Relevant bibliographies by topics / Portugal – Foreign relations – 20th century

Academic literature on the topic 'Portugal – Foreign relations – 20th century'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Portugal – Foreign relations – 20th century"

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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.

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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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Brandao, Pedro Ramos. "The Catholic Church and Portugal in Africa." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (May 13, 2019): 222–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v2i2.254.

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The way Catholic Church implanted itself in Africa, and particularly in Portuguese colonial Africa, during the first half of the 20th century. The issue of the Organic Statute of Portuguese Catholic Missions in Africa. The orientation of the missionary policy and its integration in 1933 Constitution. The Foreign Missionaries in the Portuguese Missions and their impact on the criticism to Colonization. The Missionary Statute. The issue of Beira's Bishop.
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Sáánchez-Ron, Joséé M. "International relations in Spanish physics from 1900 to the Cold War." Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences 33, no. 1 (2002): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsps.2002.33.1.3.

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This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.
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Sidaway, James D., and Marcus Power. "‘The Tears of Portugal’: Empire, Identity, ‘Race’, and Destiny in Portuguese Geopolitical Narratives." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 23, no. 4 (August 2005): 527–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d345t.

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Geopolitical discourses are constitutive moments within the expression and construction of ‘national’ identities. Approaching geopolitics and identities as contested and fluid domains, we examine the relationships between geopolitical narratives and visions of Portugueseness ( Portugalidade). The focus is on the frames of geopolitical thought developed in 20th-century Portugal, with particular reference to the post-1945 period and with some consideration of the transformations since 1974 accompanying the collapse of what was both the first and the most enduring European overseas empire. This study of Portuguese geopolitical discourses leads to a conclusion in which we reflect on the significance of relations between the ‘colonial’ and the ‘postcolonial’ and the articulations of East–West and North–South in geopolitical discourses. This permits wider critique concerning the location of geopolitics within 20th-century and contemporary imperialisms.
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Buchanan, Elizabeth. "History of International Relations and Russian foreign policy in the 20th century, volume I." International Affairs 96, no. 4 (July 1, 2020): 1105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa122.

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Gmurczyk-Wrońska, Małgorzata. "France in International Relations of the Second Half of the 20th Century and the Early 21st Century – Priorities in Foreign Policy." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.03.

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After the Second World War France lost temporarily her position as a decision-maker in international relations. Soon enough, though, her diplomacy adapted to a bipolar system. Her foreign policy was to manoeuvre between the USSR, the United States and Great Britain, and to jointly create the structures of future European Union. It was in the EU that France has found the place to strengthen her role of mediator and arbiter. Nowadays, the foreign policy of France has numerous continuities originating from the 19th century and the years of 1918 – 1939, but also some modifications related to new directions in French foreign policy and to the adaptation of its tactics to main purposes in order to secure France’s security, her strong position in the EU and in the world.
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Skorospelov, P. P. "The Russian Globalization Project in the XX Century. Anatomy of a Military-Political Strategy." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 3 (August 21, 2022): 122–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-3(5)-122-149.

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The article discusses the main components of the military-political strategy of Russia in the «short» 20th century – from 1900 to 1991. Special attention is paid to how the foreign policy and the use of Armed Forces were planned. Reconstructing the intellectual ideas that created the framework of the foreign and military policy of the Russian state at that time, the author focuses on the elements that unite the leaders of Russia of the 20th century from Nikolai Romanov to Mikhail Gorbachev. Such issues as the «globalization» of the USSR in world affairs, relations with neighboring Asian centers of power, such as China and Iran, the sphere of «special state interests» of the USSR in Eastern Europe are discussed in the work. The evolution of Russian military strategy in the 20th century is studied: from betting on victory in the World War in the first half of the century to focusing on the actions of expeditionary groups during the Cold War. The article analyzes in detail the strategic deterrence measures carried out by the Armed Forces of the USSR in the 1950-1970. The issue of the resources of military-political strategy is considered separately.
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Alasgarli, Tural. "The role of factoring in international trade financing." Scientific Bulletin 3 (2020): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/aoex7452.

