipartisan model from 1961 to 1970, and when the authoritarian regime led by President Siaka Stevens was established from 1971 to 1985. The central issue of the research is analysis of Sierra Leone’s cooperation with the Soviet Union. The aim of the research is to identify the factors that guided the non-aligned countries within the bipolar confrontation of the second half of the 20th century in building their relations with the socialist bloc. The relevance of the topic is related to the fact that the logic and principles of building relations of small non-aligned countries with both limited power resources and little political and economic ambitions with key world powers are less reflected in studies. The research is based upon comparative and historical-genetic methods as well as case studies. The author makes use of materials from the Sierra Leone Public Archives. The author concludes that Sierra Leone’s relations with the Second World were based on economic pragmatism rather than ideological or political proximity. For Sierra Leone, relations with socialist countries served as a tool for diversifying its foreign policy. This set Sierra Leone apart from its neighboring West African states, which either maintained an orientation towards first-world countries, namely France and the US, or reoriented themselves towards the Soviet Union.
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Anzor, Kushkhabiev. "The cooperation of Kabardino-Balkaria with the Circassian and Karachay-Balkarian foreign dias-poras at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century." Kavkazologiya 2022, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2022-4-200-220.
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This papers reveals that the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st century foreign policy and foreign economic structures of the KBR (MFR KBR, KFEC KBR) and the Kabardino-Balkarian branch of the International Association «Rodina» for relations with compatriots abroad (KBBIAR) cooperated with the state country authorities of the Circassian and Karachay-Balkarian diasporas residence (Turkey, Jordan, Syria, etc.) and with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) of these diasporas in the economical, cultural, educational, scientific, sport, and other areas. The essence of the ideological work of the KBR MFR and KBBIAR was the informing and explanatory work on reforms in the Russian Federation and the peaceful foreign policy of the state. A number of treaties and agreements were concluded between the authorities of the KBR and the countries of compatriots residence. Dozens of foreign compatriots companies (FC) and joint ventures with their companies were opened in the republic. But cooperation between the KBR and the FC in the economic sphere has not been broadly developed due to the unstable socio-political and economic situation in the North Caucasus region and the lack of guarantees for the security of foreign prop-erty. The activities of the MFR KBR, KVEC KBR and KBBIAR (organization of cooperation with the countries of residence of the Circassian and Karachay-Balkarian diasporas and with NGOs of these diasporas in the above spheres; ideological work with the FC; supplying to FC printed, video and audio materials; broadcasting radio programs to the Circassian diasporas in the countries of the Middle East; organization of recreation for FC children in the republic’s children’s camps; train educating of FC youth in the universities of the KBR), carried out in cooperation with the state authorities of the Russian Federation, was generally effective: it largely contributed to the preservation of the ethno-cultural specifics of the Circassian and Karachay-Balkarian foreign di-asporas, the study of the Russian language and Russian culture by a considerable number of FC, the growth of pro-Russian position among them. The cooperation of the KBR with the countries of FC residence, mainly with Jordan, Syria and Turkey, contributed to the strengthening and devel-opment of friendly relations between the Russian Federation and these countries.
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Samoylov, Nikolay A., and Elena O. Starovoitova. "Russian Ambassadors to China at the Turn of the 20th century: Specifics of their Activities in the Qing Empire." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 14, no. 3 (2022): 384–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2022.301.
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The article discusses the role of leading Russian diplomats in the development of Sino-Russian relations at the turn of the 20th century. It is based on rare archival documents and memoirs written by contemporaries of the described events. The article presents and analyzes the assessments given to their activities in the publications of Russian, Chinese and Western historians. The authors focus their attention on the activities of two ambassadors to China: Arthur Cassini and Pavel Lessar, who headed Russian diplomatic mission in the Qing Empire during difficult periods of China’s history and the conditions of complicated international situation in East Asia. The first of them served there at the time of the Sino-Japanese War, while the second - in the period between the Boxer Rebellion and the Russo-Japanese War. The clash of interests of the great powers in China at the turn of the 20th century predetermined the complex tasks faced by Russian diplomacy. The analysis of the activities of the Russian Envoys to China, Cassini and Lessar, demonstrates the significant role of career diplomats at that time and proves that Russian diplomats of the late 19th - early 20th centuries were well prepared and, even without special education in oriental studies, but having experience of diplomatic work in different countries and being able to analyze the contemporary international situation, could make correct decisions in hard situations, promoting the prestige of Russia and solving the intricate problems of foreign policy.