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As 20th century ends, international economic system has gained new characteristics, international trade and its finance has reached at a different aspect. Parallel to the increasing trade relations, new technics of foreign trade finance has been widely available. Among them, factoring was evaluated in this study.
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Rahman, Md Sayedur, and Shakila Tul-Kubra. "Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia: Late 20th- early 21st century." Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no. 1 (November 8, 2020): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.

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In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Tatyana, Zvereva. "Francois Mitterrand as an Outstanding French Politician of the 20th Century." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021281-8.

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The paper is devoted to the analysis of the life and professional path of the outstanding French politician of the twentieth century, the creator of the Socialist Party F. Mitterrand. Special attention is paid to the study of France's domestic and foreign policy after his election as president in 1981. The specifics of his approach to international affairs were expressed in a combination of messianism and pragmatism. In relations with the United States, France adhered to the principle of “friend, ally, but not vassal”. In general, it is concluded that F. Mitterrand’s life and professional path reflects both the inner wealth and the complex and extremely contradictory nature of the French political tradition.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Portugal – Foreign relations – 20th century"

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Wang, Pan-yeung, and 王濱洋. "The role of the National People's Congress in Chinese foreign affairs in the reform era." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29773672.

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Hallsey, Joshua. "U.S. Foreign Policy and the Cambodian People, 1945-1993." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HallseyJ2007.pdf.

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Plantamura, Patricia M. "Impacts of U.S. Foreign Policy and Intervention on Guatemala: Mid-20th Century." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4745.

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International Relations theory includes realist concepts of sovereign nation-states interacting in an anarchic world as they rationally determine their own national interests based upon ever-changing competition for power. In this interplay for power, nation-states may affect each other politically, economically, ideologically or militarily. This thesis focuses on effects of U.S. foreign policy and U.S. intervention in Guatemala in the time period surrounding the Guatemalan Revolution (1944-1954), with its "liberation" in 1954, and then into the early 1960s as the Guatemalan state began to be militarized. In this thesis I will answer the following question: How did the United States affect the sovereign nation of Guatemala, through economic policy, Cold War rationale, and military operations and thereby contribute to and facilitate the establishment of the nature of the Guatemalan counterinsurgency state? Through historically documented and officially acknowledged events an assessment will be made as to how these three elements singularly and also collectively influenced the internal workings of the Guatemalan state.
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Shen, Peijian. "Steps on the road of appeasement : British foreign policy-making, 1931-1939." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14262.

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This thesis studies the step-by-step process of foreign policy making within the British Government from 1931 to 1939. It aims to pin-point the origin, evolution and nature of appeasement, the principal policy-makers' viewpoints and activities in policy formulating and their responsibility for encouraging the aggressive powers. In the Introduction, the subjective and objective roots of appeasement are explored, and the Author examines the reasons why it was pursued for nine years without change. Highlighting the shortcomings in the past and current research on the subject, a summary of the approaches used in the thesis is given. The First Chapter surveys policy-making during the Manchurian crisis of 1931, not only a starting point for appeasement, but also to a large extent the main reason for the European appeasement. The Second Chapter shows how the British Government appeased Mussolini in the Italo-Abyssinian conflict of 1935-36, and how appeasement in the Far East started to cause appeasement in Europe. Chapters Three, Four and Five indicate the development of appeasement policy towards Germany during 1936 - 1939, namely, how it was hatched during the Rhineland crisis of 1936, and how it was, through the Anschluss, brought to a climax at Munich in 1938. Chapter Six analyses the policy of the guarantee to Poland and of the Three Power conversations in 1939 with the observation that these represented the Chamberlain Government's efforts to change their policy within the scope of appeasement, but that appeasement led to their failure. In the Conclusion, the various arguments in favour of appeasement are criticised and lessons drawn from that disastrous age.
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Davis, Robert Chris. "Certifiably Romanian : national belonging and contested identity of the Moldavian Csangos 1923-85." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669924.

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Pfister, Roger. "Apartheid South Africa's foreign relations with African states, 1961-1994." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632.

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This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.
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Guyot-Réchard, Bérénice Claire Dominique. "Decolonisation and state-making on India's north-east frontier, c. 1943-62." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283938.

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Al-Dailami, Ahmed Mahmood. "Reformers, rulers, and British residents : political relations in Bahrain (1923-1956)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:34575d84-bc76-4373-97e6-dc4f50fce860.

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This thesis explores the modern historical lineage of absolutism in Bahrain, and the history of challenges to absolutist state authority during the peak of British influence in the Persian Gulf, the period between the First World War to the Suez crisis of 1956. It rewrites the history of Bahrain and British colonialism in the Persian Gulf through two distinct narrative threads. First, it presents a new history of the colonial-dynastic state in Bahrain and the longer tradition of indirect rule from which its architects drew, and second, it retrieves the history of the popular movements that came to challenge it. This entails an examination of not only how colonial and dynastic authority was jointly exercised, but the ideas that justified such authority over a population conceived of as a set of cultural, and more specifically religious communities governed by their own 'custom' - the conceptual centerpiece of indirect colonial rule. Both these narrative strands constitute part of a broader history of the ideological clash between late colonial ideologies of rule and anticolonial nationalism in the twentieth-century Persian Gulf - a region that was never formally colonized, nor became the site of any successful popular nationalism. Yet both these forces exerted a profound influence on the nation-states that would emerge in the late twentieth century, especially on Bahrain. To chart that historical conjuncture, the thesis begins with the creation of the modern colonial-dynastic state in Bahrain in 1923. It ends in 1956 with the last and most important uprising in Bahrain's during the 20th century, one that was largely a revolt against the political and institutional structures that colonial reformers had established three decades earlier. At its broadest, the thesis argues that the process of state-building under indirect colonial rule in Bahrain derived from a body of colonial thought on native political life and behaviour, and particularly, on the prevention of rebellion that has its origins in mid nineteenth century North India. In Bahrain and the Persian Gulf, as elsewhere in the late colonial world, ideas about empire, the state, authority and rebellion are the intertwined threads that shaped political life and the prose of history.
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Askew, Joseph Benjamin. "The status of Tibet in the diplomacy of China, Britain, the United States and India, 1911-1959." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pha8356.pdf.

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"June 2002" Bibliography: leaves 229-270. This thesis examines the changes in diplomacy of China, the West, Tibet and India from 1911 to 1951, while Tibet functioned as an independent country, and during 1951 to 1959 while under Chinese control. Tibet maintained its own currency, government, armed forces and way of life until 1959. The thesis also examines the cultural shifts in the political, social and military spheres in these countries. It assumes that the general world trend in political life has been towards increasingly intolerant and extreme politics. If Tibet remains part of China with little chance of resuming independence, it is because the Chinese government and people were quicker to adopt radical Western philosophies than the Tibetans were.
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Clyne, Steven S. "The debates surrounding America's hegemonic decline : a critical assessment." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116111.

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As the United States led the military, economic and diplomatic response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, Secretary of State James Baker was asked whether the determined American leadership discredited the frequently asserted notion tha t America had been toppled from its hegemonic pedestal. He responded th a t he never believed such theories.1 To many people, Secretary Baker's assessment would seem fairly reasonable. After all, in the previous year he--along with the rest of the worldhad witnessed the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, the rejection of communist controlled command economies in favour of democracy and market-based economies, and the heralding of the 'end of the Cold War.' The obvious implication was th a t the U.S., as the leader of the non-communist world, had 'won' the Cold War. Furthermore, the Kuwaiti crisis was proving th a t global leadership could not be based exclusively upon a vibrant national economy. Though endowed with flourishing economies, Germany (or the European Community for th a t ma tte r2) and Japan appeared incapable of assuming the mantle of world leadership. The United States, alone, demonstrated the capability and willingness to project its military might into the Persian Gulf to deter further Iraqi aggression and, ultimately, to eject Iraq from Kuwait.
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Books on the topic "Portugal – Foreign relations – 20th century"

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O mundo, a Europa e Portugal. [Lisbon]: Sociedade Histórica da Independência de Portugal, 1995.