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DORÉ, NATALIA I., and AURORA A. C. TEIXEIRA. "Brazil’s economic growth and real (div)convergence from a very long-term perspective (1822-2019): An historical appraisal." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 42, no. 4 (December 2022): 934–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572022-3376.
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ABSTRACT The reconstruction of the economic history of Brazil since independence from Portugal (1822) may lead to a new understanding of its economic growth. The deep-rooted idea that Brazil could have done better means there is a need to delve into each phase of its development. In this paper, we provide a very long-run perspective (1822-2019) of Brazil’s economic growth and process of real convergence. On the one hand, this review indicates that structural changes observed in the middle of the 20th century were crucial in promoting the country’s growth and real convergence with technologically advanced countries. On the other hand, poor institutional conditions and deficient human capital formation have emerged since colonial times as critical factors underlying Brazil’s inability to establish robust and sustainable economic growth.
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Naumkin, Vitaliy. "Russian Diplomacy in Hijaz and Najd in the Late 19th — Early 20th Century According to Russian Diplomatic and Military Intelligence Sources." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023012-2.
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This article aims to shed light on activities launched by Russian diplomats and military intelligence officers in the late 19th — early 20th centuries seeking to better ascertain the situation in the two regions of the Arabian Peninsula that were once incorporated into the Ottoman Empire — Hijaz (Western Arabia) and Najd (Central Arabia). It also tackles the highly entangled, and at times extremely tense relations between Turkish authorities and Arabs who lived in these two regions. A body of little-known documents stored in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AFPRE) and Russian State Military-Historical Archive (RSMHA), as well as foreign archives, form the backbone of this article. The author demonstrates that within the period under review both Bedouin tribes and the urban notables more than once rebelled against the Ottoman stranglehold and each time were suppressed by military force. Turkish-Arab relations, especially in view of Ottoman military expeditions into the Arabian regions, drew the intense interest of Russian diplomacy and military intelligence, the latter especially given the likelihood of armed conflict between Russia and the Ottomans was high. This meant that diplomats in the Russian Consulate in Jeddah, who were entrusted with the task of gaining knowledge on how Ottoman authorities leveraged Muslim pilgrimage to influence Russian Muslims who had arrived in Hijaz, recognized that their lives and health were in danger. Russian diplomats were painfully aware that the policies pursued by the UK in those regions were a means to destabilize the situation, especially in light of the smuggling of arms destined for local tribes occurring under the noses of the Ottomans.
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Eduard V., Batunaev. "Russian-Mongolian Trade and Economic Relations at the Beginning of the 20th Century: History and Stages of Development." Humanitarian Vector 16, no. 6 (December 2021): 20–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/1996-7853-2021-16-6-20-28.
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For a long time, trade relations in this region have played an important role between agricultural and nomadic cultures. The Great Silk Road, the first trans-Eurasian trade route connecting East Asia and the Mediterranean in antiquity and the Middle Ages, promoted an intensive exchange of goods, interpenetration of cultures, transfer of knowledge and technology. Russia and Mongolia have long common borders, close economic, cultural, and religious ties of border territories. The study shows the development of Russian-Mongolian trade and economic relations, considers the volume of trade, analysis of the range of goods, the ratio of the trade turnover of the Russian-Mongolian trade, the main directions of trade routes, expeditions to study the Mongolian market. The characterization of the rivalry of Russian, Chinese and foreign entrepreneurs in Mongolia is given. Different positions of Russian statesmen, trade circles and the public regarding the prospects of Russian-Mongolian trade are revealed. An assessment of the routes of scientific and trade expeditions in the study of the state of the Mongolian market is given. The problematic sides in the Russian-Mongolian trade and the ways of their solution are revealed. Particular attention is paid to cross-border territories that played an important role in the development of trade and economic relations. In his work, the author relied mainly on the principles of historicism, scientific nature and objectivity, historical-genetic, historical-dynamic, comparative-historical, retrospective methods, which allowed the most complete analysis of the main stages and patterns, dynamics of trade, problems and prospects for the development of Russian Mongolian trade and economic ties. An analysis of Russian-Mongolian trade and economic relations allowed the author to come to the conclusion that, despite the existing problems in the development of trade, Mongolia occupied an important place in the political and economic interests of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, especially for Siberian commercial and industrial capital, which had common long borders and long-standing trade and economic ties. The study showed that the border territories of Siberia were closely integrated into trade and economic relations with Mongolia and were a kind of outpost in Russia’s Far Eastern policy.