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McFarlane, Robert C. U.S.-Soviet relations in the late 20th century. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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McFarlane, Robert C. U.S.-Soviet relations in the late 20th century. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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McFarlane, Robert C. U.S.-Soviet relations in the late 20th century. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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McFarlane, Robert C. U.S.-Soviet relations in the late 20th century. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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McFarlane, Robert C. U.S.-Soviet relations in the late 20th century. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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1951-, Romsics Ignác, ed. 20th century Hungary and the great powers. Boulder, Colo: Social Science Monographs, 1995.

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Bennett, Norman Robert. Zanzibar, Portugal, and Mozambique: Relations from the eighteenth century to 1890. Boston, MA: African Studies Center, Boston University, 1987.

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Bennett, Norman Robert. Zanzibar, Portugal, and Mozambique: Relations from the eighteenth century to 1890. Boston, MA (270 Bay State Rd., Boston 02215): African Studies Center, Boston University, 1987.

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1923-, Kudri͡a︡vt͡s︡ev V. N., ed. Wars and peace in the 20th century. Moscow: "Social Sciences Today" Editorial Board, Nauka Publishers, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Portugal – Foreign relations – 20th century"

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Cardoso de Matos, Ana. "The Spread of Scientific Knowledge and Technology Transfer: André Coyne (1891–1960) and the Construction of Dams in 20th Century Portugal." In In Foreign Lands: The Migration of Scientists for Political or Economic Reasons, 203–19. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-80249-3_9.

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Rybachenok, Irina Sergeevna. "Russian Foreign Policy at the Turn of the 20th Century: Goals, Challenges, and Methods." In Russian International Relations in War and Revolution, 1914-22, Book 1: Origins and War, 1914-16, 105–23. Slavica Publishers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52500/tagf9628.

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Forró, Lajos, and Srđan Cvetković. "The Birth of Modern Serbia (1804–2004) : Integration, concepts, ideas, and great powers." In The Development of European and Regional Integration Theories in Central European Countries, 113–35. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.mgih.doleritincec_6.

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This chapter follows the origin and development of the modern Serbian state in the last two centuries. At the crossroads of great empires, the Serbian state ascended in the 19th century. The national program formed in the first half of the 19th century as the basis of its foreign policy meant gathering the Serbian national corps into one state. It was gradually realized by maneuvering between the great powers, but also through conflict with them. In the 19th century, Serbian politics was most often correlated or in conflict with the interests of Austria, Russia, and Turkey. During Yugoslavia’s time in the first half of the 20th century, France, Britain, and Germany took over, while in Socialist Yugoslavia during the Cold War, relations with the US, the USSR, and some non-aligned countries prevailed. In the post-communist era, the main problems in Serbia’s foreign policy were its relationships with the US and NATO and with the EU and Germany. Geostrategic interests and Serbia’s position meant that it was exposed to severe exclusions and numerous wars with both its neighbors and the great powers.
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Gerdel, Aymara. "Venezuela." In Open and Innovative Trade Opportunities for Latin America and the Caribbean, 69–87. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3503-5.ch004.

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The United States and China currently constitute the world's two biggest hegemonic and emerging economic powers. Venezuela maintains commercial relations with both powers in the oil trade. Since the latter 20th century, the United States has been its main trade partner, followed by China, who in the 21st century became the second largest buyer of Venezuelan oil in the world. Venezuela is also the third largest supplier of oil for the United States and the seventh for China. In spite of this close, prolonged, and strategic commercial relationship, Venezuela has recently been designated an “Unusual and Extraordinary Threat to US National Security and Foreign Policy.” In contrast, an alliance with China exists, called the Strategic Partnership Integral. President Donald Trump has already expressed special interest in the situation of Venezuela, just within his first 100 days. This is a country that represents, as said before, an Unusual and Extraordinary Threat to National Security according to an Executive Order dated March 9, 2015.
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Mariana Franca, Gouveia, and Dall‘Agnol Ana Carolina. "Part 2 Specific Issues of Arbitration in Brazil, 10 Arbitration in the Portuguese-speaking World." In International Arbitration: Law and Practice in Brazil. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198840114.003.0010.

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This chapter discusses arbitration in the Portuguese-speaking jurisdictions, except Brazil. Although they can be brought under the umbrella of a common language, Portuguese-speaking jurisdictions are a heterogeneous and diverse group of countries. Indeed, Portuguese-speaking jurisdictions are placed in diverse geographic settings and have seen very different historical developments. By the same token, practice and experience in arbitration in Portuguese-speaking jurisdictions varies drastically. While in some of these countries arbitration is still in its infancy, some have brought their domestic legislation up to date but are yet to thoroughly test it, and others have consolidated arbitration practices. However, this is not to say that Portuguese-speaking jurisdictions do not share common characteristics. Due to legal transplants that took place in the 20th century, the laws of Portuguese-speaking countries—with the exception of the laws of Brazil—are substantially inspired by pre-independence Portuguese law. In this context, the common cultural ties cultivated throughout the years have the potential to facilitate knowledge exchange and to encourage foreign investment. In some contexts, acquaintance with the Portuguese legal framework might be useful when navigating the legal and regulatory frameworks of Portuguese-speaking jurisdictions. Although the arbitration figures of Portugal, Portuguese-speaking African countries, Macao, and Timor-Leste are not as impressive as those involving Brazilian parties, arbitration in Portuguese-speaking jurisdictions is flourishing.
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Peters, Enrique Dussel. "Mexico–United States–China." In China, The United States, and the Future of Latin America, edited by David B. H. Denoon. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479899289.003.0005.

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Mexico and the United States share a long history of political, military, social, immigration, cultural and economic relations. Mexico has been among the three main trading partners of the US in recent decades, while the US has been the top trading partner of Mexico since statistics have been available. This chapter examines the “new triangular relationship” between the US, Mexico, and China, particularly from a Mexican perspective. With the global reemergence of China since the last decade of the 20th century, the relationship between Mexico and the US has substantially shifted in a variety of ways. The analysis first focuses on the general socioeconomic triangular relationship of Mexico with the US and China, based on a literature review; issues involving Chinese trade and foreign direct investment (FDI), are highlighted, as well as the overall relationship of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) with China. The next section discusses topics concerning this triangular relationship that are currently being analyzed in Mexico, particularly regarding China. The final part of the analysis concentrates on the main characteristics of this “new triangular relationship,” policy questions, and future research issues.
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7

Szabó, Máté. "Wood Industry in the Region of the Dráva at the Age of Dualism." In Different Approaches to Economic and Social Changes: New Research Issues, Sources and Results, 132–45. Working Group of Economic and Social History Regional Committee of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Pécs, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/seshst-02-12.

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The purpose of the study. In the rapidly industrializing Hungary, the wood industry became an important economic branch in the country by the beginning of the 20th century, which also played a significant role in the country’s foreign trade. This industry was extremely important in the area I studied, as the forest cover along the Dráva was above the national average, and the quality of the forest stock also had an international reputation. In the last third of the 19th century, domestic and foreign demand for wood products increased, which was accompanied by an increase in the purchase prices of wood raw materials. Applied methods. I involved sources from monographies, employment and census records, and my own data from researches of archives. In my study I present the larger wood companies in the region, the results of the plants, the operation and extent of the industry, and their market relations. I also made a structural analysis examining the entrepreneur and its business together. Outcomes. During this period, the logistical and transportation possibilities of the region improved, as the railway lines – built almost completely until the war – networked the region. In addition to transport on the river, crossing opportunities also increased, so the raw material could reach a processing unit more and more quickly. In the age of dualism, a strong stratum of forest owners and entrepreneurs in the wood industry developed. Major wood industry enterprises were established mainly in the larger estates (Bellye, Dárda, Barcs, Berzence) or through citizenship in the territory of certain large municipalities. Outstanding among these was the Beliscian plant beyond the Dráva, which in two decades had become the largest timber company in Central Europe, employing thousands of people.
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8

Мельничук, Юлія. "Рецепція релігійної проблематики в газеті „Нова Буковина” (1912–1914) в контексті суспільно-історичних процесів." In W kręgu prasy dawnej i współczesnej. Wybrane problemy (1), 184–201. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/978-83-7996-915-9_11.