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ÖZTÜRK, Abdulkadir, Huseyin YILDIZ, and Işıl ARSLAN. "The Contributions to the Loanwords in Karaim." Turkology 107, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/turkology.v3i107.722.
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The Turkic language has adopted hundreds of thousands of Turkish words into its vocabulary throughout history, with the methods of word derivation in its systematics. It is a reality that in the formation of a rich vocabulary of Turkish, in addition to Turkish words, words adopted from foreign languages with which it interacts in various fields such as religious, socio-cultural and literary also have an important place. Karaim, which is among the dialects of the Northwest group of the Turkic language, has also adopted words to its vocabulary by borrowing from languages such as Hebrew, Slavic, Arabic and Persian as a result of some relations. Karaim periodicals such as Karay Awazy, Onarmach, Halic, Sahyszymyz, Luwachlar, Przyjaciel Karaima ve Mysl Karaimska published in the second quarter of the 20th century, not only kept the Karaim written language alive in that period but also present important information about the vocabulary of Karaim‟s Trakai and Halic dialects. In this study, Karaim periodicals, which were created with the special efforts of pioneers such as Mardkowicz and Tınfovic in the second quarter of the 20th century, are searched and the loanwords determined from these publications is classified according to their origins and thus, it is aimed to contribute to the studies in this field.
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Kostiuk, Ruslan. "The French left and Russia: History and modernity." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 15, no. 1 (2022): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.105.
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The article analyzes approaches of France’s leading left forces towards Russia (USSR) from beginning of the 20th century to the present. At beginning of the twentieth century, almost all parts of the French left expressed hatred of the Russian monarchy and, at the same time, solidarity with the struggle of democratic and socialist forces in Russia for freedom and a republic. The question of the attitude to Soviet Russia played a central role in the historic split of the SFIO in 1920 and in the future for decades to come; “the Soviet question” was the line of the watershed between the two leading French left-wing parties, SFIO (SP) and FCP. If the communists from the very creation of the Party took a position of total solidarity with Soviet internal and foreign policy, the socialists, speaking for the development of equal and friendly relations with the Soviet Union, criticized domestic political realities of the Soviet Union and Moscow’s foreign policy. The collapse of the USSR led to serious changes in the perception of Russia in French leftist circles of France. The French left was characterized by an ambiguous attitude towards Boris Yeltsin’s policies. As before, the French left is expressing its sympathy for the Russian people. However, in general, most of the French left movement at present negatively evaluates the socio-economic and domestic political evolution of Russia, as well as Moscow’s foreign policy in the first two decades of the 21st century. First, this applies to positions of the socialists and the Greens. The Communist Party opposes the dignity to the insulating pressure on Moscow. For their part, politicians and power related to left populist and left patriotic direction see Russia as a strategic ally in the struggle for more equitable international relations.
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Wharton, Alyson. "Tastemakers, ‘Foreign Merchants’ and the Making of the V&A’s Islamic Art Collection." Museum and Society 18, no. 2 (July 4, 2020): 258–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/mas.v18i2.2369.
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The relationship of the V&A with three dealers, Krikor Minassian, Hagop Kevorkian and Dikran Kelekian, proffering goods from the Ottoman Empire they had recently fled, provides an interesting case study for viewing asymmetries of power in the 20th-century art world. Referred to by museum staff as ‘foreign merchants’, these dealers went out of their way to prove themselves as collectors. Museum staff continued to view them with suspicion and condescension into the 1930s and even 1950s. Keepers and Directors voiced the opposition of institutional values to the trade, but, after the death of Kelekian in 1951, they showed themselves to be motivated by financial gain. These relations draw attention to the ways in which the museum attempted to demonstrate its hegemony over ‘others’, beyond better-studied colonial relationships. The difference in dealings of these Armenians with American and British institutions indicates at the unusual role of the V&A and its preoccupation with social control.