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Social and historical circumstances created close ties between the religious life of Bukovina and the political situation in Austro-Hungary at the beginning of the 20th century. The indicated analogy is confirmed by materials published in regional magazines, including „Nowa Bukovina” („Нова Буковина”), 1912–1914. Most religious issues were analyzed through the prism of the socio-political situation in the region, which confirms the topicality of the research issue. Ukrainian researchers of religious issues in the context of historical processes include Alla Boyko (Алла Бойко), Stepan Kostia (Степан Костя), Maria Rozhiła (Марія Рожило), Marian Łozynski (Мар’ланян Лаланане Лаланянасалалане (Альона Ігнатуша) and others. Nevertheless, the research issues defined above require more detailed research. The problem of establishing a separate Ukrainian Orthodox Church in Bukovina, independent of the Romanian one, can be called one of the most relevant for the inhabitants of Chernivtsi at the beginning of the 20th century. The position of the local regional intelligentsia received support from some local media. In 1885, the Ukrainian newspaper „Bukovina” was established in Chernivtsi. Throughout its existence (until 1910), this edition supported the idea of creating a Ukrainian church. The politicians of the region largely contributed to the popularization of the idea of the church for Ukrainians, even though some of them were Greek Catholics. Among others, Omelian Popowycz (Омелян Попович), Jerotej Pigulak (Єротей Пігуляк) and Stepan Smal-Stocki (Степан Смаль-Стоцький) often stressed the need to regulate the religious issue in the pages of „Bukovina”. However, the political turmoil scattered pro-Ukrainian patriotic forces. The conflict between Stepan Smal-Stocki and Mykola Wasylko (Микола Василько) led to the closure of „Bukovina”, and the editors split. Some researchers, including Arkadij Żywotko (Аркадій Животко) and Myrosław Romaniuk (Мирослав Романюк) define „Nowa Bukovina” (1912–1914) as the heir to the idea of „Bukovina”. In fact, it was an attempt by M. Wasylek, who looked after the magazine, to renew the previous newspaper, which, due to the new team of authors and the deterioration of relations with Stapan Smal-Stocki, did not bring success. The first issue of „Nowa Bukovina” was published on January 13, 1912. The news-paper was printed in the printing house of Ivan Zacharek (Іван Захарко), the publisher was Jerotej Pigulak (Єротей Пігуляк), and the responsible editor was Osyp Dik (Осип Дік). The newspaper survived until mid-1914. The not very lasting success of „Nowa Bukovina” in the field of religious topics resulted both from imitating the editorial policy of „Bukovina” (1885–1910), and thanks to the efforts of Jerotej Pigulak. The materials on religious topics in Nowa Bukowina, and even the heroes of the publication, were very similar to materials and characters from the relevant columns of the previous newspaper. In the publications of the journal from 1912–1914, we noted 66 different materials on religious topics. Compared to „Bukovina”, the leader remained the topics of the Romanianization of the church (25 materials), the issue of the division of the Orthodox diocese (17 publications, the topicality increased), the „Ukrainian question” in the church (8 materials), Muscovy (5 materials), religion, state and politics (4 materials), religion on a global scale (4 materials), controversial aspects of religion in the media (3 materials). Religious issues on the front pages of „Nowa Bukowina” were quite varied thematically. A whole range of socio-political factors contributed to this, including national and religious relations in the country, the political situation and the position of the Orthodox consistory. The analysis of the concept of „Nowa Bukovina” shows a clear influence of the precursor, ie the predecessor – the newspaper „Bukowina”, which can also be seen in materials on religious topics, including publications on the Romanianization of the Orthodox Church. The fundamental problem concerned not so much religious diversity as the situation when the consistory forcibly introduced a foreign language and culture. This naturally triggered other topics, namely the division of the diocese (as a necessary agreement for the development of Ukrainians in Bukovina) and the role of Ukrainians in the process of establishing a separate church. It is obvious that similar materials looked like a peculiar appeal of authors writing about Ukrainian national identity, because during this period the church was treated as one of the determinants of identity.
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